Newspaper Page Text
sertions. But Mr. lieake defeated him
in this attempt with his own weapons.—
He rend a letter of Mr. Jefferson’s, to Mr.
Giles of Virginia, disapproving in the
strokes: terms of a protective 'Tariff, and
also a passage from Gen. Jackson’s last
annnai message, in which ho not only
condemned a protective Tariff, but re
commended its reduction to the wan's of
the Government. #"he Bear next refer
red to a Barrie. That, he said, was con
stitutional beyond doubt, because Gen.
Washington signed a bill granting a
charter. He certainly thought it con
stitutional. If he did not, he perjured
himself when he signed the bill; forget
ting that Gen. Washington had request
ed Mr. Madison to write his protest a
gainst the same bill, and that hs actually
did so; but, before it was presented, he
was peersuaded by Gen. Hamilton to
wave his constitutional scruples for the
good of his country, and through his in
fluence he signed the bill, Mr. Leake said
lie had better evidence than that against
the Bank, at least with Bear, and his cubs.
He had the united testimony < f the whole
Whig party of Virginia. Here the Bear
turned pale, not "thinking the Whigs
could possibly be so “ineffably stupid”
as to publish any document condemning
a Bank. Mr. L. said it was the address
of the Whig Convention IS4O, in which
they had solemnly declared that a Bank
was unconstitutional, and that he had
the evidence of Mr. Clay and General
Harrison, in addition, declaring in the
most positive terms, that they considered
it unconstitutional also. He said, that
General Harrison had declared, that he
too would veto any Bank bill, unless ap
proved by a large majority of the people
of the people of the United States. He
would like to know, if General H. had
lived, and signed such a bill, if he too
would not have been a prejnred man.
Here the Bear and his cubs became very
restless, but Mr. I,eake told him he would
read from the great Whig address for his
edification. This he did, and showed
that they were now repudiating the very
doctrines they avowed in 1840. —They
were then anti-Bank, on Constitutional
grounds. “Now (says he) they are fora
Bank, out and out, and I am resolved to
ram this vile scrawl down the throats of
every missionary whom they send to
Goochland.’’ Here the Bear protested
most vociferously against any such
course. It was enough, he said, not only
to kill him. but every Whig in the Union.
He could not swallow that pill; but Mr.
Leak did not mind his protests, blit
thrust the address into his throat, and im
mediately the Bear fell back and gave up
the ghost, lie was delivered into the
hands of the Kentucky Pump Borer, and
he left forthwith for Ashland, with his
remains, to deposit them in the burying
ground of Henry Clay, with tins incrip
tion on his tomb stone, “A Martyr to
Clay's folly."
ALIQUIS.
From tlu Uztroit Free Pre*9.
Date of Ur. Clay’* Apogtacy.
In Mr. Clay’s late half Masonic, half
Anti-Masonic letter, he says :
In 1525. I voted FOR Mr. Adams as
President of the United States, although
as I have understood he was not a Mason:
and AGAINST Gen. Andrew Jackso.n
nolwiihstanding he was a distinguished
member of that order.
In 1827, the Hon. Geo. McDuffie, now
a Senator in Congress from South Caro
lina, made the following explicit charge
against Mr. Clay of entering into a cor
rupt political bargain with Mr. Adams,
the fruit of which was Clay’s vote for
Adams to be President, and Mr. Adams
in return appointing Clay his Secretary
of State.
“Now 1 assetl, and pledge my reputa
tion upon the truth of the. assertion, that
John Q,. Adams was elected AGAINST
THE WILL OF A MAJORITY OF
THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, and a
majority of the states, by a MINORITY
cf the Representatives in Congress, a con
siderable portion of which minoriiy, in
cluding Henry Clay, voted against their
avowed principles and against what they
knew to be the. will of a large majority
of their constituents.
“I also assert, and am willing to stake
my humble stock of political reputation
upon the truth of the assertion, that the
circumstances of the extraordinary coali
tion between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay,
furnish as strong evidence of an ABAN
DONMENT of POLITICAL PRIN
CIPLE on the part of Mr. C!av, and a
CORRUPT POLITICAL BARGAIN
between him and Mr. Adams, as is ordin
arily required in Courts of justice, to es
tablish the guilt of those who are charg
ed with the highest crimes known to the
law.”
Remarking on the above, the United
States Telegraph said:
“Mr. McDuffie here becomes Mr. Clay’s
voluntary accuser; his reputation stands
pledged to make out his case, and if Mr.
Clay will appeal to Congress, he will do
it.”
Mr. McDuffie is new in the U. States
Senate, and is as ready and as willing as
he was in 1826, to charge home and
prove upon Mr. Clay the bargain to im
pose Adams upon the people of the IT.l T . S.
against tlieir will.
FVj-.-i Ha JiJcckUnburg Jeferaania-t.
Fresiitcuiial Flection.
When Mr. Clay commenced his trav
els through the country, it was contend
ed by the Whig press, that it was only
for tiie purpose of information and recre
ation. Recent events, have however,
stamped with falsehood these assertions!
In every place that he has visited in the
South and West, he has given his sanc
tion to political parade and excitement,
and expressed himself with the creates!
vnwmth, upon all the political topics of
th« day. Wne.r a man addressee large
public assemblies week after wt-ek t,p
*nff?ie political tenets ufTi« p&rf\ when
he tells au *xf-ifcd imiliiAtdt- hm!, Ul
as their chief, and rending the air with
plaudits, to go on “you are engaged in
a glorious cause.” What in the name of
reason and common sense is he doing,
if he be not electioneering. A man on a
tour for health and recreation, would
certainly adopt a strange plan foi accom
plishing these ends, were he to ioiiow
the Clay method.
Further than this, why are runners
despatched to prepare the minds of the
people for the approach of the great Lion
of the whig party ? Why are regular ap
pointments madeat places fardistant from
one another, which this itinerant dema
gogue never fails to keep? What are
the interesting companions of Mr. Clay,
(the Buckeye Blacksmith and Pumpbor
er) doing? Travelling like their master,
we suppose, for pleasure and informa
tion. ’Tis a foul and unprecedented out
rage upon the honesty and good sense of
the people, that these rowdy political
rascals should be sent into every state, as
the heralds of the whig party. Behold
the jpectacle exhibited even in Virginia,
on that soil where Washington trod, and
that gave birth to Henry, Jefferson.
Madison, and a host of other worthies.
The Buckeye Blacksmith announces
in the capital of the Old Dominion, that
he will addsess the people upon the po
litical topics of the day, nud ni view of
the presidential election. A man, whom
the Louisville Journal has accused ofthe
basest crimes, and stamped as the vilest
blackguard instructing the people of Vir
ginia on the subject of political duty.—
And how does this wiseacre, leave his
work and family, and peddle his wares
made for this purpose, through the coun
try? Why it is very natural to conclude,
that he is supplied by his employers, and
pays them in the speeches that he deliv
ers—in the songs that he sings, and by
the whig antics the cuts. We see to
what low grovelling and dangerous arts,
the federal party will resort, to obtain
success. Their stragems are the neces
sary consequence of their principles.—
There is a great scheme now at work,
of which Mr. Clay is the head and origin
ator, and running through a long chain
of subordinate agency. It is soon to op
erate from Maine to Lousiana. By it,
they expect to accomplish what they did
in "40. Their efforts will lie more firm
and cone ntrated than at that time ; for
they have the advantage of experience,
and the dicipline which a successful
campaign is apt lo confer. The hope of
the Republic therefore rests upon the zeal,
patriotism, and strenuous exertion of the
Democracy. Never has any man been
promped by a consuming ambition, to
piny a more desperate game than Mr.
Clay at this time. He is a bold and at
the same time an artful politician : one
who, from early life, has been climbing
the slippery ladder of political fame, and
though he has tried time after time, has
never been able to reach the topmost
round, lie is now willing, and must of
necessity stake his nil “upon the hazard
of the dye.” But l y his reckless course,
lie is establishing a precedent, fraught
with the greatest mischief to our country.
A candidate in future for the Presidency,
may refer to Mr. Clay as authority, for
practicing all the arts of the demagogue,
in order to secure his election. Our
country then will be changed every four
years into a vast ring, for the encounters
of the two adverse politieial champions.
The excitement consequent upon the
presidential election, will then be increa
sed tenfold, greatly to the danger ol our
free institutions This innovation may
now be looked upon with suspicion, from
the very fact of its novelty, but custom
and usage, or necessity, may reconcile us
to any thing.
Texas—Den. Hamilton.
The following letter vve copy from the
New Orleans Bulletin of the 12ih inst.
It is worthy of the author and of the
subject.— Charleston Mercury.
To Glokge McDuffie, Esq.
Senator from South Carolina,.
My Dear McDuffie—You must find
my apology for this public comnmnica
tion, in the relations of onr old and val
ued friendship, and the interesting sub'
ject which constitutes its sole topic.
On reaching this place last evening
fiom Texas, L read for the first time, the
following extract of a letter from Mr.
Webster to some of ins friends in Massa
chusetts :
“ I frankly avow my entire unwilling
ness to do any thing which shall extend
the slavery of the African race, on this
continent, or add other slave holding
Slates to this Union. * * We
have slavery already amongst us. The
constitution found it amongst us : it re
coguized it, and gave it solemn guaran
ties we are bound, in honor, iu justice,
and by the constitution. * *
But when we come to speak of uniting
new States, the subject assumes an en
tirely different aspect. Our l ights and
our duties are then both different.
In my opinion,the people oft ha United
States will not consent to bring anew,
vastly extensive and slaveholding conn!
try, large enough lor half a dozen or a
dozen States, into the Union. In my
opinion they ought not to consent to it
We cannot misunderstand ihisremark
able manifesto. Whilst it asserts broad
■ iy that no slaveholding State is again to
i be admitted within the pale of the Union,
j it leaves, by a necessary implication the
i the door open without limit, to the ad
! mission of those in which domestic
slavery does not exist.—ln other words
he tells us, when we adopt the Federal
Constitution we permitted you to come
int the confederacy with the taint of lep
rosy. We will, however, contaminate
our household no lurther with such as
sociates !! !
The meanest white slave who crawls
in his cowardice «nd servikty among us
can i?’*ve no other .nteipreiation io this
annihema It must come tc ih:s coir;-
pPxion at last.
When to:- doctrine is arowt-d. when
this brand of Cain is put upon our fore
heads, what is, and what becomes of our
situation ? Remember, too this lan
guage comes from a man of mark.—
From “a voice potenial”—from one who
is at once regarded as the Nestor and
Demosthenes of that part of the Uuion
which lays claim to the largest part of
the virtue and intelligence ofthe country
For one, how ever mn ch I may be
satisfied of what the U. S. must lose by
rejecting the proposition lor the annexa
tion of Texas, yet if she should be repul
sed from considerations of political power
on which parties my fairly take antago
nist ground, 1 should be content that this
question, like other public, .questions,
should be decided by the arbitrament of
the public will, with a due regard to that
spirit of compromise which formed the
Constitution. But the principle of ex
clusion as avowed by Mr. Webster, (and
doubtless he speaks for a party which
has takentits stand) involves insult and
defiance to us at the South. In one
word, that we belong to a morally de
graded caste.
I ask, my friend, as men can we stand
this? Even if we have a craven wil
lingness to remain in the house of our
fathers, insulted and reviled as long as
we are permitted to abine, what security
have we that we shall not at last be kick
ed ignominiously out of doors and sink
to the level of onr own slaves? With
all possible moderation allow me to ask,
if this is the ground on which Texas is
to be excluded from the Confederacy,
have we any other alternative hut AN
NEXATION OR DISUNION ! There
are times and occasions which the best
discretion is to be found in the highest
courage, and if slaveholders are not fit to
be admitted into the Union, we are not
fit to he there. The argument can have
no other extent but this.
Humble an individual as I am, I de
sire nay position in relation to this subject
not to be mis understood. I have hither
to taken no part in the battery of this
question. To the best of my recollec
tion, I have neither written to Mr. Cal
houn, yourself, nor a single member of
the South Carolina Delegation on the
topic. Ido not even know your opinion,
intimate as our relations hare been. I
have been restrained by considerations
of peculiar delicacy. I have large pecu
niary claims on the gevernment of Tex
as and desired no distrust of my motives.
Besides, I procured the recognition of
Texas from the first and most powerful
nation on the face of the earth, and from
two of the second rate powers of Europe,
and co operated in obtaining that of the
King of the French. After assuring
hese Powers that Texas desired to be a
sovereign and independent State, it was
not for me to take a prominent part in
measures which were to place her in a
subordinate sphere, by contributing toa
reversal of my own assurances.
But if the ground on which Texas is
to be excluded from the Union, is the
ground assumed by Mr. Webster, the
question of Annexation itself sink abso
lutely into comparative insignificance
The Union is in fact, disolved, if the
principle assumed is allowe to bear the
bitter fruit of its insult arid injustice.
That is to say, if the sordid cultivation
of cotton, rice, sugar and tobacco, has
left one impulse of manlypride and cour
age in our bosoms
I indulge in no feelings of resentment
towards Mr. Webster. Asa Northern
man he is quite at liberty to entertain
and express the opinions he does. We
have an equal right to entertain our own.
I have much personal kindness and con
sideration to acknowledge at his hands
uud a large tribute to pay to his incom
parable genius, and to an intellect whose
vigor gives both simplicity and grace to
its extraordinary elegance and accom
plishment. His opinion, for aught I
know, may suit New England, but they
will not suit us.
Oil this question of State pride and
national honor, I disdain (center intoany
sordid calculations of profit.
I will not tell you what a star Texas
will be in the gallaxy of this Union. I
will not tell you of the marvelous, fertil
ity of her rich river alluviums and
boundless plains—of her ability to sus
tain the finest population on earth—of
how much vastly more in the sum ofthe
security of this fine city, and the Valley
of the Mississippi, it would be, to have
her people by thehardy riflemen of t e
West, under our own glorious banner,
“bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh,”
than to have the lazar houses, stews and
penitentiaries ofthe Old World vomiting
forth their inmates on her fertile shores.
I will not tell you thatourtrade with this
young and growing country is fast wa
ning—that amidst twelve or fourteen
squarerigged vessels in the port of Gal
veston. three days since, I saw the flag of
our country hoisted at the mast-head of
but one ! I will not tell you that the
manufactureresof New England are near
ly driven out of the country, and those
of Europe substituted in their place. I
will not recount these things, because I
will not dishonor a question of pride
with the base traffic of profit.
If the South, however, after listening
for one hour (yea, a stated hour) per
diem for the last four years to reproaches
and insult, in ail assembly which ought to
Le blessed by the spirit of fraternal con
cord, should put up with this indigni
ty not gently intimated, but flung slap in
her face, why 1 do not see, my dear Mac,
that you and I have any other fate but
like the rest to be contented and infa
mous, and make cotton and rice as long as
our master will permit us to do so.
But if, on the other hand, the South
ern delegations should rise to a levl of the
j spirit which once distinguished our fa-
I hers, and they sound the tocsin alter
1 Congress shall have declared its authen
tic sense, THAT NO MORE SLAVE
STATES ARE TO BE ADMITTED
INTO THIS UNlON—why, then, hum
hl« and stricken | .-»*n I premise lo re
echo the blast in at least three States in
this Union, which I touch in social sym
pathy and contract. I think we may
count on all of think we may count on
all of them. As to that noble old State
of which we both owe, with our loyalty
and affection, so much gratitude, as a
mong the favored of her sons, shall we
doubt her? No. “She knows how to
die, but never to surrender.”
Sincerely, your friend,
J. HAMILTON.
St. Charles Hotel,.
New Orleans, April 11th, 1844.
Avs&si&LgAssr iD^aaAXS&AYi?,,
WEDNESDAY, MAY 1, 1844.
Arrival of Savannah Volunteers.
In accordance with previous arrange
ments, our Military visitors reached the
Depot last Monday evening about six
o’clock, and we are happy to hear, with
out the slightest accident of misadventure,
to mar the pleasantness of the occasion.
Afterjformingadoublecolumn atthe Depot
the four companies marched to the Bridge,
where they were received with appro
priate Military honors, by the three Vol
teer Corps of this place, and by them es
corted to the Court House. Here they
were warmly welcomed to the hospitali
ties of the city, by his Hon. the Mayor,
in an animated address, which was elo
quently responded to on the part of the
Savannah companies by Eieut. Bartow,
of the Republican Blues. The whole
procession then moved to the Camp
Ground and took up their quarters.
United State Senator.
The Governor of the State of Ala. has
appointed Hon. Dixon H. Lewis, a Sen
ator from that State, to fill the vacancy
occasioned by the resignation of Hon.
W. R. King, who has been . appointed
Minister to France.
This is a good appointment, and will
b gratifying to his numerous friends in
other States, as well as Alabama.
Whig Reformation.
We are pleased to see the “aye ready”
spirit shown by our neighbor of the Mes
senger, in reply to the call of Georgia
made in the preceding number of the
Democrat. We are pleased also with
ourselves, that we can admire in a very
unsparing, neck or nothing, opponent,
the subtle ingeiiuiiy and Tallyrand like
address, for which his response is so re
markable. This expression of our opin
ion is made with the greater satisfaction,
as the writer of that article was once our
right hand comrade in the well fought
Reid, when “Troup and the Treaty”
triumphed so signally, conferring upon
hundreds of our fellow citizens comfort
and in many instances, permanent opu
lence. Together too with him, we wore
the glorious Palmetto symbol, the dis
tinctive exponent of un-Clayed constitu
tional Democracy. Together, too with
him, we fought the good fight of State
Rights. During all that period, we both
contended for every iota of the present
Democratic creed and sternly opposed
every measure, object and supporter of
Federalism, now disguised, under
the people deceiving name of whiggery
—both, with every disinterested and en
lightened man in the party were Anti-
Protective Tariff—anti United States
bank, anti-internal Improvement by the
generalGovernment—anti-National Debt
-anti-Clay, in a word, anti every thing
that now constitutes modern whiggery.—
For verifying the scrupulous truth and
exactness of this statement we refer to
the columns ofthe Messenger particular
ly and more generally to the Georgia
Journal, the Southern Recorder and the
Augusta Sentinel—for the eight years
preceding the ever to be lamented sum
merset of 1840. When the whig wire
pullers played the desperate game, of a
larming the Staterights editors for the
safety of their subscription lists, if they
did not speedily change Jefferson’s march,
into the more profitable music of “Log
Cabins, Hard Cider and Tippecanoe”
they would soon find those precious
schedules reduced to skeletons. One
case of this kind fell under our personal
observation, doubtless there were many
more—a person who had been through
several counties of the State on his re
turn home, informed the proprietors of a
print which had unsparingly reprobated
Clay, Harrison and every item of the
Clay whig creed, that if they did not im
mediately ran up the Harnsou flag, they
would lose seven hundred subscribers.
They accordingly hoisted the whig ban
ner and that of others—their course
since that era of political summersets,
though we lament, we will not now ani
madvert upon. These however, are not
the only instances that claim regret and
suggests doubts ol human nature, doubts
of man’s capacity for seif government,
doubts for the fate of our beloved country
and itsfteeinstitutions. Howmanycases
among our former friends have we to
mourn over, in which a full imbuement
with Clayism, has acted as a narcotic on
whatever nobleness of principle, gener
ous sentiment or lofty patriotism, they
previously possessed. How many of
them, do we now see abasing themselves
to the rank of performers in the Tragi
comic dramas, “ all for Clay, or the Re
public well lost,” alias, “the progress
of Humbug and triumph of party, over
patriotism.” But let this pass, return we
to the Messenger. While hastily look
ing over the replies so promptly and
courteously accorded to the queries pro
pounded by the Democrat, we rejoiced
to think our old friends had the manhood
thus to repudiate the dangerous delu
sions, with which for four years, they
had been confusing the judgments and
poisoning the minds of the people. We,
in fancy stretched forth the hand of bro
therhood, to welcome our aberrating bre
thren back to their old fold of constitu
tional Democracy.
But, good reader, guess our disappoint
ment, whenon acooler,andcloser, inspec
tion, we found the replies of the Messen
ger to our plain substantial questions,
were of a material so plastic, so flexible,
they could be made to assume any shape
partizan policy, or manufacture of par
ty capital rendered convenient. This
however, detracts nothing from the neat
ness and artistical skill, with which they
are executed—and had their ingenuous
ness been equal to their ingenuity, it
would have afforded us unalloyed satis
faction. Georgia still calls upon every
whig editor in the State, for a simple
direct yes or no, to the following plain
questions—are you Sir, in favor of a Pro
tective Tariff—a United States Bank—
Internal Improvement by the general
Government—Assumption of State Debts
—Distribution of the Land Revenue a
mong the States—Clay’s proposed re
striction on the Veto and finally, are
you for or against the annexation of
Texas to this Union ? As far as we are
concerned, the queries are propounded in
a spirit of entire candour, and courtesy,
and trust it may be reciprocated by those
addressed, giving a direct yes or no, to
each article of the inquiry The crisis
which menaces the South demands it—
by those who have nothing to conceal,
an explicit Yes or No will not be refused.
We cannot close without thanking
the Messenger for the article we have re
marked on—it demonstrates the fact, that
when the Clay whigs court the favor and
confidence of the people, they exhibit a
schedule of Democratic principles and
inscribe, ‘This is whiggery’ on it. On
the contrary—when desirous of discredit
ing and vilifying Democracy, they draw
a picture of the objects and necessary re
sults of whiggery and inscribe over it,
‘This is Democracy.’
Young Men’s Democratic Association.
It was the high sentiment of ancient
patriotism “never to despair of the com
monwealth”—and the noblest and brigh
test records which history displays of in
dividual prowess or national renown, is
that of those who, under the greatest dis
advantage, have discomfited the minions
of oppression or checked the strides of
power, which aimed only to load them
with heavier chains. If we examine the
subject further—if we trace the causes
of their success, we shall find, that they
every where, resolved themselves into
these union, zeal , courage and a gener
ous public spirit. It is with feelings
such as these, we desire to see the young
men of the Democratic party, not only of
our own county and State, but in every
State, Hamlet and Village throughout
the Union, entering upon the great con
test approaching—preparing to battle for
their country and principles. Our op
ponents, the whigs, are active in the ap
plication ot every means and agency in
their power to advance their principles
and consider no sacrifice either of time or
money lost, if they can but succeed in
recoiling the people to support the pecu
liar dogmas of whig faith, as promulga
ted by Clay, Webster, Adams and the
like. They have already turned loose
upon the country, their swarms of politi
cal teachers, Agents, and orators have
been sent from State to State, charged
with the distribution of pamphlets, tracts,
speeches, <fcc. <fcc. And they will leave
no means untried which may promise in
the least, to aid in fastening upon the
country the piebald measures of a party,
which the people have so often rejected
and condemned.
It is in view then of all this, that we
would especially commend the young
men’s democratic association re
cently formed in this town, to our breth
ren and friends iii the county, and sug
gest the propriety of forming like associa
tions throughout the State. I jet the
young Democracy move in their strength
in support of the great principles for
which we are contending. Here is too,
something inspiriting and animating to
every lover ol Ins country, in the pros
pect presented by the young men of th«
country, binding themselves together u,
defence of the time-honoured principles
of government handed down to us by the
purest and wisest statesmen in the annals
of our history. To the youth too, in
this county, to the young, to the men in
the spring time of life, in an especial
manner is this great trust delegated. If
is to such that we would address our
selves to-day. It is to such we would
speak when we say it depends on you in
part, whether when a few years have rol
led by these states, will continue to exist
in the rare distinction of a free, happy,
and enlightened government—it is for
you to say, whether they have reached
their proudest elevation, whether they
shall continue to advance for ages in a
career of happiness, freedom and glory,
or whether their fate shall call the patri
ot to mourn over the ruins of his most
cherished schemes.
It is to the young men of the party we
would address ourselves now, and en
treat them, by qvery thing that is animat
ing in the history of the past or prospect
of thejfutnre, to shake off the lethargy
which has so long hung like an incubus
upon our party. We call upon the
“Young Democracy,” the flower of the
House, prepare for decided, vigorous and
simultaneous action—in every county
in the State, in every State, and city and
Village in the Union. Let your battle
cry be “onward and forward” in defence
of the Constitution and its principles.
The constitution united and inviolate.
The constitution as it is. No partial
Legislation for the benefit of a favored
few. No Distribution of the proceeds
of the public Lands. No abolition of
the on’y constitutional check upon a
corrupt or factious Congress.
That the Democratic party has, like
all other parties, demogogues and others
connected with it, and who seek only
their personal advancement, and who
care nothing for principle, we are oblig
ed to admit. And that they have made
mistakes in legislation is equally true.—
For instance the Pet Bank system. But
that they are mfintely superior to their
opponents, both as regards their mea
sures and the general tendency of the
party, and in every otheraspect, in which
they can be viewed, we most confidently
assert and believe.
Demoralizing effects of Clny-Whiggerr-
Wholesale sabbath-breaking &c. in Cod
uecticUt.
Every one has heard of the exceeding
strictness with which that holy seventh
day was formerly observed by the good
people of Connecticut—but that was be
fore the Clay epidemic afflicted and dis
honored the land. It appears by the
statement of the New Haven Register
and other Journals that on the day prece
ding their election, which took place on
Monday, the Clay whigs of the State im
ported from New York, by the steamer
Nimrod, a cargo of illegal, disqualified
voters, every one of whom, it was known,
must, before he voted, commit a perjury
in which of course, his employers fully
participated, and were, before that God
who is of purer eyes than to behold ini-1
quity, equally guilty'. In the neighbor I
hood of Bridgeport, where the Nimrod I
discharged her precious burden, there I
were collected carriages sufficient to dis-l
tribute those outcasts to the stands where!
they were to consummate their perjury I
outrage Heaven, trample on the constitu I
tion of their country and the sanctities oil
religion and all those moral obligations*
whose influence is indispensable to bind*
society together. But if Clayism have ml
so short a time pioduced among the peo-B
pie of Connecticut formerly justly cele-B
brated for piety and moral rectitude a*
dereliction so appalling from all tM*
good men hold sacred, what has it done,■
what will it do in other places? TbJ
scenes of hitman depravity and desperate*
atrocity exhibited by the Whigs of Pl )! ■
adelphia, New \ r ork and other location*
during their election conspiracies of a*
and ’4O, and the more recent instances i|fl
New Orleans and the wholesale Sabbat!*
violating and perjury perpetrated to car*
ry the late election in Connecticut, as*
adapted to make an honourable tna*
blush for his species, and a patriot sho*
der for the future fate of his country- I
No cause for whose success such *
pliances are needed, can, unless the re'*
lations of nature and enactments ot IC *
word of God are fables be otherwise ,tw *
destructive to a republican P e °P| f ’ *
Were such means needed to elect " a ■
ington, Jefferson, Madison, or Jacks 01 *
Never. They are indispensable, ho' f *
er, to the success of a hybrid char® 1 - 1 *
formed amid the generating influenc*.*
the western brag Table—of one w
forty years has had but one
view, his own aggrandisement an ■**
mate elevation to the Presidency- *
Our whig fellow-citizens through ■
Union have forgotten that good J
come out of evil, and labour apP I
under an infatuation and *
future, similar t«> that affwiipf. f I