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tec) to myself any such intimate relations to it. 1
have, inJeeil, cherished it *itti paternal fondness,
and my affection is unduni.ii.hed.”
He offered the following resolutions:
"Rttulvtd, That the existing duties upon articles
imported from foreign countries, and not? coming in
competition with similar articles made or produced
within the United States, ought to be forthwith
abolished, cxcopt the duties upon wines and silks,
and that those ought to be reduced; and that the
Committee on Finance be instructed to report ac
cordingly."
And supported it, in Bis famous speech l>y say
ing:
“This reduction mar lie effected in various ways,
and on different principles. Only three modes shall
now be noticed:
“Ist. To reduce the duties on all articles in the
same ratio, without regard te the principle of protec
tion
“2J. To retain them on unprotected articles, and
augment them on the protected articles.
“And 3d. To abolish and reduce the duties on
unprotected articles, retaining and enforcing the
faithful collection of those on the protected articles.”
“To the first mode there are insuperable objec
tions. It would lead inevitably to the destruction of
our home manufactures. It would establish a sort
of bed of Procustes, by which the duties on all arti
cles should be blindly meas ired, without respect to
their nature, or the extent of their consumption.—
And it would be derogatory from every principle of
theory or practice on which the Government has
hitherto proceeded.
“The second would be still more objectionable to
the foes of the trariff than either of the others. But
it cannot be controverted that, by augmenting con
siderably the duties on the protected class, so as to
carry them to the point, or near to the confines, of
absolute prohibition, the object in view of effecting
the necessary reduction of the public revenue, may
be accomplished without touching the duties on the
unprotected class. The consequance of such an
augmentation would lie a great diminution in the im
portation of the foreign article; and, of course, in
the duties upon it; but against entire prohibition,
except perhaps in a few instances, I have been al
ways, and still am, opposed. By leaving the door
open to the foreign rival article, the benefit is secur
ed bya salary competition. If it be hermetically clo
sed, the danger is ir.cuned of monopoly.
“The third mode is-the most equitable and reason
able; and it presents an undehateahle ground, on
which I had hoped we could all safely tread without
difficulty. It exacts no sacrifice of principle from
the opponent ofthe American System. It compre
hends none on the part of its friends. The measure
before you embraces this mode. It is simple, and
free from all complexity. If divides the whole sub
jecl of import* according to ils nature It settles at
once of what ought not to bedisputed; and leaves to
be settled hereafter, if necessary, what may be con
troverted."
Gen. Jackson paid off the public debt, a reduction
of duties wus called for, and the Secretary of the
Treasury recommended that the duties on unpro
tected articles should be gradually reduced. To this
Mr. Clay objected, because [we quote his own
words ]
“The effect of this would be, to destroy the pro
tecting system by slow but certain poison. The ob
ject beiog to reduce the revenue, svery descending
degree in the scale of his plan of gradual reduction,
by letting in more of the foreign article to displace
tbe domestic rival fabric, would increase the reven
ue, and beget a necessity for further and further re
duction of duties, until they would be carried so low
as to end in the entire subversion of the system of
protection.”
Is not this this clear and sufficient proof, Mr
Clay was in 1831-32 a supporter of those features in
the Tariff bill of 1828 which are most obnoxious to
the Southern people 1 His votes and his speecnas
show, that the high protective features of that bill,
“high,” according to hisown acknowledgment, we.e
.those which he was most anxious to retain; and
that, so far from exerting himself to modify the Ta
riff bill of 1828 in our favor, his action was directly
against us, and all his energies used to defeat the ef
fort* of our friends.
18. May we be excused for alluding to another
prediction which we made the day before his speech?
We said:
“He has been for some days in communion with
some of the Whig leaders, such as they are, about
Petersburg, ami we know his acuteness well enough
to feel assured that at this moment he is better ac
quainted with the issoes'calculated to operate on the
interests of Messrs. Martin and Boling, than any
one of his own friends in Petersburg—he will use
them covertly it is true; probably under the guise of
an indignant disclaimer of all Intention to that effect,
and a terrific denunciation, or a contemptuous sneer
at those who dare to suspect him.”
This, too, we think, was realized. As to the pros
perity of Petersburg depending on her manufacturers,
every business man in this place*kno\vs it to be un
true. The manufactories constitute, indeed, one
branch of the industry if the town, but are neither
the only, nor by any means the prinripal, reliance of
the citizens. There are, however, a large number
of voters engaged in them, and it is rumored, that
Clay for President, and Bolling for delegate, are not
very popular words with them. Did any body whis
per this in Mr. Clay’s ear 1
ID. Upon the subject of Distribution, Mr. Clay
has answered himself in the extract from his speech
quoted in our 13th note, and if it were nut for the va
rious contradictions which occur at almost every mo
ment of his past, as welf as his present existence, our
readers might think it strange that in one si ntence
He should tell os thaat “Virginia ought to have the
first cut,” white in the next he plotces himself on
his bill for giving 500.000 acres to the new States.
We do not believe that when Mr. Clay first used the
Harsh language applicable to an Editor, he intended
his remark for Mr. Ritchie, but when it was received
with some applause by the audiance, he used lan
guage which pointed the application. We do not
think that Mr. Ritchie was originally aimed at, Ist,
because Mr. Clay spoke distinctly as to his journey
between New Oi leans and Petersburg, arxl 2d, be
cause the terms used are peculiarly unsuited to Mr.
Ritchie, and' would not be employed by one who
knew him as well as Mr. Clay said he knew his (if
he will allow us to correct his English,) former “ju
venile friend.” Mr. Clay certainly diJ not mean to
say that Mr. Ritchie was a “little Editor”—no one
would be silly enough to say that of a man, who,
from experience, influence, and the ready acknow
ledgment of his contemporaries, stands at the head of
his profession. Meanness is a trait which does not
belong to his character—we have lived all cor life
where he is best known, and some of our best friends
are his bitterest political enemies—we never heard
him accused of meanness before—“arrogant impu
dence” may be charged against him, he may be de
nounced as “narrow minded”—these are general
terms, about which people may agree or disagree, hut
the charge of meanness is one of a more particular
kind, ansi one which is as foreign to the nature of
Thomas Kitchir r » to that of any man who breathes
“Heartless” —again we base reason So think Mr
Clay diJ not at first allude to Mr. Ritchie—warat <rf
Heart, ofiwpulse, feeling, is surely a charge which
ao one who knows him can bring forward—long as
some people think the head of the “old Gentleman”
(as the Democratic boys call him) his heart is the
strongest of the two—the sower fiww» which action
jBSMt generally eprinya
He had “piled speech on speech, until lie was as
hoarse as any candidate,” &c. This we consider a
distinct admission of his electioneering purposes. A
worthy friend of ours, to whom we made the remark
at the time.ghoughl such a construction would be
forced. He did not believe Mr. Clay intended it—
nor do we believe he “intended’ it—bat no matter, if
Mr. Clay's own course, and hisown speech, are not
sufficient evidence of his intentions, we are willing,
that those who can find other data, on which to
ground their opinions, should live in the full enjoy
ment of them. —We are so well satisfied with the re
sult of Mr. Clay’s visit to Petersburg, that whether
he be an Eicctioneerer or not, if party feeling could
overcome our disapproval of such procedures, we
should wish that Mr. Clay might speak in every
county of the State.
20. Mr. Clay’s speech occupied one hour and
twenty minutes —of which, more than one half was
devoted to'a consideration of the article from the
Richmond Enquirer of Tuesday last—an article,
which we approve not much more than Mr. Clay
himself, but to which it was hardly respectful to his
audience, or creditable to himself, to devote so great a
portion of his lime. Mr Clay’s prayer for the Dem
ocratic Party was put up in tl.e most formal manner
—hands upraised, eyes upturned, and the most sol
emn tones employed in its delivery. In the Great
Book it is said “ The Prayer of the Righteous man
availeth much ” —whether that of Mr. Clay be enti
tled to such authority, it is not for us to say—but it
is to be hoped, that when addressing himself thus
publicly to the Almighty, his own heart was actuated
by feelengs of piety, rather than of anger.
We must apologise for the hasty as well as the fee
ble manner in which these comments are presented.
We were disapjiointed as to the valuable assistance
which we had hoped to receive, and are laboring un
der physical debility. This, and the want of time
for more extended preparation, must form our ex
excuse.
The speech was received with but little enthusiasm,
the cheers heing generally called forth by order of
the Chief Marshal, who stood at the entrance of the
rostrum. After it was over, Mr. Robinson announ
ced that Mr. Clay’s fatiguing exertions required him
to take some refreshments: and that he would rejoin
the people at the Barbecue. A most excellent Bar
becue was served, w hich was hospitably open to ail
rnen of all parties. Mr. Clay did not attend. There
was a Ball at night, where we understand a large
and elegant assemblage were present, and Mr. Clay
did the kissing on a large scale. On Saturday, Mr.
Clay received company at the Hotels, and in the af
ternoon, left Petersburg for Norfolk.
We find that we neglected in adverting to Mr.
Clay’s remarks, to observe his total silence on the
subject of Texas. Not a word, not an allusions did
he make to it. “Texas,” “Texas,” was loudly cal
led for from the audience, as he closed his speech ; but
no notice was taken of the call. It is said that his
opinions have been sent to Washington, and will he
promulged in a few days. They are in all probabili
ty not such as to suit the feeling of this part of the
country —would not work well in the Virginia elec
tion*. The Constitution of the United States too
we do not believe was once mentioned by Mr. Clay ;
we are sure that its bearing upon any of the great
questions which he argued, was in no case urged in
support of his views;
The subjoined extract from General Hamilton’s
reply to Mr. Bryan’s letter is so full of tender an !
generous sentiment and deeply interesting remines
cences, and exhibit* the General in so attractive a
light, both as a writer and a man, we have pleasure
in giving it an insertion —did space permit, wesliould
hazard a few reflections on the letter:
Now, sir, I submit, to a candid pub
lic, whether this was not “a flagrant ”
insult, in the sense in which I desired to
use the term? The next question is, was
it provoked or unprovoked. Mr. Bryan
may think, from the mere fact of Mr.
Clay’s taking office under Mr. Adams,
to whom he had once been opposed on a
single question, growing out of the ne
gotiations of Ghent, that these terms of
personal insult were amply justified, or
that having voted for Mr. Adams, he
could accept no office at his hands. If
this is to be considered as a principle of
exclusion, what are we to say of that
host of lat and well fed patriots who are
pastured on the public clover after every
Presidential election? With every pro
per respect for the memory of Mr. Ran
dolph, I cannot but think he pushed the
figure too far. And I infer most strong
ly that Mr. Randoph in a moment of
coolness and reflection was of my way of
thinking, from the fact of his declining
to take the life of Mr. Clay, which I be
lieve was amply in his power, from his
self-possession on the ground, and hrs
reputed skill in the use of arms. The
state of parties, in Congress, was such,
at thaftime, that neither Col. Tattnall
nor myself dared to hint at apology or ex
planation. Indeed, neither was asked.
We knew at least, there was no “back
out” in our friend, and that we might as
well have attempted to have counselled
him to commit a felony, as to allow the
white feather to be worn as a plume in
his bonnet. He preferred the chances of
a nobla sacrifice of hitr.relf to bringing
discredit on that party of which was so
proud an ornament. Better men than
myself may not commend the moral sen
timent of this choice. But we must take
men as we find them, in this world, and
when we can get hold of ductile subjects
make them as good as we can. Mr.
Randolph was not made of this pliable
stutf. But to return. Let me seriously
ask does any man really btheve that
John Randolph,militant as lie was, whom
it was almost as difficult to persuade to
forgive a foe as to desert a friend, would
have allowed Mr. Clay the agreeable af
ternoon’s delectation of shooting at him
as if he were standing up in a pistol gal
lery, if he had not felt some little distrust
of his having been entire in the right?
Mr. Bryan may think differently, but I
cannot consent, {<o one, to deprive my
deceased friend, now that he cannot speak
for himself of the crowning glory of oc
cupying such a position with posterity.
If any moment of temporary irritation ari
sing from the almost unmitigated nervous
ailments, to which Mr. Randolph was a
martyr, during the largest portion of his
life, he ever did himself the injustice of
uttering a sentiment at variance with his
belief, and the motives which he averred
to me for throwing away his fire—let me
entreat Mr. Bryan, as he loves the memo
ry of onr common friend, to permit the
matter to rest where it does, on the au
thority of a fact which speaks volumes of
honor to his name.
The public may ask, and Mr. Bryan 1
may inquire, on what authority I ventu
red to say to Mr. Randolph what few men
would have hazarded, that this insult to
Mr. Clay had been u flagrant and nnpro- j
t joked." I say at once, on the authority
ot that “posthumous friendship,” to which
Mr. Bryan has made so slighting an al
lusion.
I hope, sir, I may be pardoned for
here relating briefly some circumstances
of a private nature connected with my
own family.
My mothor, during the war of the re
volution, left South Carolina, by lend,
attended alone by her servants, for Ait
nspolis, to watch over the dying moments
of my grand-father, Thomas Lynch, sen.
who, by reason of his ill-health, had been
compelled to resign his seat in the Con
gress, and who was succeeded by my
uncle, Thomas Lynch, jttn’r, the signer
of the Declaration of Independence.
She journied on her way admidst the
perils of a country which was then the
seat of war, until she reached Prince
Edward Court House, where she was
taken ill. As soon as Mrs. Randolph
[then, I believe, Mrs. Tucker, by a sub
sequent marriage the wife of the distin
guished jurist of that name,] heard that a
lady from South Carolina was sick in the
village, she at once called and removed
her to Bazar, her seat near that place,
wherein consequence of the occupation
of the James River country by Tarlcton’s
Dragoons, she was compelled to remain
nearly the whole summer. It was here
&on this occasion that a warmand enthu
siastic friendship was formed between
thesetwoladies, which lasted during their
lives, which on my going to Congress in
1822,Mr. Randolph,in theplenitudeof his
own kind affections, considered as a sa
cred legacy bequeathed to us both.
When my mother became an inmate
of his, Mr. Randolph was a child of some
of some five or six years old, distinguish
ed as I have often heard my mother say,
by a precocious intelligence and brillian
cy of intellect which she had never be
fore seen in any human being. Separa
ted from her own relations and friends,
she attached herself to this boy with an
affection truly maternal, which he re
quited with a love, as he has often assu
red me, only surpassed by the affection
which he bore his own mother. How
often have I listened with the deepest
sensibility to the circumstances attend
ing my mother’s residence at the Bazar,
and of their final separation occasioned
by Tarleton’s descent on Prince Edward,
if I was lost in astonishment at the al
most miraculous tenacity of a memory
which the lapse of almost half a century
could not subjugate, I was subdued into
a fervent attachment to this gifted man,
who, misrepresented and libelled by the
world, could cherish feelings of tender
ness and affection which are usually de
nied to our sex.
Yes, when he would speak ofhis mo
ther, tears would roll in torrents down
his cheeks, the fit companions of those
deepnffecting tributes which he was wont
to pay to her extraordinary genius and
virtues, surpassing in touching eloquence
the most finished ofhis public efforts.—
I hope I may say, sir, that nty mother,
the daughter of the man who wrote in
the first continental congress one of the
addresses of the colonies to the imperial
pari lament and whose brother put his name
to the manifesto of our independence, was
worthy in her own genius and virtues ot
the friendship of such a woman. But I
must stop. “My heart grows liquid as I
write and I could pour it out like water.
Mr. Randolph’s friendship and mine
took root therefore in another generation.
It is therefore strange that wilh such an
origin for our intimacy that he should
have tolerated me, and that I should
have home and forborne in all the bcca
sional waywardness of his temper with
him.
Everybody who knew Mr. Randolph
must know that his temper was peculiar.
That with the kindest and most affect
ionate disposition it was greatly influen
ced by the infirmities of his physical
health. I have often heard him say
that from the hour of his birth he has
scarcely the recollection of one day’s en
joyment of this blessing, so essential to
all others—no temporary irritation, how
ever, ever drove me from him a moment
—the occasional sallies of his temper
I met by affectionate attentions, which,
in the long run were more than a match
for his temporary irascibility. The re
sult was, that I established myself so en
tirely in his confidence, that I appeal to
every member of the Virginia Delegation
hut more especially to my valued friend,
Mr. Stevenson, whether if our party in
Congress ever had an impulse to com
municate to Mr. Rangotph when onr
cohorts came out to give battle, either
that he was to do or refrain from doing a
particular act, any other intermediary
was employed but myself. I had got the
key note to his temper through all the
varying modulations of his temperament,
which from its sublimated sensitiveness
at on«e gave melody, harmony and in
finite power to his extraordinary genius.
But I will appeal to those friends with
undoubtiiig confidence on another point
far more essential—did I ever desert him
in all his difficulties (and they were not
few and mifrequent) in Congress ? In
sickness and in health, in the bland in
fluence of social life in hostile relations
towards others; was 1 not his fast, his
constant, his abiding friend ? Yes sir,
it is now a consoling and balmy reflec
tion that our friendship continued unim
paired to the day of his death, that during
our struggle in South Carolina from 1830
to 1834 when my life and character was
at stake, I received the most precious
testimonies of his confidence, friendship,
and support, in a series of letters never
'exceeded in brilliancy nnd depth by any
other ofhis written or moral discourses.
To be candid sir, in my attentions to
Mr. Randolph, I felt as it were that I
was paying a sort of affectionate tribute
to the manes of my own mother. How
deeply humiliated would 1 be if I could
think for a moment I had stigmatized the
memory of him whom she had loved
with the affection of a parent.
I cannot but hope that on a calm re
view of all the circumstances of this pain
ful controversy that Mr. Bryan will be
convinced that he has done me injustice.
I am willing to believe unintentionally
—I can readily pardon the zeal with
which he defends the memory of our
friend, for I well know the warmth and
of the friendship which Mr. Randolph
justly and reciprocally cherished for his
father, which he signalized by one ofthe
most beautiful and touching obituaries
in our language, and of the amount of
affection which he transferred to his sons.
But be this as it may—one thing I must
be permitted to say—l cannot consent
any further publicly to occupy a con
troversal position towards any man who
claims with myself to he the friend of
John Rnndnlph—if we cannot go togeth
er to his grave and place upon it a min
gled chaplet of our affection and respect
before the public, I will at least be silent.
But Mr. Bryan seems to think (as he
is pleased to say) that as I have given in
“my adhesion to Mr. Clay,” all I have
stated in reference to the duel between
Mr. Randolph and this gentleman was a
subtle and exclusive laudation ofthe lat
ter to help his canvass for the Presidency.
I will befrank with Mr. Bryan. Apart
from (he wish to relate an anecdote em
inently honorable to our friend, Mr. Ran
dolph, I embraced with sincere gratifi
cation the opportunity when Mr. Clay
was the object of the hospitality of the
South, to pay him a merited tribute of
gratitude to his distinguished and most
salutary interposition in our South Car
olina difficulty, in which with perfect
honor to my own State, a civil war was
averted, and a principle engrafted on the
compromise which if the South is true to
herself, will yet prove to us a fortress of
impregnable strength. Ido not there
fore abate one jot of what I said in his
favor, 1 believe him to be a man of com
prehensive genius, of sincere and fervent
patriotism, and that according to opinions
honestly entertained, he will endeavor
in the event of his election so to adminis
ter thegovernment with thehighest bene
fit to the country.
But his opinions are not my opinions of
what such a policy should be, and I
know no man amomr all those who have
been spoken of as candidates for the Pres
idency, who does entertain them, saving
and excepting my fellow-countryman
and friend John C. Calhoun. Without
therefore, some new conjuncture should
make him a candidate, I can anticipate no
conceivable combination of circumstan
ces which will induce me to go to the
polls, in the autumn, for the choice of
Presidential electors.
The time is not yet come when I will
vote for any man who is in favor of the
principle of protection, rendered far more
dangerous by the subtile doctrine of dis
criminations. The only just principle
on which our Revenue System can rest,
is, that the whole consumption of the
country should pay- alike—that a pack
thread and chain cable should have pre
cisely the same assessment imposed upon
them in referrence to their relative value,
But the discriminations in otir Tariff are
discriminations in favor of the rich n
gainst the poor, for the benefit of one
section and at the expense of another.
To speak af a moderate tariff, resting on
such a principle, is to sanctify robbery
by saying that little is stolen.
No, Sir, when I returned from Europe
in 1842,1 told our old South Carolina
Nullifiers that the Legislature ought to
be convened and the Tariff of 1812 in
stantly nullified, that it was far more odi
ous tlian the Tariff of 1828, because it
contained within itself the atrocious vio
lation of the plighted faith of the Com
promise. They replied that they hoped,
through the Democracy of the country
and the election of Mr. Calhoun, to rem
edy the evil, by a less violent cure. The
promised panacea has indeed been sig
nally efficacious I!
But really, Sir on this question is there
one pin to choose between all the prom
inent candidates who are supposed now
to remain in she field ? If Mr. Clay vo
ted for the Tariff of 1824 Mr. Van Buren
voted for ils Cousin German, with a far
blacker face, in 1828—whilst my kind
hearted friend of the Great Crossings is
quite willing to submit, with a truly
amiable facility, his opinions on this, as
well as all other subjects, to the voice of
a majority of the people. Now 1 know
no difference between Mr. Clay, in his
recently expressed opinions, and the
Catholic doctrines of the Democratic
paity at the North, as announced ex
Cathedra, from the Syracuse Conven
tion, as the opinions of Mr. Van Buren,
except it may be the much larger means
which Mr. Clay will probably possess
with his party, in case of his election, of
mitigating, by timely and judicious com
promises, the rigors of this detestable sys
tem. I make this remark without the
slightest nnkindness to Mr. Van Buren,
for whom I cherish feelings of the warm
est personal regard, who carties, with his
eminent ability, into his private and pub
lic. relations, one of the most happily bal
anced tempers ever given to man.
Sir, 1 do not venture to speak for the
Democracy, for they are not backward in
speaking for themselves ; but it does ap
pear to me, that in John C. Calhoun,
they had an opportunity of rallying on
one susceptible of an augmenting power,
tire more his merits are subjected to the
test of public opinion—one who, to come
to parallels in our own country, unites
the genius of Mr. Jefferson, with the
practical ability of Alexander Hamilton,
and who, with shining talents for action,
combines that power which belongs to
tlie discoverers of new and original
truth—the faculty of profound analysis
joined to eminent powers for philosophi
cal generalization—one of Plutarch’s
men, cast in an antique mould, who like
the fine models of Phidias breathes no
thing but inspiration around him. For
such a man, one might feel some pride
in battling. But in a struggle which de
cides no great public princple; which is
likely to be nothing but a sordid scuffle,
which perty shall yield a patronage
worth some twenty millions of dollars
annually, and enjoy the powerof turning
out some ten or fifteen thousand office
holders to starve, to make room for the
same number of expectants, more hun
gry and thin than themselves I desire to
have neither part or lot,
1 believe the time is Pot distant when
a crisis will arise, when every man
South of the Potomac will be called
upon to (stand up to his duties. A crisis
in which stupidity can furnish no delu
sions under the cover of which coward
ice cau skulk in sordid security.
Now, the tokens of public spirit are
certainly at low water mark. About a
month since I was lauded to the skies for
the letter oil which Mr. Bryan has ani
madverted with such severity. The
same press, and that too South of the
Potomac, has changed its dulcet note in
to one of vituperation, because 1 have
ventured to raise my voice against an in*
suiting discrimination between the slave
and the non-siaveholding States un
known to the Constitution, put forth by
a man of commanding influence in one
part of the country without any refer
ence to the paramount interests of their
own section of the Union, because it
might be injurious to the prospects
of their favorite candidate for the presi
dency.
I assure yon sir, that the abuse of these
idolaters of the Crocodile which is en
shrined in the Union, and which they
worship with his own tears, sits as light
upon my bosom as the down of the cyg
net. They are up to no effort of manly
pride whigh can raise them to the level
of my unutterable disdain and con
tempt.
If there is wisdom in the old Roman
maxim “in hello pax est lt is equally
true that to preserve the union, we must
look disunion in the face without falter
ing. The union is dear to the South in
its blessings, hut not in its abuses. Its
value to us is in its recollected glories, in
the guarantees which it gives, or ought to
give us, of respect abroad, and security
and happiness at home. The pecuniary
benefits of the bargain belong to others,
who are striving, by all the means in
their power, to dissolve it by insane vio
lence and rapacious injustice.
I have lived some time and had some
slight experience in public affairs, but
as a great moral teacher says : “No
man lives too long who lives to do with
spirit or suffer with resignation, what
Providence pleases to command or in
flict.”—Looking for instruction to the
past, and doubtingly to the future, I can
not take my leave, at least of my old,
South Caroliryi friends, without this ex
plicit declaration. Although I have
thought proper to express my confidence
in the patriotism, genius and ability ot
Mr. Clay, I stand where I stood in 1832,
without the alteration or surrender of
one opinion, much less one public princi
ple. Whenever they again take position
they will find me, however humble my
station, by their side, without abating
“one jot of hope.”
I may then in conclusion, recur to the
precepts of t’lat extraordinary man to
whose recollections the larger part of this
communication has been dedicated, who
amidst the eccentricities of his unparal
leled genius, was imbued with almost a
spirit of prophetic divination which en
abled him to look far into the working of
our system of governmen, who foresaw
many things which have happened since
the silence of the grave has closed upon
him forever. llovv often has he said to
the South “booted and spurred be in the
saddle, ready, ready, ready.” Yes gal
lant spirit, would to God she had now a
cavalier, like yourself, in the saddle with
your keen Damascus blade, blazing in
the sun. But alas, like you she lies dead,
with nothing left but the memory of what
she once was.
I have done sir—l return to a privacy
which harmonize with the duties I owe
others and the happiness which belongs
to myself.
J. HAMILTON.
The Washington Spectator makes the
following admirable reply to the Globe’s
assault on Mr. Calhoun.
The Globe Clique Desperate.
We said nothing in our yesterday’s pa
per of the Globe’s assaults on Mr. Cal
houn. We saw that he was bitten, and
did not doubt that his madness would
soon show itself in such demonstration
of foam and fury as would leave no doubt
as t> his real state. Because Mr. Van
Buren has cut his throat by his inconsis
tent and anti-American course, in con
junction with Abolitionists and Mr. Clay,
in opposing the admission of Texas into
the Union, Mr,Calhoun is also to be sa
crificed. What has he done to draw
down upon him the denunciation and fu
ry ofthe Globe? Everyone knew, when
he was nominated to the State Depart
ment, with the hearty laudations of the
Globe that the treaty for the annexation
of Texas to the Union was contemplated,
and with Great Britain as to the territory
of Oregon, were the two great objects
which the whole Union looked to as wor
thy ol his skill and patriotism, as a states
man and negotiator. Well did not the
Globe approve of the annexation of Tex
as to the Uniou ? Let his lengthy and
able art'cle, scarcely a week old, in favor
of it, answer. Is the treaty well execu
ted ? Even the Globe does not doubt it.
Has he maintained the honor of the
country in vindicating the Union from
British interference ? The Globe does
not question it. In the whole correspon
dence transmitted with the treaty, he
writes but a single letter, so far as it is
published. All the rest of the corres
pondence, with the issues and points it
makes, were on the files of the State De
partment before he entered it. To the
British Minister’s declaration on the part
of Great Britain, of her settled design t 0
carry on a crusade against the institu
tions of the South, nnd, in persuance of
this policy, to prevent Mexico from ac
knowledging the independence of Texas
unless slavery was abolished, Mr. Cal’
houn replies. He defends the Union a
guinst British interference and control.—
He defends the South against the imper
tinent censure the Ministei of England
casts upon her institutions. He does his
duty as an American statesman. The
Globe is acquiescing and aiding the an
nexation of Texas to the Union. But
Mr. Van Buren suddenly comes out a
gainst it—in direct conflict with his for
mer conduct on this very subject in 1829.
He chimes in with Mr. Clay and the
Whigs, in the cowardly cry of war with
Mexico. He takes the Anti-American
ground, that the voice and will of the
people of Texas in declaring and enfor
cing their independence for eight years
continuously, is not sufficient to give
them the sovereignty of the country—
but there is still a right in her former ru
lers the Mexicans, over the people of
Texas, which gives them the right to
make war with us for treating with her,
on annexing her to the Union, Mr.
Van Buren thus drops his Republicanism
—drops his Americanism—drops his
former self—goes over to Mr. Clay and
the Whigs—deserts the Democratic par
ty and the South. They drop hint like
a corpse into his political grave. The
Globe rages, and seems now only intent
to sacrifice whole hecatombs lohis manes.
To kill others—to kill Mr. Calhoun—to
destroy the whole Democratic party, ra
ther than it shall survive the dominion
ofhis clique—is his insane and furious
policy. He quotes as his motto, General
Jackson’s words, “Our Union, it must be
preserved,” whilst moving against his
course, as if indirectly to insult him
where he dare not openly assail.
Is General Jackson, in his urging on
the immediate annexation of Texas, en
dangering the Union? What is Mr.
Calhoun, and the whole body of the De
mocratic party in the South, doing more
than General Jackson in pressing (he an
nexation of Texas to the Union? Who
is endangering the Union ? Those who
are practically aiding Great Britain and
Northern Abolitionists in assailing the
South; or those who wish to give securi
ty to the South and repose to the Union,
by counteracting a mighty scheme for
assailing both? Such false issues will
not do. Assailing and disparaging Mr.
Calhoun will not do. It will only lift
him up, whilst it exposes the injustice
and wickedness of those who assail him.
He will only be dearer to the Borth,and
dearer to the Democratic party, for up
holding what is, and must be, their tri
umphant policy. He will have Texas
and he will have Oregon, and will leave
it to others, if they dare, to surrender
l oth. Let the Globevilifyand denounce
—the people will mark and rememlier.—
Whenever tbe glorious cause of Texas
and annexation prevails—in the North
to whose prosperity and wealth it will
administer, in the West, to whose migh
ty valley it brings protection from British
ambition and control—in the South, to
whom it holds out peace and safety—let
the causesless rancor of the Globe be ex
posed, and Mr, Calhoun will need no
other exponent or defender. Triifh and
.the people will point to the meditated
victim, and be his shield.
There were exported from Boston,du
ring the week ending the 13th of March,
951 bales of domestic goods. Os these,
600 bales were shipped to Africa, 325 to
the East Indies, 18 to the West Indies,
and 8 to Gibraltar.
To the Democratic I’a>ty or the 3d Congress*
ion a I District.
The undersigned, citizens of Upson county, and
members of (he Democratic Party, believing (he lime
to have arrived, when some measure should be adop
ted, with reference to the selection of a candidate for
this Congressional District at the ensuing election,
and having delayed a sufficient length: of time, in the
hopo that others would take the lead, do moat re
spectfully invite our Democratic friends in Ihe sever
al counties composing the 3d Congressional District,
to send Delegates, in number equal to that which they
are respectively entitled, to be represented in the
State Legislature to a Convention, which we recom
mend to be held in Thomaston, on the 4th Monday
in June nex, for the purpose of nominating a candi
date to represent this District in the next Congres*
The central position of our county site gives it as fair
a claim to the distinction of Being the seat ofthe pro
posed Convention, as is possessed by any other place
within the District; but while we, with all deference
to the wishes and views of our friends in other coun
ties, have ventured to suggest a time and place for
holding a Convention for the purpose named, wedis
claim the intention dictating to o'hers, and declare
our readiness to yield to any suggestions as to either
time or place, which may he more agreeable to a ma
jority of the counties in the District; and we hope
soon to see in the public prints, the expression of the
views of the Democracy in the several counties in re
lation to this matter.
We would also suggest to our friends, inasmuch
as no arrangement has lieen made for the nomination
of Electors of President and Vice-President of the
United Stales, that the Convention as above propo
sed, will afford a very suitable occasion for making
the selection of a candidate for Elector for this Du
trict.
We also recommend to our Democratic friends o
this County, to meet in Thomaston on the h r!t
Tuesday in June, lor the purpose i»f appointing Del
egales to represent them in said Convention.
Tho’s Mabry G. P. Swift
C. W. Moore D. Reddock
Kenan Couch W. P. Perry
Wm. Couch N. W. Maddox
H. B Mabry D Allen
L. W. Paine J B. Kendall
D. Kendall S. Smith
D. Lawson A- Maddox
Ed. Stewart H. H Hunt
I. Pearce Wm. McKinney
J. A. Wilson W. McMullm-
B. Ellis C. Stanford
E. Johnson