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which it may he expected to exert on
the councils and action of the whole par
ty, throughout the Union, we feel au
thorized to expect, if not require, that
whatever of action inconsistent therewith
may have, on several occasions in State
and Federal bodies, casually crept into
the course of a portion of our Northern
friends shall hereafter be fully rectified
and redeemed—and that whatever can
didate may hope to be honored with the
suffrages of the Republican party of Vir
ginia, shall, in principle and conduct, ex
hibit concurrence of thought and feeling.
Upon these anticipations, and with
the full understanding that our solemn
convictions on the important principles
involved in the organization of the pro
posed National Convention, though their
assertion has been temporarily waived,
have neither been compromised nor a
handoned, we feel justified in appealing
to you, brethren of the Republican faith,
who have shared our peculiar predilec
tions, hopes and apprehensions to yield
to the considerations ofduty to our party
and our country which have govered us,
and to unite cordially and firmly with
us in the course indicated for the main
tenance and establishment of our com
mon principles.
It is true, that, for the present, we fore
go the high gratification of rendering the
imperfect tribute of our suffrages to that
distinguished Statesman, JOHN C.
CALHOUN, whose pre-eminent abili
ties, profound political sagacity, and en
larged experience have extended the wis,
•dotn and illustrated the annals of his
age ; and the surpassing purity of whose
lite and character has exemplified in
happy union the genius which exalts to
Fame with the generous affections and
genial sympathies which subdue the soul
to virluc. Hut to this, his owu magnan
imous spirit has consented, and the ne
cessities of an evil time, and of special
circumstances have constrained Nor
even in this are we unmindful of him
whom it is our proud distinction to have
admired and appreciated, since from the
merit of the generous sacrifice we have
made, in a spirit of magnanimity kind
red to h»3 own, we may hope will result
throughout the Republican party a loft
ier conception of the elevation of his
character and the purity of his principles,
and a juster award in future of honor to
tits pre-eminent claims. We can also
know and feci that whatever the sacrifice
•of personal predilection, we shall, in the
coming contest, be battling manfully for
the preservation of those great principles
of States Rights, Republican Liberty,
and Southern interests, in the deep devo
tion to which, wc recognise the affinities
that most strongly bina him to our affec
tions. Our conciousncss, too, will be
strong and consoling, that to our party
and our country wc are discharging a
high and solemn duty.
The spectres of those monsters of par
tial and unconstitutional legislation,
which, engendered from the foul em
braces of monopolizing and corrupting
interest, enjoyed a brief existence during
the period of Whig domination in 1810,
have not yet wholly disappeared from
the Halls of Congress, nor vanished from
the eyes of the nation. They await but
the vivifying breath of a Wbig majority
to be reanimated into a yet more fright
ful existence, and with its encourage
ment, to fasten like harpies on the best
interests of the nation, a National Rank
to buy up the monied interests of the
country, and to control for the further
ance of avarice or power the property
and labor of all—a Tariff to build up
and sustain, at the expense of gross op
pression and exactions on all, but espe
cially us of the .South, grand mnnufac-
turin monopolies, on which the Govern
fnent may rest the maintennee of its own
abuses, and the perpetuation of its as
sumed powers—a Gigantic Scheme to
make the sovereign States stipendiaries
of Federal bounty, and with funds ab
stracted from the public revenues to bribe
them to their own betrayal and abase
ment ; and, finally, a daring design to
cast down with rutlilcss hands the most
valuable conservative barrier of the Con
stitution that on its ruins my be reared
that Moloch of party, the ungarded will
of a mere numerical majority. These,
fellow Republicans of the States Rights
School, are the measures and designs,
affiliated in nature and banded in unlioly
alliance to subvert the liberties and out
rage the constitutional rights of the peo
ple and the States, against which you
are invoked to strive and war. To them,
each and all, upon full deep and inti
mate conviction yon and we are, and
ever will be utterly hostile. Aid them
we know you cannot —duty, honor, prin
ciple, all forbid. But to oppose them
warmly, energetically in conceit with
the entire party, arc you not likewise
bound since passiveness may be com
bined into submission, and your neutral
ity may er.sitrc their triumph. The de
cision is now with you and made in a
noble spirit, wc admit not a doubt it will
be worthy of you as Republicans—as
Virginians—as consistent admirers of the
greatest living champion of the Consti
tution and the rights of the States.
Lewis E- Harvie, of Amelia, Ch'n,
R. M. T. Hunter, of Essex,
Jas. A. Seddon, of Richmond,
Wm. O. Goode, of Mecklenburg,
Washington G reen how,
Robt. G; Scott, of Richmond,
Wm. F. Gordon, of Albemarle,
Committee.
Snm’l C. Anderson, of Pr. Edward.
David McConias, of Wythe.
Jno. R. Taylor, of Middlesex.
J. L. Gordon, of Louisa.
R. Herbert Tatum, of Chesterfield.
J. S. Barbour, of Culpeper.
' -N. M. Taliaferro, of Franklin.
Thos. T. Giles, of Richmond.
Jno. B. Tod, of Caroline.
Jns. H. Cox, of Chesterfield.
Thos. S. Bocock, of Buckingham.
Jno. B. Ail worth, of Accomac.
Jno. Washington, of Caroline.
Rich'd H. Coleman, of do
Austin M. Trible, of Essex,
M. R. H. Garnett, of do
Jno. B. Young, of Henrico.
W. H. Sims, of Halifax.
Win. S. Fontaine, of King William.
Eustace Conway, of Fredericksb’g.
P. Carr, of Albemarle.
Francis W. Scott, of Caroline.
Geo. L. Nicolson, of Middlesex.
Jno. P. Young, of Norfolk County.
Charles Osborne, of Richmond.
John S. Caskie, of do
Anthony Thornton, of Caroiine.
James Alfred Jones, of Petersburg.
Chas. H. Edwards, of Mathews.
Thos. M. Uhell, of Cumberland.
John H. Walker, of Sussex.
Win. Robertson, Jr., of Petersburg.
Members of the Convention.
POLITICAL.
Oswichee Bend, Russell Cos. Ala. )
March 4th, 1844. \
My Dear Sir:
On returning from Savannah to this
place, I had the pleasure to receive your
kind favor of the 26th ult., enclosing an
invitation of the Muscogee Clay Club to
he present at the reception of Mr. Clay, at
Colnmbue, on the 11th.
1 very much regret that the necessity
for n short, but urgent visit to Texas,
will compel me to leave home, for New-
Orleans, on the Bth instant. I shall
therefore, have to deny myself the sincere
gratification which there invitation so
acceptably promises.
You do me no more than justice in
supposing that the very high estimate
which I have long since formed of Mr.
Calhoun’s eminent qualifications for the
government of this country, should in no
degree interfere with my cordial disposi
tion to do honor to the distinguished in
dividual who is about to visit you.
It is true, that however much I may
have differed with Mr. Calhoun on a
mere financial question, which at one
time more materially divided the country
than at present, yet I have always recog
t.ised in his admirable genius, consum
male ability and acknowledged moral
worth, those resources for high public
service which in any station would con
fer security and renown on his country.
Rut it seems that the usual organs of the
party to which he is supposed to belong,
whether accredited or not, have so far
pronounced a different judgment, as pro
bably to postpone his claims in favor of
another distinguished candidate; and
certainly, according to all the tokens of
party organization, it appears that the
Baltimore Convention will perform no
other office but to register an edict which
has already gone forth, and that, like
Maelzel’s celebrated automaton Trumpe
ter, this curious piece of mechanism has
been specially wound up to sound a par
ticular note. Whether this note will be
in accord with the sentiment of the pco
pie of the United States, remains to be
seen.
My own bosom testifies to the truth of
a remark that you most justly make, in
the letter you have done me the honor
to address me, that the preference which
I have expressed for my distinguished
fellow countryman, Mr. Calhoun is In
no degree inconsistent with the personal
friendship 1 entertain for Mr. Clay, or of
the just appreciation which I have formed
of his ability and patriotism, during a
service for several yetys with him, in the
Congress of the United States ; often in
an excited opposition, in which we are
best able to estimate the worth and power
of those with whom we may be associa
ted.
I became acquainted with Mr. Clay in
the session of 1823, when he filled the
chair of Speaker of the House of Repre
sentatives. Although at that time a
young member, yet through his kindness
and partirlity, 1 was placed at the head
of one of its influential committees Our
acquaintance ripened into the strongest
social intimacy, which continued without
abatement, until the formation of that
great party which was constituted to
effect the election of Gen. Jackson to the
Presidency of the United States. It is
known to yon we took different sides.—
I felt myself, in the angry contest which
marked that great public convulsion
graduallyseparated from him. Although
I never indulged in the smallest personal
abuse and denunciation of this gentleman
—which would have been so utterly in
consistent with our former relations—
yet, after the election of Mr. Adams to
the Presidency, I was in the habit of
passing Mr. Clay, in the streets of Wash
ington, without even a distant recogni
tion—for I had then the folly to regard
an opponent of Gen. Jackson almost ns a
public enemy of the country. Such is
the madness of party ! These relations
continued until I was summoned by
Mr. Randolph to attend him to the field,
under Mr. Clay’s challenge, in conse
quence of the flagrant insult which he
had offered him in the Senate of the Uni
ted States, in conjunction with your
lamented and gallant fellow countryman.
Col. Tattnall, at that time a member of
the House of Representatives from Geor
gia. There are some circumstances con
nected with this duel which have never
been made public, which, as they are
honorable both to the living and the
dead, I hope 1 may be pardoned in relat
ing. I do not think they will render
Mr. Clay’s reception less cordial and en
thusiastic, among a people who, if they
cherish romantic, and, as they are called,
false notions of honor are at the same
time alive to the testimonies of a gallant,
generous and feelingspirit.
The night before the duel, Mr. Ran
dolph sent for me in the evening. I
found him calm, but in a singularly kind
and confiding mood. He told me that
he had something on his mind to tell me.
He then remarked, Hamilton, 1 have de
termined to received without returning
Clay’s fire nothing shall induce me to
harm a hair of his head ; I will not make
his wife a widow,or his children orphans
Their tears would be shed upon hisgrave,
but when the sod of Virginia rests on my
bosom, there is not, in this wide world,
one-individual to pay this tribute upon
mine.” His eyes filled, and resting his
head upon his hand, we remained some
moments silent. I replied, “my dear
friend,” (for our was a sortof posthumous
friendship, bequeathed by onr mothers,)
“ I deeply regret that you have mention
ed this subject to me, for you call upon
me to go to the field and to see you shot
down or to assume the responsibility, in
regard to your own life, in sustaining
your determination to throw it away.—
But on this subject a man’s own con
science and his own bosom are his best
monitor. I will not advise, but under
the enormous and unprovoked personal
insult you have offered Mr. Clay, I can
not dissuade. I feel bound, however, to
communicate to Col. Tattnall your de
cision.” He I egged me not to do so,
and said, ‘‘lie was very much afraid that
Tattnall would take the studs and refuse
to go out with him.” I however sought
Col. Tatnall, and we repaired, about
midnight, to Mr. Randolph’s lodgings,
whom we found reading Milton’s great
Poem. For some moments he did not
permit us to say one word in relation to
the approaching duel; and he at once
commenced one of those delightful criti
cisms, on .a passage of this Poet, in which
lie was wont so enthusiastically to in
dulge. After a pause, Col. Tattnall re
marked, “ Mr. Randolph, I am told yon
have determined not to return Mr. Clay’s
fire ; l must say to you, my dear sir, if 1
am only to go out to see you shot down,
von must find some other friend.” Mr.
Randolph remarked that it was his deter
mination. After much conversation on
the subject, I induced Col. Tattnall to
allow Mr. Randolph to take his own
course, as his withdrawal, ns one of his
friends, might lead to very injurious mis
constructions. At last, Mr. Randolph,
smilimr, said “ well Tattnall, I promise
you one thing, if I see the devil in Clay’s
eye, and that with malice- prepense he
means to take my life, I may change my
mind.” A remark 1 knew he merely
made to propitiate the anxieties of his
friend.
Mr. Clay and himself met at 4 o'clock
the succeeding evening, on the banks of
the Potomac. But he saw “no devil in
Clay’s eye,” but a man fearless, and ex
pressing the mingled sensibility and firm
ness which belonged to the occasion
1 shall never forget this scene, as long
as I live. It has been my misfortune to
witness several duels, blit I never saw
one, at least in its sequel, so deeply affect
ing. . M ,
The sun was just setting behind the
blue hills of Randolph’s own Virginia.—
Here were two of the most extraordinary
men our country in its prodigality had
produced, about to meet in mortal com
bat. Whilst Tattnall was loading Ran
dolph’s pistol, I approached my friend, I
believed for the last time ; i took his
hand ; there was not in its touch the
quickening of one pulsation. He turned
to me and said, “ Clay is calm, but not
“vindictive. I hold my purpose, Hnm
“ ilton, in any event; remember this.”
On handing him his pistol, Col. Tattnall
sprung the hair trigger. Mr. Randolph
said, “ Tattnall, nlihough 1 am one of
“best shots in Virginia, with either a
“ pistol or gun, yet, I never fire with the
“hair triggers; besides, I have a thick
“buckskin glove on, which will destroy
“ the delicacy of my touch, and the trig
“ ger may fly before 1 know where 1 am,
But, from fiis great solicitude for his
friend, Tattnall insisted upon hairing the
trigger. On taking their position, the
fact turned out as Mr. Randolph antici
pated ; his pistol went off before the
word, with the muzzle down.
The moment this event took place,
Gen. Jesnp, Mr. Clay’s friend, called out
that lie would instantly leave the ground
with his friend if this occurred again.—
Mr. Clay at once exclaimed it was entire
ly an accident, and begged that the gen
tloman might be allowed to go on. On
the word being given, Mr. Clay fired
without effect, Mr. Randolph discharging
his pistol in the air. The moment Mr.
Clay saw that Mr. Randolph had thrown
away his fire, with a gusli of sensibility,
he instantly approached Mr. R., and said,
with an emotion I never can forget, “ I
“ trust in God, my dear sir, you are tin
“ touched : after what has occurred, I
“ would tiot have harmed you for a theu
“sand world*.” Deeply affected by this
scene, I could not refrain from grasping
Mr. Clay by the hand, and said. “My
“good Sir, wc have been long separated,
“ but, after the events of to-day, I feel
“ that we must be friends forever.” We
have been so.
I do not know that I should have re
ferred to this transaction, if I not believe
this last incident had no small influence
on an important public event in Mr. Clay’s
life. I allude to the celebrated comprom
ise on the action of the Tariff of IS2B, by
the State of South Carolina.
For Mr. Van Burcn I cherish feelings
of kindness «nd esteem, which I should
be insensible to both his merits and his
uniform friendship, if I did not both en
tertain and express. If, at any time, I
have ever apjieared to occupy an anta
gonist position to this gentleman, it has
been rather to tlae measures of his party,
than himself—measures which derived
their authority from the potent influence
of a Chief, the repose of whose declining
years I would not norv disturb,if 1 could.
Let the rays of hi* glory gather together
on the banks of the river I am soon des
tined to visit, & settle with collected ma
jesty, eternal and enduring, on his fame.
Faithfully and respectfully,
Your friend, and
Obedient servant,
J. HAMILTON.
Robert B. Alexander, Columbus
Georgia.
To the I eaple of (Jcorgia.
A friend has called my attention to a
note published by Mr. Stephens, of Geo.,
nsa:i addendum to his printed speech in
the House of Representatives, “on the
right of members to their seats in the
House of Representatives,” and to which
I replied while he was present in his
place.
It is evident that this note is an appeal
to the public for satisfaction of his “ pri
vate griefs and as he has thought pro
per to select that mode of sellliug what
ever questions of fact or morals may
have existed between us, I conceive I
have no alternative left, but to vindicate
myself before the same tribunal, by a
brief statement of the occurrences which
elicited his abuse. Whether he has se
lected the usual and proper “ method ” of
satisfaction for remarks deemed by him
“quite personal” to himself, was a ques
tion referable alone to his own judgment;
and his “ discretion ” having decided that
question in the way indicated in his pub
lic note, I proceed to refute, for the satis
faction of my constituents, such of his
charges as may seem to bear on the posi
tion assumed by me in debate, leaving
him sole master of that bloodless field,
wherein a “war of words” is the only
conflict. I did occupy my hour upon
the subject stated, and, in the course of
my remarks, commented upon the in
consistencies of Mr. Stephen’s opinions
and conduct. If my allusion to him had
been deemed offensive at the time it was
uttered, he had the opportunity to repel
it, or to explain, as I repeatediv yielded
to him the floor for either purpose, lie
was furnished with another oppoitunity
on the succeeding morning, when he
arose to correct such parts of the repor
ter’s account of my remarks as he deemed
erroneous. On neither of those occa
sions did he make any such effort; but
now, alter the lapseof a fortnight, would
palliate his neglect, and excuse his want
of resentment, by the insinuation that
there is a variance between the circum
stances as detailed in my speech, and as
they actually occurred in the House ;
and, although my remarks were applica
! blc to his position, upon which he states
in his note he does “ not deign a reply,”
yet he seizes the opportunity to indulge
in a parade of vulgar epithets, which his
loss of position and unfortunate personal
situation enable him to use with impuni
ty-
It will thus be perceived that the fol
lowing quotation from his note is the on
ly portion of it in relation to which 1 am
left at liberty to offer any explanation.—
He states : “ And I notice in what he re
ports me to havesaid to him inthe House,
in the progress of his speech, he has re
presented me as saying what I can but
believe that he knew that l did not say,
and has entirely omitted what I am equal
ly confident he must have known that 1
did say.”
As to the cor ectness of the former
part of the charge—viz : that of rnisrep
resenting what lie did say—by reference
to the subjoined extract from my speech,
(arid which includes my entire remarks
upon the pointof Mr. Stephen’s position,)
it will beservod that a single question,
whether I “ would undertake to be the
keeper or the judge of his conscience,” is
the only remark which I quote him ns
making. Now, that the question, if not
in those identical words, was, at least in
substance, asked me by Mr. S., I can not
only most confidently appeal for corrob
oration to every member of the House,
but indirectly establish it by that individ
ual himself. On the morning after the
delivery of my remarks, Mr. S.(as I have
already had occasion to mention) called
my attention to the reporter’s account of
what occurred between us, and the paper
which he at that time held in his hand
was a copy of the morning Globe, and
from which I make the following ex
tract :
“ Mr. Stephens, on leave being given
him to explain, said : The gentleman
had no right to judge of his (Mr. S.’s)
conscience.”
Here is the very idea I quote him as
making, wanting only the interrogatory
form, which is as correct as the sketches
of reporters generally are ; and, iferrone
ous, if he bad made use of no such state
ment, why was it, when he had risen for
the purpose of seeking explanation and
of effecting corrections, that he made no
allusion to it?
As to the second part of tho charge,
viz: the allegation that I had omitted to
state all that he did say. That there
were probably remarks made by him,
which, from the distance that we were
separated, may have lieen lost in the con
fusion o f the House, I do not pretend to
deny ; but even had they been heard, or
known to me at the time of writing out
my speech, I am not sensible of any ob
ligation resting on me to become the re
porter of another. The labor incident
to the usual course on such occasions I
felt quite sufficient for myself—-that is, to
report my own remarks, and such por
tions of those of another as I conceived
necessary to explain my own. Rut does
this justify his course ?—excuse his low
and tiirdy vengeance ? He does not pre
tend that there was any variance be
tween my own speech , as delivered and
as published : and it is that at which
his venom is directed, and to which he
has undertaken to assign “the purpose
of conveying a personal insult,” and
which, after a fortnight’s deliberation,
has at length elicited his most ungentle
manly reply.
In conclusion. I have only to say, that
the object of this individual must be ob
vious to my intelligent constituents; and
I have no fear that he can thus escape
the consequences of the position which
he hits assumed on this question, nor
evade the odium of having failed to vin
dicate his honor, when he chooses to
complain that it has been assailed.
WILLIAM H. STILES.
Extract from Mr. Stiles's sjiecch
“ on the right of members to their
scats in the House of Represen
tatives."
It is to me a source of regret that the
course which my colleage has pursued
on this question, has made it necessary
to advert to thennenviable position which
in regard to it, he has atone chosen to
assume. I regret that he should have
thought it necessary, by a labored speech,
to have convinced us of his want of title
to his seat, when that end could have
been so much more effectually and con
sistently accomplished, without the ut
terance of a single word, by his absence
from this hall. But I regret, more than
all, that, with a declaration on his lips
that he is not entitled to his seat, he
should still undertake to vote, act, and
receive the emoluments to which a right
to that seat alone entitled him. There
was a time when such assurance would
have been considered at least a want of
delicacy; when such a difference be
tween opinion and action would have
been held at least a want of consistency ;
but those days, I suppose, are gone, and
the time arrived when such unblushing
effrontery is deemed, perhaps, an exhibi
tion of “ moral firmness,”surpassing that
which distinguished General Jackson at
New Orleans, and equalled only by that
of the judge who pronounced the infa
mous sentence upon him.
My colleague says that this is a ques
tion for the judgment of this House ; but
let me tell him, in all kindness, that he
has, in my opinion, mistaken thetribunnl
in which such a question was properly
cognizable. His position involved a
question, let me say to him, not to be
tried and decided in this House, but
alone to be determined in foro concien
tice. Before that tribunal do I arraign
and charge him with the commission of
two high and enormous offences.
He cannot but know, from the study
of that profession for which he was edu
cated, the nature and criminality of the
offence; and I therefore leave him to
name it, while I charge him wite taking
that to which he says, and perhnpstliitiks
he knows that he has no right, or even
“ color of title.”
Again : he cannot hut know, from Hie
profession he has followed, that, to par
ticipate in the deliberations of this body,
with no right to a scat, is against the
constitution ; and I thereupon charge
him with the offence, (leaving him l to
mime it,) which arises out of the viola
tion of an instrument which he has
sworn to support.
..[Mr. Stephens, on leave being giver*
him, asked if the gentleman would u-nl
- to be the keeper or the judge of
bis conscience?]
Mr. Stiles replied J God forbid that I
should ever be the keeper of such a con
science !
Yes, sir, my colleague, with a declara
tion on his lips, and a feelingin his heart,
that he is not entitled to his seat—whilst,
consequently, in the very act of violating
the constitution of his country—lays his
hand upon the word of life, and calls upon
God to help him, or not to help him, as
he may or may not support that instru
ment. If not before high heaven—if not
before the world, at least in the silent
workings ofliis thoughts, he must plead
guilty! guilty ! Sir, I dismiss him;
and without presuming to be his “judge,’
I may say to him, with as deep sincerity
as ever ft was pronounced from the
bench to a condemned criminal, “may
God Almighty have mercy upon your
soul !”
From the N. V. Standard.
Crn. Cass in Pans.
The following is an extract of a letter
from the Paris correspondent of the Alba
ny Evening Journal, dated Paris, Ist
January, 1844:
Some fifty of us Republicans were pre
sented to the king on Saturday evening
the 30th December. Six wore Militia
uniforms —the others blue coats with the
eagle button, embroidered collar, cuffs
and pocket flaps—white pantaloons with
a gold stripe—swords and cocked hats;
and as you may imagine looked ridicu
lously enough, for few of them stood “.at
ease.” The state apartments of the Tu
ileries were thrown o|»en for their recep
tion, and those of other nations who were
presented,but the Americansotitnumber
ed all the rest. We were ranged in a
line around the saloon, and the King, at
tended by his staff, came along, Mr. Led
yard Introducing him to each one as he
passed. He wore a Marshal’s uniform,
and was exceedingly gracious, address
ing a few words to each one, and dis
playing perfect knowledge of the geogra
phy of our country, and many of its in
habitants. He was followed by the
Queen, who was introduced in the same
manner by Mr. Rives (our Secretary of
legation at London) and who also said
something to all. After the King had
gone around the circle, we left, and go
again on Wednesday night with the la
dies. Their reception will be much
more interesting, and I will endeavor to
send you an account. Among those pre
sented were Mr. Wickliffe, our Minister
to Sardinia; Mr. Conrad, of Louisiana;
Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Broadhead of New
York. The King was highly gratified
at seeing so large a number of Americans
present, indeed they are popular at court
on account of the high esteem in which
Gen. Cass was held by all. It is said we
never had a minister lre re who was so
universally respected, and from the fre
quent eulogies I hear passed upon his di
plomatic and private career I cannot but
think it is true. At any rate his loss is
felt by all, and who is to be bis successor
is (lie standing topic of conversation in
American circles.
The amount paid to Gen. Jackson for
his fine was $2,700.
Ajgaffia a bmsxjmag.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 184 L ~
From the illness of the Editor and oth
er causes, our publication has been una.
voidably postponed one day.
Nomination of Mr. Calhoun.
It is with great pleasure that we an
nounce that Mr. Calhoun has been
nominated by President Tyler to the
°ffice of Secretary of State, and that his
appointment has been unanimously con
firmed by the Senate. No appointment
we believe has ever given more univer
sal satisfaction—and his friends confi
dently hope that be will accept.
Dr. Cottinx’s Fssnv on Soils and available
Manures in Ga.
We earnestly recommend this treatise
to the attention of planters. It is full of
valuable information. Illness prevents
our giving a more extended account of
it at present. It is for sale at Boardinan's
Book-Store.
Younz Mens* Democratic Association.
We heard an intimation a short time
back that it was in contemplation to form
a society under the above title. We hail
ed the intelligence with peculiar satisfac
tion. It is earnestly hoped the design is
not, will not be abandoned. To the
Young democracy of the country, un
hncknied as they are in the incorrigi
ble selfishness and corruption of partizan
traders in politics, untainted with the
prejudices of former political connexions,
we look with confidence for carrying
through the political regeneration, indis
pensable to save the constitution and pre
serve the union. The ardor, which so
well becomes early manhood, fits them
peculiarly for flic glorious achievement,
and like the Promethean principle infuse
life into the sluggish, inanimate mass
that surrounds them. We give them
three cheers, and in the style of the hero
ic Crocket, say ‘ Go ahead boys.’
IHl)b County Democratic Association.
r Pfoe gentlemen to whom was assigned
thte duty of drafting the Constitution and
By-laws of the association are respectful
ly reminded ‘The tide is waiting for
them’ and entreated to complete their
task as early ns practicable. The time
and circumstances, the present and the
future, imperatively demand energetic,
unsparing exertion. The people must
be roused from their lethargy—Close,:in
timate organization presents the SitrCst,
speediest, indeed, nlmost the only means
to accomplish this vital object: This
must be rendered effective by every dem
ocrat doing bis duty to bis country man
fully, awakening his neighbor to the
alarming fact that there is a desperate
revolutionary movement of the old Fed
eral party reinforced by the Clay whigs
is in progress, to subvert the Republican
institutions of this free country and re
place them by a government wielded,
exclusively, by a privileged order of mo
nopolists and trading politicians—a gov
ernment in which wealth and office
would be every thing, the people no
thing. This is the master object and
inevitable tendency of the American sys
tem—the honour of its first systematic
application to the government of a nation
is due to that able but profligate British
minister Sir Robert Walpole. His plan
was simple and as its results were inevi
table, it consisted of a National Bank, a
National debt, or Funding system, and a
I bribed majority in the national council,
!or parliament. The funding system be
ing indispensable to afford a perennial
j supply for the boundless extravaganceoi
government, with the certainty if persist
ed in, of entailing poverty, pauperism,
and crime in their most revolting aspects,
on future generations.
That Achilles of Federalism and idol
ator of all that was British, Alexander
Hamilton, though deficient neither in
honesty, or love for his country, adopted
Walpole’s system, in extenso. Tims far
the reader will perceive the identity of
Walpole’s, Hamilton’s and Clay’s policy-
The paternity of the remaining items of
•he American system belongs exclusively
to Mr. Clay, They vindicate his clai> llS
to the possession of Genius, the distinc
tive test of which is the power of inven
tion. Passing by the honesty promoting
bankrupt law and that phenomenon o
impartial justice the Clay tariff of
two, which fleeces a nation to render a
few dangerously wealthy, we come to
one of Mr. Clay's most felicitous inven
lions—the idea of making the states bribe
themselves, by giving them with one
hand, a share of the land revenue, an
with the other, taking from them twict
as much, in augmented taxation on ev
ery thing they consume.
But the crowning triumph contemp 8
ted by the whig leaders and their Amen