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Message of the President,
Letter from Mr. Calhoun to
Mr. Pakcnbam.
RelaHtt to Terns Annexation.
lles'tfltffr,
~3v vhe lEViTt or mr yrriTiiD Statz*
I tran*(uit herewith, lor your approval cud ratification, a
rreaty, which ? have canted to be negotiated between the
t*. Slates and Texas whereby the latter, on the conditions
therein set limb, has transferred and conveyed all it*
rigb’S of separate and independent sovereignty and juris
diction to the U. States. Ito taking so important a step I
have been snduer.eed by what aupeared to me to be the
most controlling considerations of public policy and the <jen
era! good; and in having accomplished it, shou.d it meet
with >*our approval, the government will have succeeded in
re-claiming a territory which formerly constituted a portion,
nit is confidently believed, of its domain, under the treaty
of cession of 1603, by France, to the l nited Stales.
The country thus proposed to be annexed has been set
tled principally by persons from the United States, who em
igrated on the invitation of both Spain and Mexico, and who
carried with them into the wilderness which they have par
tia.ly reclaimed, the laws, customs, and political and domes
tic institutions of their native land. They are deeply indoc
trinated i« all the principles of civil liberty, and will bring
uong with rhfm, in the act of re-association, devotion to our
Union, and a firm and indexible resolution to assist in •main*
raining the public liberty unimpaired—a consideration which,
as it appear* to me, is to be regarded as of no small mo
ment. The country, itself, thus obtained, is of incalculable
value in an agricultural and commercial point of view.
To a soil of inexhaustible fertility, it unites a genial and
healthy climate, and is defined, at a day not distant, to
make large contributions to the commerce of the world. Its
territory is separated from the United Slates, in pan, by an
imaginary line, and by the river Sabine, fpr a distance of
310 miie*. and its productions are (he same with those of
many oFthe contiguous States of the Union. Such is the
country, such are Its inhabitants and such its capacities to
add to the general wealth of the Union. As to the latter, it
may be safely that in the magnitude of its produc
tions. ir will equal, in a short time, under the protecting care
of this Government, if it does not surpass the combined pro
duction of many States of the Confederacy. Anew and
powerful impulse will thus be given to the navigating inter
ns: of the country, which will be chiefly engrossed by our
fellow-ciiizeos of the Eastern and Middle Btates. who have
already attained a remarkable degree of prosperity by the
parti imonopoly they have enj tyed of the carrying trade of
the I n.on, particularly the coastwise trade, which this new
acquisi lion is destine : in time, an I that not distant, to swell
to a tna gnitude which cannot easily be computed; while the
ad i.tio n made to the boundaries of the home market, thus
se ure-: te their ruining, manufacturing, and mechanical skill
arid industry, will be of a character the most commanding
and imperta^
Sue!. *re of the many advantages which will accrue
to die Eastern and Mi -lie States by the ratification of the
*-eatv —advantages, the extent of which it is impossible to
» \u.- e with ae uracy or proj>erly to appreciate. Texas
be adapted to the culture of cotton, sugar, and rice, and
dev ting mo«t of her energies to the raising of theie produc
ti i-.s. wopen an extensive market to the W «-au»rn States,
in *He nportant articles and f*ef. pork, horf.ea, mules. Ac., as
wed as its brea isluffs. At the same the Southern and
S , a extern States will find, in iLe fact of annexation, pro
tect! n and security to their peace and tranquility, as well
«£si >'* -ill domestic as foreign efforts to disturb them; thus
r -' ''-err a ting a*;ew the Union of the States, and holding out
♦ce promise ot Us perpetual duration.
Thus, at the same time that the tide of public prosperity
is rreatlv swollen, an appeal of what appears to the Execu
t; • e ? • be of an imposing, if m»t of a resistless character, is
u.ade to ibe ir.tercis of every port!-in of the country. Agri
ci' i-e. which would have anew ard extensive market
r> ; ”i Tf< - pr> dure; commerce, w hose ships would be
• *ed with the rtch productions of an extensive and fer
•e re. >n; and the mechanical arts, in all their various rain
h'.v * r *. would seem to unite in one universal demand for
the ratification of (be treaty.
But important as these considerations may appear they
ar. • Je regarded is but secondary to others. Texas, for
'• -i deemed sufficient by herself, threw off her depend-
on Mex .'o, as far back as arid consomniatpd her
oepei denee by the battle if San Jacinto, in the same year;
'■nee which period, Mexico has attempted no serious tnva
•»* - ■* her territory ; but the-conte.>t has assumed features
y a in*, e border war, characterised by acts revolting to
* imanity. In the year lS3fi Texas adopted her Ccnstitu*
tion. under which she has existed as a sovereign power e\ ei
av-ngbeen recognised as such by tnanv of the prin-
powers of the world ; and contemporaneously witli its
•aopnouby a solemn vote of her people, embracing all her
jy "jillation, but \ ..cty-lhree persons, declared her anxious
1 e in beidnu ed into association with the United States.
i- portion cf t ieir.territory. This vote thus solemnly ta
ken. has never been reversed; and now. by the action of
her constituted authorities, sustained as it is by popular sen
t.-neot. she re-affirfiib her desire for annexation. This
Murhas beenadopted bj her, without the employment of
sci su icter measures on the part ot this government. No
:rrrigue fiat been seton foot to accomplish it. Texas her
self will. l * it, and the Executive of the United Stater, con
cur-iag with her. has seen no sufficient reason to avoid the
rort sum (nation of an act esteemed to he so Heritable by both.
It cannot be denied, that Texas is greatly depressed in her
ener ; esT>y her Jong protracted war with Mexico. Under
these < ircnmstances. it is but natural that she should seek for
safety' aud repose under the protection of some strong pow
* r and is equally so that her people should turn to the
1 idled States, the land of their birth, in the first instance, in
•he p irsuit of such protection. She has ofteu before made
V jown her wishes; but her advances have, to this time,
been repelled. The Executive of the United States sees
i- :*-L'Crany cause for pursuing such a course. The baz
r.rd of notv her wishes may be of the most fatal
‘.♦Miden'-y. It might lead, ami most probably would, to sucii
r • »* alienation of sentiment and **feeling as would ine
' y induce her to look elsewhere for aid. and force her
e’r *cr to erver into dangerous alliances with other nations,
v.looking with more wisdom to their interests, would, it
is liiirly to be presumed, readily adopt such expedients; or
eh would hold out the proffer of discriminating duties in
f’tde and commerce, in order to secure, the recessary as
fi-taricaa \Vhatever step she might adopt, looki gto this
would prove disastrous, in the highest degree to the
:e rests of the whole Union. To say nothing of the impol
; v of our permitting the car ryiog trade and home market of
such a country tr. pass out of our hands into those of a com
mercial rival, the Government in the first place, would he
ret rain »o suffer most disastrously in its revenue by the in
trod uctnm of a system of smuggling, upon an extensive
pcale, which an nnny of custom house officers could not pre
vent—-and which would operate to affect injuriously the in
tere.'ts of all the industrial tlaases of thi* country. Hence
would c rise constant collisions between the inhabitants of
t«ie« two countries which would evermore endanger thrir
peace. A large increase of the military force of the United
hk s would inevitably follow, thus devolving upon the peo
the row and extraordinary burdens, in order not only to pro
te them from the danger of daily collision with Texas her
• "if. hut to guard their border inhabitants against hostile
• ro nc l so easily excited on the part of the numerous and
v rdike tribes of Indians dwelling in their neighborhood.
Texas vould undoubte My be unable, fur many years to
con»e if at any time, to re* i»t, unaided and alone, the tuili
in power of the United States; but i* is not extravagant to
suppose that nations reaping a rich harvest Ire in her trade,
ired to them by advantageous treaties, would be in
duceJ to take part with her in any conflict with us. from the
;• r ing- t considerations of jKiblic policy. Such a state of
things m : L’ht subject to devastation the territory of cofttigious
States, aud would cost the country, in a single campaign,
nor* treasure, thrice told over, than is stipulated to be paid
and rt imbursed by the treaty now proposed for ratification.
J will not permit myself to dwell on this view of the subject.
• onsequenees of a fatal character to the peace of the Union
\ id even to the preservation of the Union itself, might be
dwelt upon. They will not, however, fail to orrur to the
mind of the Senate and of the country. Nor do i indulge in
8i y vague conjectures of ihe future. The documents now
transmitted along with the treaty, lead to the conclusion, as
inevitable, ih >t it the boon now tendered be rejected, Texas
will fce*H frrr the friendship of others.
In confempfhting such a contingency, it cannot be over
' >oked that the United States are aheady almost surrounded
by the possessions of European powers. The Canadas,
New Hiunswjck and Nova bcutia, the islands in the Amer
.'■an with Texas, trammelled by treaties of alliance, or
♦ • coiQiuerc lal clroracser, differing in |»«lkry from that of
the United Slates, would complete the circle. Texas vol
untarily steps forth, upon term: of perfect honor and good
ft di t«» all nations, to a: kto he annexed to the Union As
; n independent sovereignty, her right to do this is unques
tionable. In doing iiiia, she pres no cause *»f umbrage to
•my other power; her people desire it, aud there is no *Jav
i-> transfer of her sovereignty and independence. She ha**
for e*gh* o»«r3 maintainerl lier independence against all ef
forts i<» subdue her. She has been recognised as independ*
e*:t . - many of the most prominent of the fan.’ly of nations
and thaf recognition, so far as they are concerned, places h'*r
in a position, without giving any just u nbrage to them, to
‘ jrre i icr . her sovereignty at her own will and pleasure.
I’iie United States, actuated evennore by a spirit of justice.
»>a«- lenred. by the stipulations of the treaty. to render jus
r >* to aii. They have made provision for ihe payment of
tue public debt of Texas. We look to her ample and ferti t*
domain as the certain ir**ans of accomplishing tins; but this
■*- a ruauer between the Un ted states and Texas, and w ith
hmi !* other eoverronents hare nothing to do. Our right to
receive the rich arrant tendered by Texas is perfect; and
tai-. ifoverumeat should not. having due reaped either toils
/■w:» honor or ils own interest!*, permit its course of policy to
be interrupt** 1 by the interference of other pr v ers. even if
such interference ihrealened. The question i a one
purely American. In the acquisition, while we abstain
ru.ist carefully fflom all that could interrupt rhe public peace,
we claim the right V* exercise a due regard
This canuct. consistently with i;s honor, p er
riiit 3*-y anch interferenc e. With equal. if not greater pro
priety, might the bniteil States demand of other govern
nients to #urre:»der their numerous and rauubie acqaisi
nona, made in time past at numberless places on »hc surface
of the globe. whereby they lute added to their power and
enlarged their resource**.
To Mexico, the Executive I* di*p *.nd *. y pt, ntl ,. 4 niurse
conciliatory in iu»cHarac’-c. and it»he s**»i>e time ro render
tier the moat ample j.i u*r. by con v*»e*u)nN u>u j ipuiatbni*
not inconsistent wirfc the rig its v;d dig/ it; e ht go er» -
nient. It is actuated by spirit of lejuat .ggreno zeii*”it.
.tfi xico it several per*-M . i»s evrewe »i»\:ei ; - c \ an*
the i.iri • tin.* > t liOnti'r <• I** * eu that - ■■*.. •rv miTr .
ft* |t v. i;< l w • e «’ l. ,
It has ever been ready to urge a » a ijustiner.t cf the dispute
upon terms mutually advantageous to both. It wiuf be
ready at all times to hear and discuss any claims Mexico
may think she hafe on the just ce of the United States, and to
adjustanv that wav be deemed to be so on the most liberal
terms. There is no desire on the part of the Executive to
woutid brer pride, or affect injuriously her interest; but, at
the sauae tune, it cannot coiupromit by any delay in u* ac.
lion the essential interests of the United States. Mexico
has no right to ask or expect this of ns—we deal rightfully
with Texas as an independent power. The v.*i»r which has
been waged for eight years has resulted only in the convic
tion. with all others than herself, that Texas cannot be re
conquered. I cannot but repeat the opiuion. expressed in
my message at the opening <»f-Congress, (hat it is lime it had
ceased. The Executive, while it could not look upon its
longer continuance without the greatest uneasiness, has ne
vertheless, for all past time, preserved a course of strict
neutrality, ft could not be ignorant of the fact of the ex
imustion which a war of so long a duration had produced
Least of all was it ignorant of the anxiety of other powers
to induce Mexico to enter into terms of reconciliation with
Texas, which, affecting the domestic institutions of Texas,
would operate most injuriously upon the United States, and
might most seriously threaten the existence of this happy
Union. Nor could it be unacquainted with the fact, that al
though foreign governments might disavow all design to
disturt the relations which exist under the Constitution be
tween these States, yet that one, the most powerful amongst
them, had not failed to declare its marked and decided hos
tility to the chief features in those relations, aud its purpose,
on nil suitable occasions, to urge upon Mexico the adoption
of such a course in negotiating with Texas as to produce
the obliteration of that feature from her domestic policy, as
one of the conditions «»f her recognition, by Mexico, as an
independent State. The Executive wus also aware of the
fact, that formidable associations of persons, the subjects of
foreign powerc, existed, who were directing their utmost ef
forts to Lnft accomplishment of this object. To these con
clusions it was inevitably brought by the documents now
submitted to the Senate. I repeat, the Executive saw Tex
as in a state of almost hopeless exhaustion, and the question
was narrowed down to the simple proposition, whether the
United States should accept the boon of annexation on fair
and liberal terms, or, by refusing to do so, force Texas to
seek a refuge in the arms of some other power, either
through a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, or the
adoption of tome other expedient, which might virtually
make her tributary to such power, and dependent upon it
for all future time. The Executive has full reason to be
lieve that such would have been the result, without its in
terposition, and that such will be the result, in the event ei
ther of unnecessary delay in the ratification, or of the rejec
tion of the proposed treaty.
In foil view then of the highest public duty, and as a
measure of security against evils incalculably great the Exe
cutive has entered into the negotiation the fruits of which
are now submitted to the Senate. Independent of the ur
gent reasons which existed for the step it has taken, it might
safely invoke the *"act which it confidently believes, that
there exists i Yj civilised government on earth, having a vol
untary tender made it of a domain so rich and fertile, so re
plete with all that can add to national greatness and wealth,
'and *r> necessary to its peace and safety, that would reject
the offer. Nor are other powers. Mexico inclusive, likely
in any degree, to be injuriously effected by the ratification
of the treaty. The prosperity of Texas will be equally in- J
teresting to all, in the increase of the general commerce of j
the world ; that prosperity will be secured by annexation, i
But one view of the subject remains to be presented. It •
frows out of the proposed enlargement of our territory.
’roni this, lam free to confess. I see no danger. The fed
erative system is susceptible of the greatest extension com
patible with the ability of the representation of the most dis
tant state or territory to reach the seat of government in
time to participate in the functions of legislation, and to
make known the wants of the constituent body. Our con
federated republic consisted originally of thirteen members.
It now consists of twice that number, while applications are
before Congress to permit other additions.
This addition of new States has served to strengthen rath
er than to weaken the Union. New interests have sprung
up. which require the united power of all, through the ac- i
tion of the common government to protect and defend upon i
the high seas and in foreign parts. Each State commits, with
perfect security, to that common government those great in
tcrests growing out of our relations with other nations of the
world, and wlrch equally involve the good of all the States.
Its donors tic concerns are left to its own exclusive manage
ment.
B at if the**e were any force in the objection, it would seem
to require an immediate abandonment of territorial posses
sions which lie in the distance, and stretch to a far off sea;
and yet no one would be found, it is believed, ready to re
commend such an abandonment. Texas lies at our very
doors, and in our immediate vicinity.
Under every view which I have been able to take of the
subject, I think that the : merest* of our common constitu
ents. the people of all the States, and a love of the Union,
left the Executive no other alternative than to negotiate the
treaty. The hich and solemn duty of ratifying or of reject
ing it. is wisely devolved on the Senate by the Constitution
of the United States. JOHN TYLER.
Washington, April 22, 1944.
Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Pakenham
Department of State,
Washington, April 18, 1844.
The undersigned, Secretary of State
of the United States, has laid before the
President the note of the right honorable
Mr. Pakenham. envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary of her Brit
an ic Majesty, addressed to this depart
ment t on the 26th of February last, to
gether with the accompanying copy of a
despatch of her Majesty’s principal Se
cretary of State for Foreign Affairs to
Mr. Pakenham. In reply, the under
signed is directed by the President to in
form the right Hon. Mr. Pakenham, that
while lie regards with pleasure the disa
vowal of Lord Aberdeen of any intention
on the part of her Majesty’s Government
l! to resort to any measures either openly
or secretly, which can tend to disturb
the internal tranquility of this Union,” he
at the same tune regards with deep con
cern the avowal for the first time made
to this Government, “that Great Britain
desires and is constantly exerting herself
to procure tire general abolition of slave
ry throughout the world.
So long as Great Britain confined her
policy to the abolition of slavery in her
own possessions and colonies, no other
country hod a right to complain. It be
longed to her exclusively to determine,
accoiding to her own views of policy,
whether it should be done or not. But
when she goes beyond, and avows it as
her settled policy, and the object of h*r
constant exertions, *o abolish it through
out tire world, she makes it the duty of
all other countries, whose safely or pros
perity may he endangered by her policy,
to adopt such measures as they may deem
necessary for their protection.
ft is with still deeper concern the Pre
sident regards the avowal of Loid Aber
deen, of the desire of Great Britain to see
slavery abolished in Texas, and as he
infers, her endeavors, through her dip
lomacy, to accomplish it, by making the
abolition of slavery one of the conditions
on which Mexico should acknowledge
her independence. Tt has confirmed his
previous impressions as to the policy of
Great Britain in refereuce to Texas, and
made it his duty to examine with much
care and solicitude what would be its es
sects on the prosperity and safety of the
United States, should she succeed in her
endeavors. The investigation has result
ed in the settled conviction that it would
be difficult for Texes, in her actual con
dition, to resist what she desires, with
out supposing the influence and exertions
of Great Britain would be extended be
yond the limits assigned by Lord Aber
deen, and, that if Texas could not re
sist, the consummation of the object of
her desire, -would endanger both the
safety and prosperity of the Union. Un
der this conviction, it is felt to be the im
perious duty of the federal government,
die common representative and protector
of the states of the Union, to adopt, in
self-defence, the most effectual measures
to defeat it.
Thi; is now the proper occasion to
stat« at large ih** grounds of this eon vu
lion. It i sufficient fosnr, that the coti
j wishes tn reference to Texas would be
followed by hostile feelings and relations
lietween that country and the LJ. States
which eould not fail to place her under
the influence and control of Great Bri
! fain. That, from the geographical posi
i tion of Texas, would expose the weakest
aud most vulnerable portion of our fron
tier to inroads, and place in the power of
Great Britain the most efficient means of
effecting in the neighboring states of this
Union what she avows to be her desire
to do in all countries where slavery ex
ists. To hazard consequences which
would be so dangerous to the prosperity
and safety of this Union, without resort
ing to the most effective measures to pre
vent them, would be, on the part of the
Federal Government, an abandonment
of the most solemn obligation imposed by
the guarantee which the States, in adopt
ing the Constitution, entered into of pro
tectingeach other against whatever might
endanger their safety, whether from
without or within. Acting in obedience
to this obligation, on which our Federal
system of Government rests, the Presi
dent directs me to inform you that a trea
ty has been concluded between the Uni
ted States and Texas, for the annexation
of the latter to the former as a part of its
territory, which will be submitted with
out delay to the Senate for its approval.
This step has been taken as the most ef
fectual if not the only means of guarding
against the threatened danger, and secu
ring their permanent peace and welfare.
It is well known that Texas'has long
desired to be annexed to this Union ;
that her people, at the time of the adop
tion of his Constitution, expressed, by
an almost unanimsus vote, her desire to
that effect; and that she has never ceas
ed to desire it as the most certain means
of promoting her safety and prosperity.
The United States heretofore declined to
meet her wishes, but the time is now ar
rived when they can no longer refuse
consistently with their own security and
peace, and the sacred obligation imposed
by their constitutional compact for mu
tual defence and protection. Nor are
they responsible for the circumstances
which have imposed this obligation on
them. They had no agency in bringing
about the state ot things which has ter
minated in the separation of Texas from
Mexico. It was the Spanish Govern
ment and Mexico herself which invited
and offered high inducements to our cit
izens to colonize Texas. That, from the
diversity of character, habits, religion,
and political opinions, necessarily led to
the separation, without the interference
of the U. States in any manner whatever.
It is true, the United States, at an early
period, recognized the Independence of
Texas; but, in so doing, it is well known
they but acted in conformity with an es
tablished principle to recognize the Gov
ernment de facto. They had previously
acted on the same principle in reference
to Mexico herself, and the other Govern
ments which have risen on the former
dominions of Spain on this continent.
They are equally without responsibil
ity for that state of things, already ad
verted to as the immediate cause of im
posing on them, in self-defence, the ob
ligation of adopting the measure they
have. They remained passive, so long
as the policy on the part of Great Britain,
which had led to its adoption, had no im
tnedi ite hearing on their peace and safe
ty. While they conceded to Great Bri
tain the right of adopting whatever poli
cy she might deem best; in reference to
the African race, within her own pos
sessions, they on their own part claim
the same risht for themselves. The nol-
i icy she has adopted in reference to the
portion of that race in her dominions
may be humane and wise; but it does
not follow, if it prove so with her, that
it would be so in reference to the United
States and other countries, whose sitna
tion differs from hers. But, whether it
would be or not, it belongs to each to
judge and determine for itself. With us
it is a question to be decided, not by the
Federal Government, but by each mem
ber of this Union for itself, according to
its own views of its domestic policy, and
without any right on the part of the Fed
eral Government to interfere in any man
ner whatever. Its rights and duties are
limited to protecting, under the guaran
ties of the Constitution, each member of
this Union, in whatever policy it may
adopt in reference to the portion within
its respective limits. A large number of
the States has decided, that it is neither
wise nor humane to change the relation
which has existed, front their settlement,
between the two races; while others,
where the African is less numerous, have
adopted the oposite policy.
It belongs not to the Government to
question whether the former have deci
ded wisely or not; and if it did, the un
dersigned would not regard this as the
proper occasion to discuss the subject,
lie does not, however, deem it irrelevant
to state that, if the experience of mrue
than half a century is to decide, it worrld
be neither humane nor wise in them to
change their policy. The census and
other authentic documents show that, in
all instances in which the States have
changed the former relation between the
two races, the condition of the African,
instead of being improved, has become
worse. They have been invariably
sunk into vice and paupeiism, accompa
nied by the bodily and mental inflictions
incident thereto—-deafness, blindness, in
sanity, and idiocy, to a degree without
example ; while, m all other States which
have retained the ancient relation be
tween theta they have improved greatly
m every respect- in numbers, comfort,
intelligence, and morals as the follow
ingfacts, taken from such sources, will
serve to illustrate:
The number of deaf and dumb, blind,
idiots, and insane, of the r.egroes in the
Slate: that have changed the ancient re
iation between the raeos. is one out of
pcer\ i inctv-six : w tub in the States
•■dherini! to i - it is «y • »,ui of everv mx
hundred aud seventy-two —that is, seven
to one in favor of the latter, as compared
with the former.
The number of whites, deaf and
dumb, blind, idiots, and insane, in the
States that have changed the relation, is
one in every five hundred and sixty one;
being nearly six to one against the free
blacks of the same States.
The number of negroes who are deaf
and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane, pau
pers and in prison, in the States that have
changed, is one out ot every six ; and in
the States that have not, one out of every
one hundred and fifty-four; or twenty to
one against the former, as compared with
the latter
Taking the two extremes of North and
South—in the State of Maine, the num
ber of negroes returned as deaf and dumb,
blind, insane, and idiots, by the census
of 1840, is one out of every twelve ; and
in Florida, by the same returns, is one
out of every eleven hundred aud five;
or ninety-two to one in favor of the
slaves of Florida as compared with the
free blacks of Maine.
In addition, it deserves to be remarked,
that in Massachusetts where the change
in the ancient relation of the two races
was first made, (now more than 60 years
since,) whore the greatest zeal has been
exhibited in their behalf, and where their
number is comparatively few, (but little
more than 8,000 in a population of 730,-
000,) the condition of the African is
amongst the most wretched. By the la
test authentic accounts, there was one
out of every 21 of the black population in
jails or houses of correction ; aud one
out of ever)' thirteen was either deaf and
dumb, blind, idiot, insane, or in prison.
On the other hand, the census and oth
er authentic sources of information es
tablish the fact, that the condition of the
African race throughout all the States,
where the ancient relation between the
two has been retained, enjoys a degree of
health and comfort which may well com
pare with that of the laboring population
of any country in Christendom ; and it
may be added, that in no other condition,
or in any other age or country, has the
negro race ever attained so high an el
evation in morals, intelligence, or civil
ization.
If such be the wretched condition of
the race in their changed relation, where
their number is comparatively few, and
where somuch interest is manifested for
their improvement, what would it be in
those States where the two races are near
ly equal in numbers, and where, in conse
quence, would necessarily spring up
mutual fear, jealousy, and natural hatred
between them? It may in truth, be as*
sumed as a maxim, that two races differ
ing so greatly, and in so many respects,
cannot possibly exist together in the
same country, where their numbers are
nearly equal, without the one being sub
jected to the other. Experience has
proved that the existing relation, in
which the one is subjected to the other
in the Slaveholdin States, is consistent
with the peace and safety of both, with
great improvement to the inferior; while
the same experience proves that the
relation which it is the desire and object
of Great Britain to substitute in its stead,
in this and all other countries, under the
plausible name of the abolition of slave
ry, would, (if it did not destroy the in
ferior by conflicts, 1o which it would
lead) reduce it to the extremes of vice
and wretchednesss. In this view of the
subject it may be asserted, that what is
called slavery, is in reality a political in
stimton, essential to the peace, safety,
and prospeity of those States of the
Union in which it exists. Without then,
controverting the wisdom and humanity
of the policy of Great britain, so far as
her own possessions are concerned, it
may be safely affirmed, without refer
rence to the means by which it would be
effected, that, could she succeed in ac
complishing, in the United States, what
she avows it to be her desire and the ob
ject of her constant exertions to effect
throughout the world, so far from being
wise or humane, she would involve in
the greatest calamity the whole country,
and especially the race which it is the
avowed object of her exertions to ben
efit.
The undersigned avails himself of this
occasion to renew to the the right honor
able Mr. Pakenham the assurance of his
distinguished consideration.
J. C. CALHOUN.
Rt. Hon. Richard Pakrnham, &c.
f’rorn the Richmond Enquirer , 23d inst
Caut'on to the Republicans.
Beware of the tricks of the Coons.
We must caution our friends against
any new humbugs which the Whigs
may play off on the very eve of the elec
tion. Such tricks— such insidious means
to delude the people, where there is no
lime to dissipate their misrepresentations,
are unworthy of an honorable party.
Yet we have seen it tried more than once,
even in Virginia, by the intriguers of
their party. Beware of such tricks!—
Listen to no such humbugs, but despise
them and their authors ! We are impel
led to throw out this caution, in conse
quence of having received by last eve
ning’s mail two copies of the following
handbill, issued by the Harpers Ferry
Democratic Association:
“TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA "
“ Circular of Uie /farjttrs Ferry Deni. Association. ’
“Spread the Alarm l—Spread the Alarm ! !'*
“ Yes, we say to the people, let alarm
fires be kindled on every mountain and
hill top of this good Old Cornmwealth.
them blaze until as beacon lights,
they shall have roused, en masse, the
people from one extreme of the State to
the other. Pass rt rapidly along the line,
from post to post; scatter it far nnd wide,
from old to young and with despatch,
over Virginia’s whole extent, that a
FOUL SYSTEM OF FRAUD AND
! TREACHERY is now at work to im
pose upon the people of the ancient Do
minion, in the coming contest. Spuri
ous extracts purporting to be genuine,
from the Honorable Mr. Woodbury’s
speech on the Tariff, and Tracts of mis
representation and detraction are to
flood the State a day or two before elec
tion. Speakers, too, just on the eve of
the election are to harangue the people
at different points all over the State. A
complete system of treachery and fraud
is in wicked progression. We warn the
people of Virginia (o be on their guard.
Spread it from one to another, until it
shall have traversed the State. We call
upon the voters—the patriotic and good
of all parties to denounce this shameful
system of trickery to carry Virginia.—
Honest appeal to reason is proper, and
we desire it; but an appeal to the pas
sions of men, embellished with fraud
and trickery, we despise.
“Our village has just been deluged
with the above stuff. Two barrels
tracts and speeches arrived by boat
from Washington, and are now scattered
like snows flakes over the country. 10,-
000 copies are in (or on their way to)
Clarke county. The person circulating
them connected, of course, with members
of Congress, is an individual of Wash
ington, by the name of Peck, a stage pro
prietor. Every nook and corner of the
State is to be deluged with them by
Agents, just before the election.
“We say to our friends—be at the
polls—swear every doubtful voter—see
that the elective franchise is preserved
untramelled. Thunder the attack that
is to be made on us from one portion of
the ancient Dominion to the other.—
Spread the alarm onward through the
State.
“Harper’s Ferry, April 18, 1844.”
WEDNESDAY, MAY 6, 1844.
We are requested to say that the hooks
of the Tax Receiver of Bibb county will
be kept open till the first of June at the
reading room of the Messenger Olfice.
Tlie Whig National Contention in Baltimore,
have nominated Henhy Clay for the Presidency,
and Theodoek Fkelinghcysen, of New Jersey, for
the Vice Presidency.
Nothing of interest has transpired in Congress
since ottr last.
Wc learn from the Federal Union that “Blair’s
Great Globe” has “Jumped Jim Crow” on the Texas
question, and some out in opposition to the ratifi
cation.
Tire Whigs have triumphed at the recent election
in Virginia, by a majority of about 20 in the Legis
lature.
We return ottr thanks to the Hon. Walter T. Col
quitt, of the Senate, and Messrs. Chappell, Stylisi
Haralson, Lt’MPniNand Cobb, for thoir courtesy in
forwarding to us various important and interesting
documents.
Public Meetings on the Texian question.
Many cities and counties of the South have alrea
dy led the way in publicly expressing their views
on that momentous subject.
Is it not incumbent on the people of Macon and
our fellow-citizens of Bibb county, without distinc
tion of party, to follow the patriotic example and ni
an early day, (say Saturday or Monday next) con
vene ew mass at the Court House in this city.—
Should this suggestionbe responded to, it is hoped
each will be expected to a general turn out and that
the meeting may be addressed by competent speak
ers—let it be in truth a no-party meeting—more,
much more than enough has already been sacrificed
to the demon, idol party and man worship—in the
name of Washington, devote one day to our com
mon country.
Mr. Clay’s Assertions
7 hat he gave his vote and influence to
the J. Q. Adams Federal ccuididate
for the Presidency, in preference to
the democratic candidate , the late W.
H. Crawford, from a belief that Mr.
Crawfords i Iness had so impaired
his intellect as to unfit him for the
safe discharge of those duties incum
bent on the chief magistrate of the
United States.
As the distinguished aspirant has tn
his late travelling sketches, adverted to
this subject, and as it sheds some light
on the sincerity and scrupulous veracity
for which his whole career as a public
man has been remarkable, we append a
few desultory observations.
It would doubtless be both pleasant
and convenient to Mr. Clay, did every
one forget what he wishes not to be re
membered.
The motives assigned by Mr. Clay for
the abrupt abandonment of the demo
cratic party, of which he had been, till
then, a prominent member from his youth
up, and desertion of W. 11. Crawford, a
personal and political friend, at a crisis
when the hand of a generous enemy
would not have been raised against him,
though satisfactory to a few of Crawford’s
friends, was, by others, viewed in its true
light, and considered a pitiful artifice, to
varnish over as base an act of public and
private treachery, (that of Judas except
ed) as ever merited the brand of indelible
dishonor.
Mr. Clay's intimation that but for
Crawford’s bodily,fand supposed mental
infirmities, he (Clay) would have given
him his support, is not merely destitute
of any evidence, his assertion excepted.
but is confronted by strong, probably con
clusive proof, to the contrary. We have
lately seen it noticed in some of our ex
change papers, that ‘it was well known
in Kentucky, previous to Clay’s leaving
home for Washington, that he did not
intend aiding Crawford’s election’—this
was to be expected, for General Jackson
was popular in that State, and, next to
Clay, her choice for the Presidency— and
Mr. Clay always knew on which side his
bread was buttered. We know that Mr.
Crawford was well aware Clay, in case
his own prospects became hopeless,
would not move a finger to promote his
[Crawford’s] election : but did not antici
pate Clay’s desertion from the democratic
party.
The reader may judge of the sincerity
of Clay’s shewings on that occasion, from
the fact, that Mr. Crawford was then
convalescing, and that the public had
then before them his refutation of a fara
go of malicious and unfounded charges,
trumped up by a dirty fellow named
Ninian Edwards. That refutation, dis
playing all Mr. Crawford’s accustomed
ability, was dictated by him from the bed
of sickness, and written out, principally
by his daughter; the residue by one or
two of his friends, Dickens of the Treas
ury Department, and the late Thomas
Cobb of Oglethorpe—one of her sons, the.
premature loss of whose talents, energy,
and patriotism, Georgia has reason to
mourn over.
In looking over that document, it is
difficult which most to admire, the lucid,
irrefragible force of its reasoning, or the
quiet dignity and lofty self-respect of a
great mind which withheld the writer,
under the most irritating provocation,
from bestowing the slightest retnbutary
notice on the reptile that attempted to
sting him. How different from the vin
dictive irritability of the Kentucky ora
tor? Even in his letter cn the Texan
question this breaks out—he attributes its
discussion to sinister and shameful mo
lives.
How difficult it is to stem the current
of natal propensities, fostered by habitual
indulgence? Nature cast the mind of
W. H. Crawford ii> the mould where
these benefactors of their species, the up
right statesman and disinterested patriot
are formod, Clay’s in the matrix where
thouse scourges of republics, talented in
triguer nnd selfish demagogues are or
ganized.
Out position in relation to ithe two promi
nent candidates Tor the Presidency.
With the lights now before us—were the inquiry
now propounded to u», ‘ which do you prefer for th«t
high office in this momentous crisis, Cl»y or Van
Buren V We should reply with all sincerity, some
what in the style we once heard a poor fellow answer
a torv justice, convicted of the three capital offences,
viz. of being poor, friendless, and having taken the
United Irishman’s oath, binding him to use all legs!
means for redressing the wrong* that withered and
dishonored his country.
The magistrate having demanded of the prisoner
whether he chose to serve his majesty king George,
in the army or navy, Barney, with a look full of reck
less humour answered 1 pon me sowl, your honour,
1 don’t choote either.’ 11l like manner as far as Clay 's
and Van Buren’s claims on the presidency are in
question, we answer with Barney, in the profoundcs*
earnest, tee do not choose either. We make this avow
al with the dodging, shuffling pro and con, for and
against letters of both spread before us. The drift ol
each, as far as it can be discerned, through the mass
of mystifying verbiage, and misleading matter, dis
guising, it appears to be similar in both—namely
“elect me President, and I will settle the business !o
your satisfaction,” utterly regardless Os the irremrdia
hie disasters the delay mar entail upon their coun
try. “O tempora, O mores," and this is modern pa
triotism—the high souled devoted, unselfish palrro
tism of Henry Clay and Martin Van Buren—"we’ll
have none of it.”
We embrace (his opportunity, to express our pri
vate, but deliberate opinion, that unless the democratic
party bring out another candidate able to unite tho
res|>ect, confidence and action of the whole parly
throughout the Union, they will most assuredly, in
the decisive contest, be beaten into the farthest point
oftho succeeding four years, more probably into
kingdom come —ad interim , what becomes of our
common country, our matchless constitution, o»r
glorious Union, our dear dear, South, the fair land
of bright eyes, warm hearts—and the ‘aye ready
hands'? Wc were lapsing into sad earnestness, but
what would avail our feeble pen, what any power
merely human, to awaken a self doomed, people
A-lrea and her train of virtues seem to have fled Prom
our country forever. They cannot rest in abodes pollu’
ed with avarice, insatiate injustico and shameless
hard hearted infatuated selfishness:
Passing over tho cnornieties of injustice, the reck
less disregard of the cardinal precept of Christian and
social othies, 11 Whatsoever ye would that men should
Jo unto you, do ye even eo unto them,” marking the
conduct of the Representatives in Congress, of one
interest and one section of the Union towards all th®
rest, especially, to the South. Let us consider tho
course of Congress during the present session.—
What a spectacle of corruption docs it present ? See
on one side, the representatives of one section of our
common country, aksing relief from the oppression
of the Protective Tariff of’42 —they aretold plain
ly, that unless they vote for the bill to improve the
Western rivers, Ac , a measure equally dishonest,
equally unconstitutional, their request cannot b p
granted.
Merciful Heaven ! what fate awaits a country,
where the chosen favorites of the people arc thus sn
blushinglycorrupt!! If justice be an eterne/ entity,
if the Bible be true, and Jehovah the moral governor
of the universe, to what a fearful and not distant issu*.
docs it lead 1
Messrs. Van Buren, Clay, "«d Tel**.
We invoke the especial attention of our readers <*>
the following scorching article in the Spectator, ie
which they will finJ exporcil' to the public rontemp
the cowardly, truckling, and inconsistent coursspus
sued by these notorious persons with regard to 1 e*a?
The great reason advanced by Mr Clay that ar
nexation would be unjust and dishonorable as W* S
>f i- claimed bv Mexico and »h* only rearer