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TfTuT
I\YY\ Alexander, Elbert Cos. Shad
ows of Life.
\V. C. Holt, Columbus Ga. Southern
Poetry. Its Present and Prospective
State.
II 11. Hill, Troup County. Thou,
that goest to Padua, where mv harp hangs
on a cypress, salute it in my name, and
say that I am oppressed with years and
misfortunes. [Tasso in Prison.
G. AY'. Holland, Jasper County. The
Force of Example.
Thomas I. Bacon, Liberty County.
Nay, Women arc trail too.
u\ y, as the glasses where they view themselves.
[Sh&ksfieare.
The following members of the Gradu
ating Class were appointed Commence
ment Orators:
T. W. White, P. K. S. Elbert Cos. 2d
Honor. Salutatory.
“ There arc more things in heaven ami earth, Ho
ratio,
Than are dreamt of in your philosophy.”
James Laßoche, P. K. S. St. Joh's
Colleton, S. C. For what would an
American citizen exchange his inherit
ance ?
Jabcz L. M. Curry, P. Iv. S. Tallade
ga Cos., Ala.
No more —no more—Oh 1 never more on me.
The freshness of the heart can fall like dew.”
[Uyron-
J. Howell Anderson, I). S. Salem,
Ga. 4th Honor. The limit of human
knowledge.
William Lundy, D. S. Macon, Ga.—
Dawn of Philosophy.
S. 1). Kirkpatrick, P. K. S. Decatur,
Ga. 3d Honor. Old Romance.
L. G. McElvy, 1). S. Decatur Cos. Ga.
31 Honor. The glory of England and
America contrasted.
John L. Bird, P. K. S. Crawfordville
Ga. (Excused.)
LaFayette Lamar, D. S. Lincolnian,
Ga. 4th Honor. “The wise want love,
and those who love, want Wi.-dotn.”
[Shelley.
Linton Stephens, P. K. S. Crauford
rille, Ga. Ist Honor. Valedictory. I
We were prevented by the dense
crowd, and Ihe remoteness of our posi
tion, from distinctly hearing all the speak-.
ers. What we did hear, however, satis- i
lied us that the young gentlemen had
added to good native mind., a degree of;
application to the pursuits in which they j
have for the lat four years been engaged,
alike honorable to them and their pre
ceptors.
After the orations had been delivered,
the Degrees were conferred, concluding
with a very feeling and practical address i
from Ihe President.
The Degree of A. 11. was then confer
red upon the following gentlemen, com- j
prising the Graduating Class :
G. YV. Allen, Abbeville J)i Irict, S. C.;
J. H. Anderson, Salem, Geo.; S. K. i
Borders, Alabama ; J. S. Bird, Taliaferro
Cos.; J. L. M. Curry, Talladega, Ala;
R. Henderson, Newton eo.; J. F. King,
Wayne co.; S. D. Kirkpatrick, DcKalb
co.; J. 1 ,aßo< he, (. lesto l, S. C.: 1,.
Lamar, Lincoln ce.; L. G. MeElvy,
Florida; J. Morrow, Abbeville S. C.;
E. H. Pottle, Camdeu co.; Linton Ste
phens, Taliaferro co.; W. Y. Stoke.,
.Morgan co.; J. Turner, 3 .incolu co.; T.
"YV. White, Elbert co.; Win. Lundy,
Bibb eo.
And that of A. M. upon (lie following
former Graduates of this Institution :
Win. P. White; Benj. Al. Palmer;
Adam G. Foster; Win. Williams; Au
gustin Wingfield ; Benj. C. Bonner ; YV.
11. Dabney ; Augustin L. Borders ; Jos.
11. Echols; Louis A* Goneke.
The honorary Degree of L. L. 1). was
also, by unanimous vote of the Ti n. tees,
conferred upon one of Carolina’s most
li tinguished sous, Hon. George Alc-
Juffie, who lias been one of our guests I
he present week.
To-day the ceremonies will close with
m Address by the Hon. F. YY r . Pickens,
lefore the two Literary Societies of the
Jollcge. The high reputation which
his gentleman enjoys, authorises us to
mlicipate such a repast, as shall furnish
in appropriate conclusion to the iutel
ectual enjoyments of the week. —Athens
limner.
“TO THE PEOPLE OP GEORGIA.”
The following aide and eloquent article from ttie
Aetcrsburg Republican, addrnaril lo the |ieo|>!e o.
/irginia, wit! lose none of it-.? force or applicability by
icing addressed to the People of Georgia. We ask
or it the candid and serious consideration of every
republican reader.
TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
NO. It.
Fellow Citizens :
In a recent number of the Enquirer,
the Editor has displayed the adroitness
for which he is so distinguished. He
has employed the art of a perfect Tacti
cian. Availing himself of the impru
dence of one of the friends of Mr. Tyler,
he inserts an anonymous communication,
and takes advantage of the occasion to
open the eyes of tlie country “to the real
prospect of any co-operation” between
Mr. Tyler and the friends of any other
candidate. The Green-Eyed Monster is
thus turned loose to do his oliices among
men.
Mr. Tyler is admonished to abandon
all “impracticable aspirations”—“any
idle hopes of ambition”—all ideas of the
Presidency;”—“lo purge his Cabinet,”
and then “he may command any man
who is calculated to serve the Stat
Who are thus “-calculated to serve the
State ?” A grave question truly ; which
may lie answered by the sagacious Edi
tor, when his suggestions are adopted by
that President, who “ with all his errors
—ic th his former devolion to the 15 it ig
Party,'' &c., is yet graciously recog
nised as one, who “ has done the State
some service, by his Vetoes.”
1 will not presume that the distinguish
cA Editor, who so z.-aiotwly inculcates
YYhig Party” as an insuperable objection
on the part of Democrats. It might gen
erate dangerous feuds, and impair his
character tor prudent caution.
The allusion, however, has aroused
attention, and if the suggestion be deem
ed important, the Editorial assumes far
greater consequence when considered in
other aspects. In it, the Enquirer is made
to assume its position in the next Presi
dential canvass —and Mr. Ritchie stands
out the avowed advocate of Mr. Van Bu
reu, as compared witn all Ihe distinguish
ed Statesmen, whose names have been
brought to the public attention, in con
nexion with the Democratic National
Convention. And not only has he ac
complished this delicate maneuvre with
bis accustomed dexterity and address,
but in taking up his position, he has stu
diously and signally improved its advan
tages. He defiles under cover of a cor
respondent of “The Alexandria Gazette,”
who is made to encourage the drooping
spirits of the followers of Mr. Van Buren,
by exhibiting calculations on which his
hopes are founded, and expressing confi
d- nt expectations of success, if these
predictions should be falsified in the se
quel, Mr. ILlchie forfeits no character
ibr sagacity.
lint neither the “Eulogy'” of Mr. Ty
ler, nor “the correspondent of the Alex
andria Gazette,” had achieved all which
was necessary; and it was reserved for
tlie Enquirer itself to appeal to the strong
est feeling which can be awakened in
behalf of its favorite—the desire to beat
the Whigs with the very candidate who
was crushed in the conte.-t of 1810.—
“The injury which the Republican Par
tv rcceivi and in IS 10 mut he redressed by
the ‘sober, second thought of the People.”’
“ YVe must be righted through whose
sides we were wronged.” Such is the
sentiment to be aroused by an apt and
beautiful quotation from Air. Van Buren !
Nothing could be more delicate and ap
propriate, and certainly nothing more ef
ficient !
'Phoso who hold large intercourse
with the People, h ive perceived a strong
disposition among the Democrats, to beat
the Whigs, with the very candidate who
was overthrown in ISIO. Audit is ob
vious, from the extensive prevalence of
this feeling, that its foundation is laid
deep in the principles of our nature. The
sagacious and experienced editor of the
Enquirer, determined to engage it in the
accomplishment of the groat object of his
wishes—the nomination and success of
Mr. Yan Buren.
In all this, there is nothing of which
one can complain. It is natural that a
great statesman should attempt the ac
complishment of great ends—and none
can be offended, if in his efforts, he should
appeal to tile just and natural sentiments
of the heart. But if it lie ju 'tillable in
the Editor to appeal to this feeling to in
tlueuce the judgments of the public mind,
it is our duty to analyse it, to ascertain
whether its suggestions may be trusted—
whether it can be adopted as a guide, in
matters of the utmost moment AY hat
then is this feeling which thus actuates j
the Democrats—inspiring the desire lo
beat the YVhigs with the candidate who
was beaten in IS ii). Is it a suggestion
of right Reason / or is it merely one of
those emotions of the heart—which, how
ever natural, never fail to betray us into
weakness and folly/ YYill the mere
identity of the candidate, give additional
satieliiy to our cause / or increased vital
ity to our principles? or will it enable
us to achieve any higher aim of political
philosophy? These questions will not
bear an examination. It is clear the Re
publican Principle will not be more per
spicuou 4y or beautifully illustrated—nor
established on n more solid foundatiqp.
It may afford a petty, personal gratifica
tion to his followers—and the candidate
himself may be furnished with a motive
to remove the stigma supposed to be iu
i ident to defeat. But this is merely and
purely personal—and every man knows
and feels that it is not a consideration
worthy to influence a decision involving
such momentous consequences. All per
sonal considerations are disavowed and
discredited by the very motto of the En
quirer. And the editor must in candor
: concede the personal gratification or per
sonal interests of Air. Van Buren, would
fumi'hlo the Republican parly, a mo
tive grossly inadequate lo the decision of
a question, involving Ihe triumph or over
throw of their principles. The people of
the United States have too ifoep concern
in the high office of the Presidency, to
confer it as an object of individual grali
• filiation, or to avenge an individual af
| front. Besides—disgrace is not necessa
| l ily connected wit Ii defeat. If our con
duct be marked with skill and courage,
we meet, without reproach, the fortune
of war. Xenophon, by his retreat, has
thrown around his memory itnperi liable
renown—and all our sympathies are ou
traged in behalf of the A’irtuous, who suf
fer adversity with patient resignation and
dignity.
Nor will this dhpo-ition to “be right
ed through who-e sides we were wrong
ed” be found more defensible, when ex
amined with reference to its bearing on
our adversaries. Indeed, thus analysed,
it degenerates into the barbarous senti
ment of revenge. Far from being re
ceived as furnishing a rule of human
conduct, it is driven out from the pale of
civilization, and sent to preside over t!>e
frantic transports of the savage, exulting
in the writhings of the victim at the
stake. AY e are expressly forbidden by
Divine mandate, to indulge the spirit of
revenge. In contempt of this high in
junction, it is said sometimes to furnish
a principle of action to the softer sex —
I “ JSvvtvt is Revenue —< -jvi ially to wo non,”
but the noble author of the severe sar
casm, a cribcs a far nobler sentiment to
men , even when struggling ’mid the fu
ry and havoc of war.
To deter nine to “ he righted through
whose sides we were wronged,” for the
Democratic party', would be still more
reprehensible. It would be to sacrifice
the cause of the country on the altar of
the very demon of se fishness ; and I am
persuaded that, after a candid examina
tion into the nature of this desire to “ be
righted through whose sides we were
wronged,” it will be condemned and re
jected by the Republican party as inade
quate and inadmissible—revengeful and
selfish.
These remarks are not expected to
show that Mr. Van Buren ought not to
be chosen by the National (’onvention as
tiie Republican candidate for the Presi
dency, but they are relied upon to prove,
that we ought not to be influenced iu our
choice by I lie reason urged by Mr.
Ritchie.
In determining a question of such mag
nitude, we will not yield to the desire to
gratify Mr. Van Buren personally—or to
vex the YVhigs—or to secure a fleeting
gratification to ourselves. All these will
be rejected as insignificant when com
pared with our solemn duty to our coun
try'. The best interests of that country
will lie vitally etfected by the result of
the next Presidential election, and the
success of the Republican party is essen
tial to the advancement of those interests.
YYe must adopt the best mode of ensur
ing success. “ Cateris paribus we
should select the candidate who would
most perfectly enforce—most beautifully
illustrate—nio.-t firmly establish the Re
publican principle. But we must con
sult t lie suggestions of prudence, and cal
culate the chances of success and the
probable comparative strength of onr par
ty, when rallied under either chief. The
questions which we have to determine
are, who will most certainly ensure our
success / who will ensure us the great
est numerical strength / who will most
securely —most effectually —most tri
umphantly carry out and enforce and
establish our principles? In forming
conclusions on these interesting subjects,
we must reason on the facts before us.
YY'e dare not blindly close our eyes to
the evidences spread out through the
country. If, by such fatuity, we sacri
!i< : the lasting happiness of the People,
posterity would “ sting us with their!
curses in our graves.” YYe must coolly !
contemplate the difficulties of our situa
tion, and prove ourselves equal to the
crisis. YY 7 e must calmly look into the
condition of things, and determine wheth- j
or the indications of the popular mind
will justify the selection of Mr. Van Bu
ren, as calculated, above all ot her men,
most certainly to lead us on to victory.
From certain allusions, we arc author
ized to infer, that the institution of such
an inquiry may be regarded as the dis
play of opposition to Mr. Van Buren, if it
do not even bring one under suspicion
of disaffection to the Republican cause.
I deny the justice of the suggestion, and
disavow its applicability to me—but l
am not to be deterred from a candid and
respectful examination of his claims, as
compared with his distinguished compet
itors for the confidence and favor of the
country. In preferring my appeal to the
Republican party, to decide whether they
will select him as their candidate, should
they give an atlinunlive response, 1 pro
pose to acquiesce, and give him my hearty
suffrage. But I should lament—should
deplore the selection—because I believe,
that, more than any other cause, it would
bring into peril the final, the triumphant
success of our principles.
It is now very generally conceded,
that his original elevation was fortuitous
—not ascribable to his own strength, nor
induced by the natural operation of any
i strong principle of our political system,
affected or acted on, by the characteristics
iof the individual man. Rejected by the
; violence of his enemies as Minister near
j the Court of St. James, he engaged the
i sympathy of the Jackson party. In (heir
resentment, against the Senate, they rai.s
-led him to the Y 7 ice Presidency of the li
nked States—-and made him “heir ap
parent to the throne.” In fulfilment of
their purpose, they nude him President.
But all violent emotions are of short du
ration : Such is the constitution of man
—and when by the operation of natural
causes, the fervor of popular enthusiasm
was allayed, and lie was left lo rely on
his own strength, he afforded an easy and
almost unresisting conquest to his embit
tered and exasperated locs.
’His victorious conquerors indulged in
excesses, and in their turn, experienced
that stem rebuke and sad reverse which
Public Justice never fails, sooner or la
ter, to indict on atrocious outrage. But
the popular detestation of the arrogant
and frantic excesses of the dominant par
: ty of IS 11, furnished no indication of
1 popular regard for Mr. Van Buren. It
hud no relation, no reference to him. It
was the judgment of condemnation pro
nounced—almost fiercely pronounced—
by an entire and indignant country, on
the faction which perverted and prostitu
! ted power. In these occurrences he
’ seeks in vain for the evidences of the re
viving affections of the People. Ameri
ca sighs not for the renewed embraces of
I her rejected Lord; and we shall but de
j ceive ourselves, if we trust again to pop
[ ular fervor, to raise him, once more, to
j the summit of political elevation. Let I
, him meet, wit)i the fortitude of true great
-1 ness, the irreversible late which has over
-1 taken him.
'l’lie Republican party have a solemn
duty to perform. They are underastrong,
imperative obligation to the country and
! to posterity, to a< hieve a victory in the
approaching contest, and ensure the as
cendency of the Republiban primiple.
They are bound by the high sanctions
of honor—to examine with caution—and
decide with candor on the plan of their
operation. They have no right to give
away the Presidency as mere matter of
furor —nor consult, in their resolves, the
illusory and seductive suggestions of self.
'Filey must act upon a system for the
public good, and weigh the evidences
should prompt us to designate .Air. Y'an
Buren as the Republican candidate for
the Presidency / How shall we justify
the choice liefore the country ? Have
we the evidences of his popularity ? Do
we know of any considerable body of
men who were opposed to him in 1840,
and who will now yield him their sup
port ? YY e have the result of the elec
tions gloriously sustaining the Republi
can cause. But they had no reference
to him. Perhaps if he had constituted
the issue, the result might have been less
brilliant. Public aversion to obnoxious
individuals has occasion illy retarded the
progress of Truth, and rejected princi
ples have sometimes triumphed, when
freed from the dead weight of individual
unpopularity. It might furnish scope
for iuferesting inquiry, to ascertain how
far we have been thus effected in our
own all-glorious career, since the mourn
ful events of 1840. The dreadful expe
rience of the last Presidential election
may not be altogether lost to Republicans,
if we learn from it, no other lesson, than
that our adversaries are capable of great
exertion.
Unless it can be shown that there are
whole classes, or imiheuse numbers ready
to support Mr. Y'nti Buren now—who
were opposed to him in 1840. Republi
cans will pause long, before they select
him as their candidate. Without some
strong assurances of success, we shall be
false to our principles—false to posterity
—false to our country and false to our
selves, if under the influence of consid
erations, grossly inadequate—we stake
the sacred cause of our country, on the
fortunes of a champion, under whom we
have been once donned to the most dis
astrous —most signal—mostcomplete and
humiliating overthrow known to the his
tory of political parties.
YVliat then is the lesson which we de
rive from the experience of 1840 / It is
a painful retrospect; but as men and
patriots we are bound lo contemplate it
with fairness. South Carolina voted for
Y an Buren ; but it will be conceded that
her vote was not secured by the strength
of Ins personal popularity. Indeed it
may be safely assumed that, she might
have been as readily induced to support
any other man, who had sustained the
same policy and principles. Her vote
was purely oue of principle ; not unat
tended with heavy sacrifices of teelings.
If she be excluded from the computation,
Mr. Van Buren was beaten (145,775.)
One hundred and forty Jive thousand
seven hundred and seventy Jive votes !
In his own State he was beaten (13,-
293) thirteen thousand two hundred
and ninety three votes 1
When we look to the list of States we
find recorded for
YY in. H. Harrison, (nineteen,) 19
For Martin Van Buren, (seven !) 7
If we transfer our examination to the
i Electoral Colleges, we find the whole
number to liuve®cousisted of two hun
dred and ninety four (294,) of which
YY in. 11. Harrison received two
hundred and thirty-lbur, 231
Martin Van Buren only sixty ! fit)
Os these sixty votes, there were cast
for Mr. V an Buren,
By New Hampshire, 7
Illinois, 5
Missouri, 4
Virginia, 23
South Carolina, 11
Alabama, 7
Arkansas, 3
Let us consider what proportion of
these was secured by considerations of
personal devotion, or even individual
preference for Mr. Van Buren.
Os South Carolina 1 have already spo
ken. lie received her support through
the generous magnanimity of her sons,
who, yielding to the impulses of the loft
iest patriotism, unhesitatingly recognised
the obligations of duty, and sustained
their principles, even in the person of an
individual, whom they —did not love.
Deduct her eleven and there remains
forty-nine on his poll.
It is presumed there is not one man in
our State who would hazard the opinion,
that the Republican party in Virginia,
has derived strength from the name of
Martin Van Buren. There are those
who very sincerely believe that, but for
the unfortunate connexion, our adversa
ries could never have become so formid
i able. Yet, Gen. Harrison well nigh
overran the State. Our popular vote in
1840, may be estimated at 86,395, and
the majority of the Republican Ticket,
may be set down at (1391) thirteen hun
dred and ninety-one ! So near was Vir
ginia. passing under the yoke ! To our
candid Republican brethren, it is sub
mitted to decide, whether they were not
saved that mortification, by Ihe strenuous
exertions of many State Rights men—to
whom Mr. Van Buren was known to be
unacceptable. Men who triumphed over
themselves, and gave him their support
under a strong sense of duty, and disin
terested devotion to the principles of the
Constitution. V irginia remained Repub
lican in defiance of the unpopularity of
the Republican candidate. And if her
vote of 23 be deducted from 49, there
remains but 26 on the poll of Air. Van
Buren.
Causes, similar to those which opera
ted in Virginia, anl exerted a mighty iu
lluence in Alabama. Some of her most
distinguished sons, who acknowledged a
strong aversion to Mr. Van Buren per
sonally —did violence to their own pre
dilections—recorded their votes for the
Republican ticket, and suffered martyr
dom for their principles. The Stale was
saved to the Republican cause, through
the chivalrous etforts of States Rights
men ; and, if her seven electoral votes j
lie deducted from the twenty-six, we have I
the stupendous result of nineteen votes
from the Electoral Colleges, recorded on
the poll of Martin Vufi Buren !!
Even in some of the States which gave
him those nineteen votes, his majorities
were smaller than the majorities on deni-1
Buren should be nominated to preserve
the unity, settle the faith, and secure the
eo-operation of our Sort hern confeder
ates.—lt might be ungracious to trace
the just implication, but there are exist
ing facts, which it may lie useful to ex
amine, to form a just idea of the degn*e
of Northern co-operation, which may
reasonably be expected to result from
such a policy.
North of the Potomac and East of the
Alleghanies there are eleven States—of
these Mr. Van Buren received but one !
and even in that one his majority was
two thousand less than the majority of
the Democratic Governor ! Those ele
ven States were entitled to 136 votes in
the Electoral Colleges—of which YV. H.
Harrison received one hundred and
twenty-nine and Mr. Van Buren received
seven ! And in the same States, Mr.
Van Buren was beaten in the popular
votes by a clear aggregate majority of
about sixty thousand!
It is submitted then as worthy of re
flection whether it be wise to calculate o ;
securing aid from those States by nomi
nating Aim as the Republican candidate.
We cannot turn from this unpleasant
exhibit and closing our eyes to the hor
rible spectacle, trust to fortune for deliv
erance. YYe must gaze steadily on our
difficulties thoroughly comprehend
them—and improve our means to avert
or to overcome them.
Let us institute a candid and cautious
examination into the causes of the catas
trophe of 1840. What occasioned that
due result? With great deference to the
undoubted sagacity of Mr. Ritchie, 1
deem that he is content to ascribe it to
causes utterly inadequate and unsatisfac
tory. That somewhat may have been
accomplished by the fraudulent practises
of our adversaries, is by no means in
credible. A few thousand suffrages may
have been contioiled; but to assert, that
one hundred ad forty five thousand,
seven hundred and seventy Jive votes
were bought and sold, is to ascribe to the
People of America a degree of corruption
and depravity, endangering the liberties
of the country, and disgusting and re
volting to the moral sense of the world.
In vindication of the moral character of
my country, 1 declare in the spirit of
candor and sincerity, 1 do not believe it.
Nothing but disaster can mark the folly
which would regulate the conduct of a
great political party, or an assumption so
glaringly erroneous, and disparaging to
the character of the American People.
Nor shall we be more sate to ascribe
our defeat to the “ mummeries of the
YVhigs.” Those “ mummeries” were an
offence against good taste ; and took their
origin in a contempt for popular intelli
gence. They were addressed to that
class of our people who are deridingly
denominated the “Hurra Boys” and who,
by the YVhigs, are supposed to be exempt
from t!ic influence of reason, and given
up to the dominion of the wildest irn
pulses. To assert that the judgment of
the country could be swayed by such in
fluences, is to go far to concede, that our
enlightened countrymen are incapable of
the high functions of self-government,
and I am loath to believe, that a right
eous cause, founded on pure principles,
and represented in the person of a popu
lar candidate, could be thrown into dis
credit by such “mummeries.” Indeed
1 believe that such mummeries attempted
against such a cause, so represented,
would cover their projectors with dis
grace. It is only after a cause has been
defeated by some more powerful though
latent influence, that such “mummeries”
can be advantageously employed, to ren
der the overthrow anil victory complete.
Such an excitement could never have
been kindled, by such means, against
Washington, or Jefferson, or Madison, or
Jackson, when sustaining the best inter
ests of the country.
Rejecting the untenable and danger
ous illusion, that the election of 1840
was ascribable to the “ mummeries, mis
representations andfraudsof the YY’liigs,” j
I conjure my countrymen once more to
recur to the lesson of experience, explore j
the fatal field of ’4O, and contemplate the
catastrophe with the patient, inquisitive
eye of Philosophy, seeking to gather
strength from adversity. In prosecuting
such an investigation, we shall be con
strained to refer the stupendous results
of that disastrous era, to the Principles
involved in the discussion, or, to the
character of the men, who stood forth as
their exponents.
In other words, our defeat must be
ascribed, either to the unpopularity of
our Principles, or to the unpopularity of
our candidate. But it cannot be neces
sary to adduce arguments to prove to the
Democratic Republican Party, that their
defeat was not occasioned by the want of
purity or popularity of their Principles.
Then it must have been occasioned by
some objection personal to the candidate;
and as it cannot be imputed to any just
charge of impurity in the candidate, it
follows, that, our cause was overwhelmed
—ous Principles disgraced, and our par
ty subjected to the deepest mortification,
in consequence of the personal unpopu
larity of Air. Van Buren. And I appeal
to every man of candor, who professes
the Republican creed—no matter wheth
er he lives in the North or in the South
—or in the East, or in the YYest—on the
Mountain or in the Yhile ; 1 refer it to the
secret thoughts of his heart to decide,
whether he does not know and feel that
Air. Van Buren is unpopular!
“ Arul none did love Inm!“
If the election of IS 10 he conclusive
and indisputable to prove the personal
unpopularity of Air. Van Buren at that
time, can we rely on any supervening de
velopment to establish a change in the
popular feeling? AVhat are “the assu
rances on which the friends of Air. Ann j
Buren rely for his re-election ?” —They j
are stated by the Correspondent of the 1
Alexandria Gazette, and adopted by the .
of his pa rty in 18440. 1 Ins proves tT.-T
“ his party ’ was lamentably and pifious
ly unable to elect him !
Ido not believe “he received the un
divided support” of the Republican
Party. That Party, undivided, could
have elected any candidate; but with
Mr. Van Buren as their leader, they could
not be preserved in unbroken phalanx.
They were torn into fragments, and a
remnant degenerated into the Van Lu
na Party , coldly sustained by some
who were ready to testify their devotion
to the Republican Principle, even when
represented in his person. It was but a
fragment of Republicans who encounter
ed the defeat of 1840. It is verily be
lieved that the Republican Party never
could have witnessed the triumph of their
adversaries, if some of them had not fa
tuitously endeavored to force the honors
of the country on Mr. Van Buren in
defiance of a strong feeling of repug
nance, with which he has been ever re
garded by many good and true Repub
licans.
These are unpalatable truths—but if
they be truths,they cannot be disregarded
with safety, and 1 fear if we turn away
from their contemplation as objects disa
greeable to the eye—taking no steps to
obviate their force, we are doomed to in
cur a heavy penalty, and its bitterness,
| to expiate the egregious folly.
But we are told that “he received up
wards of 400,000 votes more in 1840,
when defeated, than when elected in
1836.” Perhaps, this may be ascribed in
part, with justice, to the practice of
Fraud—in part to the actual numerical
increase of the constitutional body;—and
| perhaps, in a still greater degree, to a
very thin election in 1836. And what
| are the just inferences from this fact sta
j ted by the Correspondent of the Alexan
dria Gazette, and relied upon as an as
• suranee of the re-election of Mr. Van Bu
ren/ It would seem to prove conclu
sively, First, that, in 1836, when he en
joyed the full benefit of the popularity
■of President Jackson, lie was but coldly
received by the people, and entirely un
| able to inspire that ti-rvor of popular emo
tion, necessary to bring out the strength
of the Party. Second, that lie was re
-1 garded by his adversaries in 1840 with
| such a feeling of incurable aversion and
implacable abhorrence, as to stimulate
them to those wonderful efforts, which
produced results absolutely confounding
all human calculations and transcending
human credulity.
It would appear then from this fact
adduced as an assurance of his re-election
—that the man recommended by the cor
respondent of the Alexandria Gazette,and
by the Richmond Enquirer, as the Re
publican candidate for the Presidency, is
one who engages not the affections of his
friends, though lie inspires his adversa
ries with loathing disgust, and implacable
hate !
YY'e are next referred to the immense
diminution of the AY big vote exhibited
in a lew months after the election of 1840,
iu die States of Maine, New York, Penn
sylvania, and Ohio. But it is not stated
! by the writer, there was a corresponding
I increase of the Democratic vote. On the
contrary, it is justly inferable from his
j statement, that there was no such in
crease,and that the elections were carried
by the Democrats in consequence of the
! failure of their adversaries to cast their
votes. If this were the fact, it would
prove the existence of a Whig strength
able to beat Mr. Van Lurcn. But sup
pose this not to be the fact, and that both
; parties fairly polled their strength in the
| second series of elections to which the
writer refers, then there is no resisting
the conclusion, that the Republicans,
when separated from Mr. Van Buren,
were stronger than when connected with
him. Because in the elections of 1840,
when his name headed their Ticket, they
suffered the most mortifying defeat;
whereas, in the second series of elections,
; when our Tickets were disencumbered
| of his name, we rushed resistless to all
1 glorious victory.
j The present condition of political par
ties in Virginia, furnishes another “as
surance” to this writer of the re-election
of Mr. Van Buren, but every candid
mind must admit, that the strength of the
Republican party in the Old Dominion,
is not increased by the probability that he
is to be the Republican candidate for the
Presidency. On the contrary, it is known
there are many who loiter and linger
about the outskirts of the camp of the
enemy, who would rush to us with en
thusiasm, if we blit hang out the banner
of another leader.
The last “assurance of his re-election - ’
adduced by this writer, is the supposition
that “it is believed, of all the members of
Congress elected to the next session, there
are not twenty Whigs.”
'This affords no proof of the popular
regard for Air. Van Huron, because the
elections were not conducted on any is
sue involving his personal popularity.—
The present forlorn condition of the
AY liigs is justly referable to far different
causes, and we have no reason to suppose
the Republican succe-scs would have
been less brilliant, if Mr. V. B. had been
long since “gathered to his fathers.”
In 1839, the Republicans carried a
firm ajority of Congress on the issue
of the independent Treasury
lu 1840, the Republicans were over
whelmed on the personal issue of Mar
tin Van Buren.
In 1841, when that personal issue was
dropped, the Repub icons triumphed on
the strength of their principles.
Let them pause before they renew
that personal issue in ISI4.
From the days of Mr. Jefferson, the R e *
publican party had maintained the ascen
dency. Alter the glorious termination
ot the glorious contest of 1841, we wer e
able to maintain steady and respectable
majorities every where out of ''“'A a]
England. In 1824, we weae betrayal