Newspaper Page Text
3. While maintainnff principles, to
choose men for office pledged to carry
out those principles.
4. In the choice of men for office, to
select those that are known to be honest,
linn, and devoted to the welfare of their
country and to Democratic doctrines.
5. To surrender personal partialities,
for the purpose of establishing the as
cendency of principles which alone can
preserve our liberties and maintain our
public institutions in their original puri
ty-
6. Union among the members of the
party, and concentration of all the votes
on those citizens known to be the choice
of, and selected by, a majority of the par
ty-
7. To depend more on the expositions
and assertions of political friends and as
sociates, than on the assertions and pro
mises of political opponents, which are
always to be received with suspicion.
8. To keep constantly in mind, that
the principles of the Democratic party
had their origin in 1789, and that since
that time, under all circumstances, v. nen
federalism was in power under the two
Adamses, and Democracy under the oth
er presidents, die same principles have
uniformly been maintained and fol
lowed; that those principles have con
tributed more largely than any thing
else to advance the prosperity of the
country, to maintain her honor and re
putation, to engraven still deeper in the
breast of every Americau citizen the love
of country and liberty, and led to make
every sacrifice for the preservation of our
glorious Union.
9 And to continue an indomitable op
position and hostility to a national bank,
protective tariff, distribution of the pro
ceeds of the sales of the public Lands,
and nil other federal measures, to which
the Democratic party have been opposed
since the foundation of the general gov
ernment.
Mr. Clay arrived at Wilmington, N.
C., on Wednesday last, was received by
a Committee of Arrangements, and made
a brief address to the assembled multi
tude.—Sav. Georgian.
Mr. Clar.
Among several acts of Mr. Clay’s life
which ca 1 loudly for the indignation of
every Georgia Republican—one of the
most notorious is his support of John
Quincy Adams for the Presidency of the
Couqfry. He took occasion to allude to
this step, in Ids political career, in his
.speech before the citizens of Augusta.—
He stated that there were three candi
dates l>efbre the people, Mr. Crawford,
Mr. Adams, and General Jackson. Mr.
Crawford had been his friend, personal
and political. Now as to personal
friendship in a matter of this kind we do
not know that it should have the weight
of a feather. For higher motives should
impel a man to the support of a candi
♦hue for so exalted a station as the Presi
dency than personal friendship simply,
however deep seated it may be—but po
litical friendship, the alliance of political
principles and political feelings—this, in
deed, is the true basis upon which the
support of such a candidate should rest.
Did Mr. Clay’s support of John Quincy
Adams stand upon this foundation ?
Was not this gentleman notoriously a
Federalist in all his view's of the con
struction of our government and the
character of its constitution ? Was he
not the son of the Elder Adams, the bit
ter opponent of Mr. Jefferson, the head of
the Federal Party, and was he not born
and bred in the hot-bed of Federalism?
What sympathy could there have been
at that time, between the politics of Clay
and the politics of Adams ? The latter
had supported the last war, and in this
alone had he acted with the Republican
party. In all else he was a Federalist.
It w'ould have been as easy to change the
color of the Ethopian’s skin, or to have
washed out the spots from the leopard, as
tt> have relieved the mind and character
of John Q. Adams of the Federal bins
which he had sucked in with his moth
er’s milk. It was not so much that Hen
ry Clay refused his support to Crawford
and Jackson, that the country has found
fault with him, as that he gave it to Ad
ams; not so much that he deserted his
Republican associates, as that he should
link himself with bis federal opponents;
not so much that he forsook the men, as
that he should have forsaken the princi
ples of his patty. What was the conse
quence of his unrighteous political alli
ance with the notorious Abolitionist?—
Not that Adams continued to act with
the Republican Party, blit that Clay be
came, in the fullest sense of the term, a
Federalist. Such he continues to be to
the present day, forgetful of all the ties
and associations of his early years, cut
loose from the moorings of his former
principles, beat about upon an ocean of
political inconsistencies and contradic
tions. steering to one port alone, and that
the harbor of self-aggrandizement, power,
and office!
He states that his preference was for
Crawford over Adams ! If lie preferred
Crawford, how in the name of common
sense, could he support Adams at all !
There were as many shades of difference
between the politics of these two men, as
there arc shades of color intermediate be
tween white and black. To prefer one
was to denounce the other. He might
ns soon have been for Jefferson and Ad
ams in 1801, as for Crawford and Adams,
in 1825.
We must, likewise, judge of the mo
tives for a man’s conduct from the im
mediate consequences. Mr. Clay ac
cepted office under Mr. Adams. He act
ed as Secretary of State during his ad
ministration ; and so that the Republi
can was manufactured into the Federal
ist. He was thrown into friendship both
political and personal with the very men
vhont he had- positively upbraided in
forme!* times: politicians whom he had
and *no ut*M a: dogs “1»; loose i;tra the
essex kennel.’’ Mr. Clay may have act
ed from pure motives, if so, most unfor
tunately was it for him that he accepted
this office? If he acted corruptly, im
properly and in utter dereliction of prin
ciple, most fortunate has it been for the
country that his course has been such
as to develope his motives to the world.
In vain will he now strive to varnish
over this flaw in bis political character.
He cannot, succeed. There will it re
main to the latest hour of his life, full
in his vision, like the spot of blood upon
Blue-beard’s key, not to be erased even
though w ashed with his tears. — lb.
From the Richmond Enquirer 13A inst.
Mr. Clay told the people of Savannah,
that he had “left the quiet repose of Ash
land, for the purpose of visiting New Or
leans on business’’—that “whilst there he
found nn opportunity presented itself of
his visiting Raleigh, where he also had
business—and that at the same time he
would have an opportunity of judging,
by personal observation, of the condition
and progress of a few of the Southern
States”—and this, we presume, Mr. Clay
would say, with Joseph Surface in the
screen scene, is a “full and clear account
of the whole matter.” Mr. Clay no
doubt has business also in Petersburg,
and in Norfolk, and on the Eastern Shore
—mid Heaven knows at how many other
points. He is full of such business.
He is a great political merchant, who
deals largely in votes. Wherever he
can find people who have votes to give,
the great electioneerer has business to
transact. He is like George the Ist,
when he went to England to mount the
throne : he comes among the people “for
your goots"’—and “for our chattels too,”
said one of his waggish subjects.
Pshaw ! these shallow devices—and
this pretence of business, are unworthy
of the genius of Henry Clay. Instead
of advancing his pretensions, they only
show that he is unworthy of the lofty
station to which he aspires. He should
have remained in ‘ the quiet repose of
Ashland”—and there, if he were really
worthy of honor, the people would have
found him, like G’incinnatus, at the
plough, and thrown the Dictator’s mantle
over his shoulders. But to seek it, as is
now done, and to cover his real object
under the device of business, is unwor
thy of the office.
If we had needed any evidence of the
shameless audacity of the Coon Press,
in humbugging the people, we should
find it in the assertion of the Mobile Ad
vertiser, that Mr. Clay is as “strictly Re
publican" as Jefferson, Jackson, Giles,
Calhoun, &c. This assertion caps the
climax. The Advertiser may as well
attempt to obliterate all distinctions at
once, turn black into white, or day into
night. He may next attempt to prove,
that Mr. Clay’s speech of 1811, against
the bank, is identically the same, as his
subsequent speech in favorof the bank—
and that they are both “strictly Republi
can.” In fact, he might as well at
tempt to prove, that there are no distinc
tions in nature, and that all parties are
one and the same—that Mr. Hamilton
was strictly Republican, or Mr. Jefferson
strictly Federal—and that after all they
were of one political faith But after the
attempt of the Whigs of Richmond, to
prove that the authors and advocates of a
National Bank are the Republicans, we
were prepared for any expression of the
Whigs, however extravagant. These
gentlemen, however, forgot that there are
bounds to all things—that they ought at
least to “make their whales sizeable.” It
is difficult to say, whether Arose who are
making such bold experiments as lire
Mobile Advertiser are most foots or
knaves.
Huhly Important front Washington—The
Great Calhoun nmt Tyler Movement— A Gen
eral Sweep in the New York Custom House.
We have received accounts from
Washington last evening from such an
authentic source as to convince us that
the Tyler Calhoun administration have
commenced, in earnest, the great work
of reform, removal and purification in
the government offices throughout the
country.
The mission to New York of Captain
Robert Tyler, l)r. Miller, and Dr. Suth
erland, which took place last week, has
been nearly completed, if not wholly so,
and it is generally understood that all
the leading government officials in New
York will be immediately removed, and
the following appointed in their places:—
Collector —James S. Ferris.
Surveyor. —Ely Moore.
Net vy Agent. \V il liam Shaler.
U. S. District Attorney —John A.
Morrill.
United States Marshal —Henry C.
Atwood.
Dost Master not selected.
This is a bold, dashing and astound
ing movement in the political world, and
indicates that Captain Tyler and his cab
inet have now come up to the mark—
and taken the right step at last, though
rather late in the day. A like general
sweep will be made throughout the
country.
For nearly three years, the power and
influence of the Custom House and Rost
Office in New York have been used
against the administration, and ir. favor
of Mr. Weltfsteror Mr. Clay. The great
est and most secret calumniators of the
President have been his own officials
here. They have been forever engaged
in destroying every effort made in his
favor. If this movement had been began
three years ago, it would have been good
policy—but better late than never.
We suppose the whig press will now
open their vials of wrath on Tyler and
Calhoun but what harderthingseanbesaid
than they have been saying for years ?
The excitement will soon begin. Cap
tain Tyler is determined to be in a post
tiou io licld the balance of power—
whr no: Weekly tUrcld. i2th Inst
Connecticut Election.
We stated that the result of the election
, in Connecticut indicated an increased
opposition to a protective tariff by the
democracy of that State. We are sup
ported in our statement bv the following
j extract ofan article from the New Hav
en Columbian Register.
“Another gratifying fact is, that the
vote this spring shows that the high tariff
question has not helped the whigs in this
State; a majority of the people we be
lieve are in favor of a revenue tariff,
against a prohibitory tariff. This is
shown by the votes; the manufacturing
districts have gone more democratic than
the other parts of the State. Thus in
W indham, the most manufacturing coun
ty in the State, the vote stands for
Cleveland, 2418
Baldwin, 2296
In Tolland county, the next most
manufacturing, the vote stands
Cleveland, 1893
Baldwin, 1860
In Middlesex, another manufacturing
county—
Cleveland, 2026
Baldwin, 1869
In New London, strongly manufactur
ing, the vote is, for
Cleveland, 3119
Baldwin, 3003
giving the democratic majority of 116
in this great manufacturing county.
There are but 8 counties in the State,
in one half of them, viz : Windham,
Tolland, Middlesex and New London,
which are manufacturing counties, the
democrats have the leading vote.
Constitutional st 16/'/ inst.
Corrcepondtr.ee of the Sew York 7Vue Sun.
Washington, April 11.
The result of the New York city elec
tion has struck the politicians of Wash
ington with astonishment. It is not so
much regarded a? a Clay triumph as an
anti Van Buren victory and it has con
siderably damped the spirits of that gen
tleman’s friends.
Another outbreak in the Democra
tic Congressional ranks is daily expected
—caused by the Tariff bill now before
the House. In this the Southern Demo
cratic, members, who have hitherto stood
side by side with their Northern allies,
are about to part company; Dromgoole
in particular (a leader in the party from
Virginia) declares that he has been used
most vilely, and that he will endureit no
longer. By consenting to stave off the
Tariff discussion thus late, he was pro
mised that it should be taken up and
thoroughly handled—the northern and
western members agreeing to pass it on
Southern principles; now however, they
endeavor entirely to postpone the subject,
or to allow only two weeks to the debate.
This Mr. Dromgoole and his friends
consider as a vile breach of faith, m as
mnch as be almost sacrificed his position
with his constituencytooblige the north
ern wing of his party in the first of the
session, and now they refuse to redeem
the pledge they gave him ti bring him
off handsomely at the last. The Ap
propriation bill also before the House, for
improving the western waters, will be
the occasion of fomenting the discord.—
The Southern Democracy declare that
they wiil vote against it, unless the
Western members come up handsomely
on the tariff. Thus the factions stand
at present in a more hostile attitude than
they yet have appeared towards each
other.
The Tariff—Texas, Ac.
The following is an extract of a letter, dated
Washington, April 13.
“We shall have no Tariff, although a
hill might pass the House. The Texan
Treaty was signed yesterday, and will
probablv be sent to the Senate on Mon
day. 't'here is a clause in it which will
prevent postponement. It gives six
months lor ratification. Os course to
postpone is to reject it, inasmuch as the
limitation wiil expire before the next
Congress meets.
The Tariff bill will be taken up next
Monday, or not at all. A final effort will
will then be made.”
Charleston Mercury.
?t> the Editors of the New York Express:
Washington, April 13.
A friend has enclosed me your paper,
containing the following statement of
your anonymous correspondent.
”1 could wish that the recent origin
of the present effort to annex Texas to
the Union were better known abroad.—
Mr. Walker is openly charged here with
having immense personal interests in that
annexation, which he presses with so
much ardor. I will not say that it is so,
but he owes it to the public to show,
that his motives are. as pure, as his zeal
ts fiery. 1 hear of his refusing $40,0U0
lor his interests there and of his being
directly and indirectly interested in Tex
as lands and scrip, to the amount of
$200,000. These are twocurrent reports
freely circulated by the two houses of
Congress. Are they so or not so. What
say you Mr. Walker.”
Under ordinary circumstances I should
disdain to notice the assaults of anony
mous scribblers, but as this attack is not
designed to much to injure me, as to
prejudice the cause of Texas, l will an
swer these enquiries. lam not interes
ted, directlyor indirectly,in Texas lands.
1 did once hold an interest in Texas
lands, chiefly by* devise from a deceased
brother, but they have many years since
been sold by me, by deed of quit claim,
and I have no interest, direct or indi
rect, in the lands of Texas. As to Tex
as stock or scrip, ldo not now hold, nor
have I ever held any interest in either,
direct or indirect. 1 have no personal
interest whatever in the annexation of
Texas, nor will I derive any pecuniary
benefit font such a result. 1 was al
ways to the treaty by which
Texas was surrendered to Spain, and
heartily approve the speech of Mr. Clay,
of the 3d of April, 1820, against that fa
tal measure. The subsequent efforts to
rr.-acquire Texas, of Messrs. Adams and
Clay in 1925 and 1827, and of Gen.
Jackson and Mr. Van Buren in 1829 met
also my cordial approbation, and my
opinions stand recorded in favor of the
re-annexation of Texas nearly a quarter
of a century since, and at a time when I
never contemplated having any interest
in the lands of Texas. 1 do, however
own a large body of most valuable cotton
lands in the State of Mississippi, which,
it is contended by the opponents of re
annexation, will be greatly depreciated
in price by that result, and some of my
friends estimate my loss in that way, at a
sum not less than one hundred thousand
dollars. Having now fully replied to the
questions propounded by your corres
pondent, I cannot doubt, but that you
will do me the justice to publish this let
ter entire in your paper, and that it will
also be republished by all who have giv
en currency to similar reports.
Very respectfully,
R. J. WALKER.
From the N. Y. Weekly Herald.
The Tariff Question.
Mr. Colquitt took the floor in reply to
Mr. Berrien. He said he should sorri
what change the course of his remarks
upon the speech ofhis colleague(Berrien)
and upon his change of opinions, in con
sequence of his absence—having this
morning left for home.
[Note. —Galleries filling. Mr. King
has just come in, but not taken bis seat—
looks smiling and contented.J
Mr. Colquitt said Mr. Berrien’s speech
was well adapted in its style to our nisi
prius Courts. He charged him with
having turned traitor to the oft-expressed
sentiments of his own State, for the pur
poses of electing Mr. Clay. He intima
ted that Clay’s friends were willing to re
sort to any humbuggery or legerdemain
for the purpose of carrying their mea
sures. He said if there was any tiling in
the world which he detested, it was the
cant of hypocrisy, whether it be in poli
tics or religion. [An allusion, I suppose,
to the course of Mr. Berrien, which I
noticed in tnv last night's letter.] He
said the sentiments of the people of
Georgia had not changed, however much
some of her citizens might have changed.
Mr. Colquitt here went on in a strain of
most cutting and withering sarcasm
upon the course of his colleague and the
whig party —their management for politi
cal effect—their chicanery, frauds, som
ersets, and turnings. He read resolu
tions of the Legislature of Georgia of
lhe strongest kind against all high
Tariffs, which were presented and most
eloquently and thrillingly advocated by
Mr. Berrien himself then a member of
the Legislature of Georgia —the same
honorable Senator who but yesterday
made so eloquent a speech upon the other
side of the question. Judge Colquitt
then proceeded todisenss the merits of the
question—the power of Congress to levy
taxes, regula e commerce, raise revenue,
&c. He took up the powers of the U. S.
Government and of State Governments,
as pertains to the raising of revenue for
the support of government.
The Judge then proceeded to reads
portion of a free trade speech which his
colleague deliberately wrote and made
with malice aforethought when he was
50 years old, in Pennsylvania, before the
Free Trade Convention,as Delegate from
Georgia. That speech was directly in
opposition to the one he had made yes
terday. He said he should feel an undy
ing contempt for himself if he had been
guilty of such dishonesty and inconsis
tency. And if he had felt called upon
to make such a speech he would have
honestly avowed his motive, to wit: a
political friend is to be elected to the
Presidency, and my speech is manufac
tured for the occasion; it is all a joke.—
One of two things must he true, either
Mr. Berrien attempted to deceive the
people when he made his free trade
speech before the Free Trade Conven
tion, or else attempted to deceive the peo
ple in his speech yesterday.
President Mangum—l would remark
that it is not in order to call in question
the motives of any Senator in debate.
Judge Colquitt—l do but retort upon
him the same motives which lie attribu
ted yesterday to the friends of free trade.
Mr. Archer—l call the Senator to order.
Judge Colquitt—Let it pass.
The judge then proceeded with his
argument.
2 P. M.—The Judge is still proceeding
with his argument, which is listened to
with great attention, and by crowded
galleries. It is an infinite pity Mr. Ber
rien is not here to enjoy his own dissec
tion ; he made his escape in season.
Acquittal of D. J. Justice.
The trial of Dempsey J. Justice, char
ged with the murder of Wiley Grudger,
a Penitentiary Guard, took place at
Twiggs Superior Court last week. The
trial commenced on Friday morning, and
al'out 12 o’clock on Saturday night, the
Jury returned a verdict of “not guilty ,”
having been out about six hours. Some
of the most important of the State’s wit
nesses were absent—but we learn that a
very strong case upon circumstantial evi
dence was made. The counsel for the
prisoner, were Messrs. Poe, Wiggins, and
Lee—for the State, the Solicitor General,
P. E. lA>ve, Esq. and Messrs. 1. L. Har
ris, and H. V. Johnson.— Geo. Journal.
We understand that immediately after
the acquittal of Justice for murder, he
was arrested under several bills of indict
ment for Forgery, from Sumter, and has
been placed in the custody of the officers
of that counly; and in due time, will no
doubt receive his trial; when, if what we
learn be true, he stands a most undoub
ted chance for a longterm in the peniten
tiary.— Messenger of Thursday.
.A illllK, J ! i).A i'i ij'ijMO .I.UVif.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 24, 1844.
Beware of Counterfeits.
Bills on the bank of Milledgeville, the
engraving apparently from the genuine
plate, the signature clumsily forged, were
passed in this city on Monday. Let ev
ery one look sharp. No room for details.
Macon Volunteers.
Yesterday this fine company, Captain
Holmes commanding, celebrated their
19th anniversary, and after having mar
ched through the principal streets of the
city they were joined by the Floyd Ri
fles, Capt. Ross ; and the Bibb Caval
ry, Capt. Rylandek ; and repaired to
camp—where, we understand, they spent
the balance of the day in drilling and go
ing through the various duties of the
camp.
The Encampment.
Our citizens generally will learn, with
no ordinary gratification, that the Macon
encampment will be visited on Monday
evening next by the four volunteer com
panies from our sister city, Savannah,
viz.: the Old Chatham Artillery, com
manded by Capt. A. Stephens; the
Guards by Capt. Brown ; the Republican
Blues, by Capt. Anderson ; and the Rifle
Corps, by Capt. Mills. The three form
er have, to our own knowledge, long
sustained a high and well-merited milita
ry reputation, and from report, the Phoe
nix Riflemen, though of a more recent
origin, occupy an honourable position in
the array ol citizenchivalry.
These reciprocations ol’ military and
social courtesies between two cities,
whose interests are so closely identified,
cannot be too sedulously cultivated.—
Their tendencies are all salutary and
will contribute equally to the pleasure,
security and advantages of both commu
nities.
No period has occurred since (he close
of our revolutionary struggle, in which
prudence demanded the military spirit of
Georgia, and the whole south should be
on the *qui vive,’ for a crisis may arrive
(may heaven avert it,) when the ‘ argu
mentbeing exhausted, we must resort to
our arms' a crisis, in which the perni
cious differences about men will be for
gotten in a sense of common danger, and
1 stout hearts and sharp swords,' be our
best security—‘being always efficiently
prepared to repel danger, is the surest
means of preventing its approach.’ But
to the encampment —the ground has
been laid out with skill and good taste,
and now presents the most attractive
scene in the vicinity of Macon. To our
fellow-citizens no intimation is needed,
respecting the mode in which their guests
from one of the most generously hospita
ble communities in the world should be
received and entertained—all thatourciti
zens will, we aresure, settle O. K. fashion.
Georgia Calls—Will the Whig Editors
answer t
We some time back made our best
bow to the member of the Clay editorial
corps in this State, and in a spirit of can
dour and courtesy requested them to give
a distinct, unequivocal reply to the fol
lowing plain enquiry, to be understood as
addressed to each, individually—do you,
sir, advocate a U. S. bank—the Protec
tive policy and Tariff of forty two—the
distribution of the Land revenue among
the states—the assumption of State debts
by the general government —the restric
tion as proposed by Mr. Clay on the con
stitutional exercise of the veto power by
the President? To these we beg leave
to add, on our own responsibility, are
you, sir, for or against the admission of
Texas in the Union? We are moved to
press these queries on the pat ties to whom
they are propounded, from a deliberate
conviction that an unequivocal, uneva
sive reply may contribute to avert the
perils that now, to an extent previously
unparalleled, menace the existence of
our institutions, and the peace, prosperi
ty, and union of our beloved country.
Our readers will recollect, that a few
numbers back, we placed before them an
extract from the address of a certain Mr.
Kennedy, an eminent Clay leader, to the
whigs of Baltimore, avowing in the most
emphatic terms, that the items, (that is
the U. S. Bank, Distribution, &c.) above
specified were the essential principles of
the universal whig creed. He did not
enumerate the assumption as one of them,
but offered reasons to show the propriety
and necessity of that measure. Mr. Ken
nedy did not touch on Mr. Clay’s scheme
for removing one of the barriers between
himself and the presidency, namely, the
paralysis of the veto—the deficiency was
ably supplied by our faithful senator Ber
rien at the June whig convention. The
honest and disinterested citizens who
have been deceived into the Federal par
ty may see their danger.
The Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel
also published the part of Mr. Kennedy’s
address we alludeto, and with a candour
and manliness worthy|thecau.seitformerly
advocated, acknowledged Mr. K.’s prin
ciples as the genuine Whig creed, ex
pressing at the same time an ardent wish
and confident expectation that they
would be adopted and become the ruling
policy of every State in the confederacy.
(Blessed hour—what a Millenium we
should then have.) Will every Whit*
editor in Georgia follow the honourable
example set by Mr. Jones? It is the
wish of every honest man, whatever be
his party, they should do so. The signs
of the crisis imperatively demand, they
should do so. It is vital Georgia and
the whole South should be assured,
whether or not, they are in no instance
lavishing their favors on, and fostering in
their bosoms the allies, confederates and
stipendiaries of their relentless, remorse
less enemies. Have not J Q. Adams
ii’.td Webster been eulogized and defend
ed, the plunder of the South by the mo
nopolists been vindicated by some of
them?
Entot European News.
The intelligence brought by the las!
packet, the Liverpool cotton market ex
cepted, has no immediate bearing on the
interests of this country. The Repeal
organizations and meeting are still kept
tip, but with abated energy.
Mr. O’Connell has been received in
England with an eclat, that mightmake
any man vain. The dangerous princi
ples and corrupt practices resorted to, in
order to insure his conviction have ex
cited general alarm and indignation in En
gland. Madam Victoria continues to
breed like ambit, it is a pity the suffering
people, can’t find some more useful em
ployment for her little ladyship.
The heroic Circassians, who have for
many years, nobly and gallantly defend
ed their mountain homes against Russian
tyranny, seem now about tobeo verwhelm
ed—the despot, having sent 200,000
choice troops to exterminate them.
Ireland is tranquil, though in Con
naught, holding the most irritable and
high spirited population in the island, the
poor are famishing.
In India, victory seems still chained to
the chariot of the British Lion.
In thecotton market thedernand for the
American staple continues steady, atfair
but moderate rates—say from 6 1-2 to
8 3-4 pence—the former equal to 13, the
latter to 17 1-2 cents. Speculation, that
has so long and mischievously distur
bed the regularity of the market, is seri
ously checked. There is not the sligh
test reason to expect a rise of prices the
present season, but strong reasons to
hope, the next crop will sell for present
prices.
Federal Tactic*.
When the Federalists, who have of
late years profaned, by assuming it, the
time honored sobrequet of Whigs, (for
the Federalists have changed their party
name and cognizance, as often as Pro
teus bis shape,) they were well aware
of the uses to which the imposture might
be applied. One of these applications
we shall notice. When it suits their
purpose to villify their opponents, andex
hibit them in the most false and revolt
ing aspect, they delineate from life a
faultless likeness of themselves, and of
modern Whiggery, its characters, ob
jects and practice, and inscribe on the
shameless counterfeit “Democracy un
veiled.”
On the contrary, when they desire to
present modern Whiggery in the most
delusively fascinatingaspect,they execute
a faithful delineation of Democracy, its
characters, liberty preserving principles,
its people blessing purposes, and its up
right, straight forward, manly practice,
and then, defile nnd deform the truth and
beauty of the picture, by the fraudulent
inscription—“ This is Clay Whiggery.”
These vile forgeries, are palmed off as
genuine currency, upon our unsuspecting
fellow-citizens, who have been too busy,
or too careless to detect the cheat.
•
The New York Ctty Election, Ac.
We introduce to-day from the Herald
and other prints, a mass of information,
relative to the recent election in the city
of the Knickerbockers. It throws some
light on the causes that led to the com
plete triumph of the new, or native A
merican party, and is interesting from the
moral effect it should produce, and the
political changes to which it is likely to
be initiative both there, and perhaps,
over the whole Union. If the new party,
redeem their pledges of cleansing the
aitgean stercorium of official corruption
that has so long disgraced and oppressed
their city— if they inflexibly insist u P cB