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respected source, to publish the subjoin
ed article in reference to the anticipated
question of the annexation of Texas to
tire United States, it is solely liecause of
the address which it bears to the people
of a portion only of the United States,
excluding the remaining portion, as tho'
that remainder were not entitled to con
sideration, or not likely to listen to any
appeal in the premises, though the ques
tion discussed is one in which the whole
body of the people of the United States,
are interested, and the geopraphical por
tion thereof excluded from this appeal not
less so than the rest of the Union." Here
lie does not say that he hrs any reluc
tance to publish the address; but if he
has any, it entirely because it violates
propriety, in not including all interested.
This is 'bis sole objection to it.
Now. we sincerely hope, that w hen
ever the Intelligencer, or trie G.otv, or
the Emancipator, or Col. Benton, again
mount the hobby of-disunion , r they will
begin their capricoles by tilling a lew
notes of their trumpets with the names ot
these first grand “conspirators’’ against
the Union; and at the same time inform
the country of the heroic and patriotic j
manner in which they first met the in .
and vanquished them. 'l'hey may then (
ride without the danger of being laughed :
at, or unhorsed.
Nkw Orleans, July 10.
Important Document.
The following interesting document is
published by authority in the Mexican
Diario del Gobierno of the Bth ultimo,
from which paper we translate it. It is
an appeal or protest, by Mexico, liointlie
acts of the United States, to certain Euro
pean powers, and was, no doubt, instiga
ted by one or more of the Ministers to
whom it is addressed. The appeal will
not, therefore, in ail probability, be bar
ren, especially as its propriety and proba
ble success were first hinted to Mexico
by tile letters of leading politicians in the
United Slates, than which, united with
the action of our Senate, nothing could
bo belter calculated to prompt and en
courage the scheme of a foreign combi
naiioif against the cardinal principles of
the Republic. Alas! that m a national,
Republican, and American cause the
people of the United States could not
sink their pnrtizan contests and present a
solid front to the world 1 But how differ
ent is the fact. Instead of availing our
selves promptly of the “golden moment
—of the time and tide which wait lor no
man -under the foolish pretext of avoid
ing a rupture with Mexico, *c have in
vited the world, bv a display of our weak
ness and timidity, to espouse her quai
rel, and left the question open for general
interference, with abundant time op
portunity fur every possible obstacle to be
thrown iu our way. That the day uill
come when the prompters and abettors ot
this disastrous poUcy will repent tiieir
no doubt. But this is a poor-consolation
while the inestimable prize slips through
our grasp, to be made a weapon in the
hands of our foes. — Bulletin.
Circular io their Excellencies the
French, Spnanish,English, and 1 < us
siu•/ Ministers.
National Palace, )
MEXICO, May 31, 1811. )
It is a long time since the Government
of the undersigned, Minister of Vorcign
Affairs and Government of the Mexican
Republic was convinced that the Govern
ment of the United States of America
would employ and put in execution all
the means conducive to that end, to make
themselves masters ot the department ol
Texas. The question has been started
and rtrged at different times; but from
circumstances well known, without eh
fecting the contemplated iuco: pout ion.
The same circumstances, and the idea
that a Government which so frequently
announces that its principles Oi action
are noble, generous, and lounded in jus
tice, and its indisposition to appear to die
world in a transaction the accomplish
ment of which would brand it a usurper,
induced Mexico to congratulate herself
that at no time could be completed an
act unparalleled in the history of civili
zed nations, and which would belie lire
protestations of friendship and benevo
lence received from the United States,
and which were responded to with ear
nest demonstrations ol good iaith and
loyalty. . . . , ,
But *his confidence, which was tiuly
illusory, could not induce Mexico to neg
lect the duty of repeating, on every prop
er occasion, the right of the republic to
the territory in question, and to urge on
the United States to foment and encour
age the robbery committed by the un
grateful colonists whom Mexico had ad
mitted into her border, and which kind
ness thev rtpaid with such perfidy. It
was for this reason that the provisional
administration, in accordance with its
duty, addressed the Government ol the
United States, the notes which the under
si med had the honor to remit to the re
spectable diplomatic corps of friendly na
tions protesting against every kind of as
sistance which the Texans might receive
from them, well knowing that such pro
tection would tend to embarrass the po
sition of Mexico towards that territory,
and aid the United Stales so to consum
mate their scheme of acquisition. For
the same cause, I protested anew ami
with all solemnity, as soon as 1 learned
that the agitation of the subject of the an
nexation of Texas to the American Uni
on had been renewed, declaring that ll
that act were ratified, it would be consid
ered as a declarrtion of war between the
two nations. , ,
The government of the undersigned
could not do less than hope, that after a
due reflection on the consequences of
such a step, after appreciating the just
rights of Mexico, mid the rcsi>ecl due to
Principles the most sacred between en
Aliened nations, the government of the
ViJ Slate*, considering the position
in which it would be placet! before the
whole world, would abandon a project
which must necessarily cause such evils
to its own country, as well as to Mexico
which with much constancy and sincer
ity strove to be a faithful ally of hers.
But the contrary has been the case. The
President of the United States has at last
signed a treaty with the intruded author
ities of Texas for the annexation of that
Mexican department to that Republic and
! the treaty has been transmitted to the
'Senate for their assent. That govern
ment has consummated, on its part, the
injustice which it contemplated for so
long a time, and it now only lacks the as
sent of tho Senate to be a law.
Even vet. the government ot the un- j
dersigned, flatters itself that the treaty
can t become a law. It has faith in the
wisdom, the sense and good judgment of,
the members of that Congress, and in
their regard for the sound principles j
which ought to guide one nation in its
conduct towards another, and trusts that :
the United States will not be found wan
ting in duty. But if such should not be
the case, Mexico will act in accordance
with what is demanded by the honor of
the nation and its indisputable rights to
its dearest interest.
In advance ofany decision of the Sen
ate of that Republic, the Charge des Aff
aires ad interim of the same, addressed a
note to the undersigned, informing him
of the signing of the treaty, and the mo
tives fur so doing. The undersigned has
the honor to enclose a copy of that docu
ment (in this circular) abstaining from
any remarks on its contents, because it
self so abundantly shows its absurdity,
and calls attention to the foundation on
which peace and the integrity of all na
tions rest, if acknowledgment is given to
the principle of acquisition, that each has
a right to seize on what is convenient for
its own seenrby s;:d prosperity.
The undersigned, notwithstanding,
could not refrain from making in his re
ply to the said note, the observations nat
urally called for on the occasion, and
which your Excellencies will see i:i the
copy enclosed, which is sent for your in
fotm ition as well as that of your govern
ment, that it may be well informed as to
the state of an important question, which
attracted and continues to attract more
than usual attention, and shows that it
was not for nought that the previous re
monstrances were made to the United
States, of' which the foreign diplomatic
corps were informed, since they have re
alized with scandal ( escandalo) and sur
prise the fears that those States intended
to de-poil the Mexican Government of
an integral part of its territory.
The supreme government of the Mex
ican Republic trusts in the justice of its
Cause and hopes for a complete triumph
against a preceding the most unheard of
and daring possible !o occur, especially
in an age, in winch the spirit of usurpa
tion nnd,c.onniiest is.so sqltynnlv coormm
ucu. Ihe uudersigned m addressing
this note to your Excellencies, with all
the documents cited, has the honor to re
new the assurance of his highest consid
eration.
(Signed) J. M. de BOCANEGRA.
rrot ee Jluss of the democratic Association cl'
Hancock.
Whereas, we understand a report is in
circulation, that the whig party of Han
cock, has challenged the democracy to a
discussion of the principles which divide
them, which challenge that party has
declined, it behooves us as a portion ol
them, to silence this report, and stop the
ready credence that has been given to it,
by the simple avowal of its falsity. We
rt member to have read some time since,
in a column of the Southern Recorder, a
resolution purporting to come from the
Clay Club of Hancock, resolving “that
tlie Clay Club of Hancock, will hold
themselves ready to discuss, before the
people, the Texas question or any other
assumed by the whigs, or charged against
them by our opponents.” Now we do
not profess to be intimately acquainted
with the strict rules and requirements of
chivalry, but we never supposed that a
bare resolution of on* man to hold him
self in readiness to meet another, would
be regarded as a challenge, and the fai
lure to notice it as such, as a decline of
that challenge. We have always under
stood that the challenge was entitled to
some sort of notice from the challenged,
that there was reserved to the former,
from the nature of his situation, a pecu
liar privilege in regard to the manner in
which, and the time when the contest is
Jto be fought. Certain we are, that no
| challenge ever lias lieen offered to us.—
; These doughty and puissant knights
! have in their impetuous valor, discarded
| with disgust the shackling formalities of
\ chivalry ; and in their haste for the en
| joymeut of the triumph of a successful
; tournament, they have reduced that pre
paration and notice which should precede
such an occasion, to such a summary, as
in our opinion barely comports with gen
tility. We understand that there is to be
a discussion of political doctrinesat Sparta
on the 27th inst., which time, we are in
vited to come out and to be held responsi
ble before the people (such is the boister
ous language of the leaders of whiggery
in our little county,) if we do not.
It is our purpose now to say, that we
shall most certainly avail ourselves of
this invitation, however uncourtoous the
terms in which it come to us ; notwith
standing as the challenged parti/, we
would have preferred the fixing the day
ourselves at a time as convenient to our
selves as to the redoubtable chivaliers
themselves. And we now avow that,
had we considered as a challenge, the re
solution of the Clay Club of Hancock,
“toJiold themselves in readiness to dis
cuss before the people, the Texas ques
tion or any other assumed by the whigs,
or charged upon them by our opponents,”
that challenge wotdd readily have been
accepted. R. I’. SASNKTT, Brest
John De Witt. Sec’rv.
' Sp irtg July 13. 1811
IDU3IM DS3JY!? a
M. JOILNsTUN, EDITOR.
*• Xitt Uu o f Casar. hut the uelfare cf Rome.”
MACON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 24, I SI4.
FOR PRESIDENT,
.inn s k. polk,
Os Tennessee.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
GEORGE M. BilljLAS,
Os Pennsylvan in.
£3= 7 fie office of the “American
Democrat” has been removed o the
Second Story of the Building on Mul
berry Street, formerly occupied by the
Branch of the Bank of Darien. It is
note easy of access, and well supplied
with Job- Type of every description. —
Bills, pamphlets, and all kinds of Job
work will be done at the loicest prices
on SHOR TNO TICE. A portion of
the patronage of onr friends and the
public is respectfully solicited.
THE “DEMOCRAT” FOR THE CAMPAIGN.
The “ Democrat” will be sent to sub
scribers from Is/ of June until the mid
dle of November next, for one dollar
in advance. Postmasters are authorized
to receive and forward subscriptions.
T. S. Reynolds.
The Convention at Tliomafcton.
The utmost harmony and enthusiasm
prevailed at the convention, and the spi
rit and ardor evinced by the delegates
and the large assemblage of the Democ
racy from the adjoining counties in at
tendance, augers well for the success of
our principles. Sam’l M. Strong, Esq.
of this county was called upon during
the recess of the convention by the citi
zens present, to which he responded in a
speech ofgreateloqucnce (Stability, which
was received with rounds of deafening
applause. In the afternoon Mr. Strong
and Col. Powers of this county, and Por
ter Ingram, Esq. of Harris addressed the
convention in speeches replete with pa
triotic fervor, sound reasoning, and elo
quence. The heartfelt response of the
audience to these speeches is the best in
dication that the true spirit is enkindled
in itiu; Unomo of ctamoornoy of flip
third district. Our flag is there, and the
people will Lear it aloft in triumph in
October and November, by’ large ma
jority. Let every' one do his duty and
success is certain. In another column
will be found the proceedings of the con
vention.
Hr Polk anti the Revolutionary Pe’ sioners
The Messenger of last week atlcmps to
make party capital out of Mr. Polk’s vote
on the Pension bill ol 1832. If the Mes
senger will explain the nature and details
of that bill to its readers, he is welcome
to all the benefit he can derive from it.—
The Messenger knows, or if he does not,
he will find by reference to the history
of the bill, that it was regarded by the en
tire delegation from the southern, and
south western states, as a part md parcel
of Clay’s American system, and was ex
pressly intended to absorb the surplus
money which the extinguishment of the
public debt would leave iti the treasury,
and unless some scheme could be devised
by which the surplus monies could
be squandered, the tariff bill would
have to be reduced to a revenue stand
ard, and by multiplying sources of ex
penditure, the tariff party then as now,
were desirous of creating a necessity for
high duties. It was upon the ground,
that while the bill purported nominally
to be for the benefit of the revolutionary
soldiers, it was intended really to foster
the manufacturing monopolies of the
north—that Mr. Polk voted against it, with
most of the southern and south-western
members, including those of Georgia;
among whom were Wilde, Gamble, and
Foster, now high in the confidence ot the
whig party. If Mr. Polks’ opposition to
the bill can be regarded as an evidence of
hostility to the soldiers of the revolution,
how will the Messenger account for the
opposition of his own political fiiendsto
the same bill. We regret that we cannot
pursue the subject further to-day, but are
willing to probe the whole matter to the
bottom, and then let it be seen who will
come off with the best blood. Is the
Messenger willing?
«« Is tlie rod of British power forever to be
suspended over our lieadf”
This wus the indignant language of
an American patriot, ere yet the canker
of an unhallowed ambition bad swallow
ed up every patriotic emotiou. It was
the language of Henry Clay, in the days
of his manly prime—when he stood side
by side with Calhoun, Lowndes, Macon,
and our own lamented statesmen, Craw
ford and Forsyth, for his country, against
forign interference, and their nlli'-s
|at home. But, oh, how changed is his
j language at this day. when a question
[ of a precisely similar nature has present
ed itself to the country. TheU. States
was then asserting her right of territory
over the country embraced within the
Mississippi and Perdido. Spain con
tested it, and there were thousands then,
as now, found in the country who op
posed it, and denounced President Madi
son and his Cabinet for their efforts and
zeal in acquiring that territory. The cry
was rung then, as now, about the power
of Great Britain; we were threatenedthen
as now, by the opponents of the measure
with all the disasters of a protracted war
—a war, that would lead the combined
powers of Europe to'our shores and des
solate our country, burn down our towns
and destroy our people. But, thanks to
our countrymen, there were thousands
then as well as now, who, believing in
the justness of our cause, were inexora
ble in their determination to maintain it
in the face of all the allied powers of
Europe and of the world. The spirit of
our countrymen was then like it was in
7G ; and England with all her allies
could not check it or make them full
cowardly and submissively at the feet of
British power.
The following language of Mr. Clay,
in all its essential particulars is the lan
guage of the friends of annexation at this
day :
“ 1 have no hesitation in saying, that if
a parent country will not or cannot
maintain its authority in a colony adja
cent to us, and there exists in a state of
misrule and disorder, menacing our peace
—and if, moreover, such a colony, by
passing into the hands of any other
power, would become dangerous to the
integrity of the Union, we have a right
upon the eternal principles of self-pre
servation, tO LAY HOLD UPON IT. This
principle alone, independent of any title,
would warrant our occupation of West
Florida. But it is not necessary to re
sort to it, our title being in my judgment,
incontestibly good. We are told of the
vengeance of resuscitated Spain. If
Spain, under any modification of her
government, chose to make war upon us,
lor the act under consideration, the na
tion, 1 have no doubt, will be willing to
embark in such a contest. But the gen
tleman reminds us that Great Britain, the
ally of Spain, may be obliged, by her
connection with that country, to take
part with her against us, and to consider
this measure of the president as justify
ing an appeal to arms. Sir, is the time
never to arrive when we may manage
our own affairs, without the fear of insul
ting his Britanic majesty ? Is the rod of
British power to be forever suspended
over our heads?”
But where stands Mr. Clay at this
day. Does he stand forth as the able
snd fearless champion of his country’s
rights, or has he ingloriously leagued
himself with inO common foe? The
country will anticipate the answer, and
need we not give it. His position
is so plain that even reckless and bigot
ed as the spirit of party is, his friends
dare not deny theapplicability ot the lan
guage above quoted, to the Texas ques
tion at the present time.
John Q. Adams & his defenders in the South.
We once thought that this abandoned
calumniator of the south —this malignant
reviler of southern principles and south
ern interests—this wholesale thirster after
the blood ofsouthern white men, women
and children, could not find one man who
had the disposition or the hardihood to
stand up before the country and apolo
gise for, and defend this degenerate son
of a worthy sire. But, it seems that in
this, we are doomed to be mistaken.—
John Quincy Adams finds his defenders
in the whig party. Among the most con
spicuous in this patriotic enterprise is
Mr. Alexander 11. Stephens. The hero
of Taliaferro, has drawn his trenchant
blade, and does battle as a trusty knight
iti the cause of this old crusader against
the south. Mr. Stephens, said with
much emphasis in his speech to the Clay
Club, that Mr. Adams was a much abus
ed man. And we are informed that he
commenced his speech at Clinton, with a
labored effort to prove that Adams was
not an abolitionist, in opposition to the
man’s thousand & one times repeated de
clarations, and his whole course since ’24,
when the south branded him and Henry.
Clay with the indelible mark of the coalf
tion.
In order to show that we have not
spoken in unnecessarily harsh terms ol
this individual, we republish the follow
ing candid and deliberate avowal of
his opinions on this subject. We ask the
careful attention of every man, whose
life and those of his wife and children,
are directly or indirectly, at stake upon
this question :
“ The house had a zealous speech on
the rules from Mr. Del let of Alabama, in
which he reviewed in succession all the
speeches against the 21st rule, and final
ly coming to Mr. Adam’s remarks in la
vor of the abolition of slavery, conclud
ing with the prayer, that in God’s good
time it would come, and let it come.
Mr. Delict asked Mr. Adams if lie un
derstood him.
“Mr. Adams nodded assent, and said,
with great earnestness, Ist it cornel
“ Mr. Delict—Yes, let it come. No
matter what the consequences, let it come
said the gentleman. Let it come, tho'
women und children should be slain
though blood should flow like water —
though the Union should be destroyed
—though the Government be broken up
—no matter though five millions of the
people of the south perish !
“ Mr. Adams, (in his scat,) —* Five
hundred millions ! Yes, let it come !’
“ The remark of Mr. A. here excited
considerable sensation in the house, and
Mr. Del let proceeded. ‘I am, said he,
one of the few who, in 1824 believed
that it was better to have a civilian elec
ted to the highest office in the gift of the
people than a military chieftain. It was
then 1 voted for the gentleman from Mas
sachusetts ; I cannot ask my country to
forgive me for this offence ; but I do ask
pardon of my God for it.”—2ls/ Feb. last.
V*t after this atrocious avowal, Mr.
Adams, is invited by the whigs of Rich
mond, Ya. to a public dinner—is elogut
sedby southern whig papers, and defen
ded by Messrs Botts and Stephens.—
What are we hastening to ? We shall
show by some extracts from the New
Orleans picayune, what J. Q. Adams and
his brother abolitionists in England and
Massachusetts wish to lead us to. Men
of the south look and reflect:
“Verbally we learn that the Potomac,
Vincennes and Someis were at Havana
at the sailing of the T. Street.
By the Courier of last evening, we
learn that a private letter from Havana,
addressed to a commercial house in this
city, gives some startling particulars of
the conspiracy among the negroes. By
this it would seem that the British ex-
Consul, the white faced but black heart
ed and notorious Turnbull, had a hand
in fomenting the recent conspiracy to
murder all the whites, A mulatto nam
ed Ceqni, who was brought before the
court for being implicated in the plot, lias
made the following dreadful disclosures:
“ All the negroes and mulattoes are
concerned in the desigu to raise an in
surrection. If three days more had
elapsed before your discovery of the plot,
no means of escape would have been left
to you white people, because at a fixed
hour the whole Island would have been
in a state of revolt. As I speak English,
they imployed me as intcrpetcr.and more
over, offered me ten thousand dollars and
flic rank of colonel.
Unfortunately for me, I entered into
the plot, hut if you will pardon me, I will
tell you every thing that has happened
from beginning to end. I will disclose
every thing that was to he done in every
coffee-house, village and city. I will
give you all the documents —1 will tell
von what kind ot arms was to be used,
and the names of all tho chiefs who were
to command in the different parts of the
Islands.
We chose Mr. Turnbull, ex-Consul of
England, at Havana, and now in Jamai
ca, to be our king provisionally. That
gentleman had at his disposal $270,000,
to supply the conspirators with food, arms
and ammunition. Our chief was the
poet Placide, a mulatto, who possessed
great influence among the colored peo
ple as well as among many of the whites.
Placidc resided at Matatizas. 1 will now
teil '-oit the plan of the insurrection.
The insurrection was to break out first
at the sugar mills of 5)1 General, situa
ted at Cuamutas ; second, at those ol La
Boqne; third, at Artemiza; fourth, at
Ganinge; fifth, at Solcdad; sixth, at
Corral Fa Iso. The insurrection was to
break out at all these places the same
night.
'l’lie negroes at these points were to
set fire to the houses, murder the whites,
take possession of their arms, and march
to Cardinas, where they were to find, on
the banks of the San Guaruda, 600 mus
kets and ammunition, landed—from an
English brig, which was to come from
New Providence; from Cardinas they
were to march to the number of 3,000,
upon Mntauzas, where Plucide was to
wait for them.
At Matanzas the insurrection was to
proceed on the following plan: At first
they intended to poison all the whites;
but they afterwards determined, as a
surer mode, that the cooks and other
house servants should set fire to (lie dwel
ling houses on a fixed day, and murder
their masters. The capital and other
cities were to follow our example.
At Havana the signal was to be giv
en by firing muskets. The general
meeting was to be held at the country
house of the Count de Penalves. Thus
every town had enemies in its bosom.—
We hoped to become masters of the Is
land, and marry the white women, whom
on this account, we were ordered not to
kill—at least, those who were not old
and ugly.
Finally, the disclosure which I have
.yet to make, will fill the whole world
with horror.”
Mr. Clay now and forever opposed to tlic
annexation of Texas,
We perceive that our opponents are in
dustriously engaged in disseminating a
mong the people, that Mr. Clay is only
opposed to admitting Texas into the
Union for the present. That at some
proper time, he will be in its favor.—
This is utterly false. If Mr. Clay is
worthy of belief, he is now and ulicays
trill be opposed to the annexation of
Texas.
In bis celebrated letter, after giving the
history of the question to the present date,
and alluding to the imaginary armistice,
in the next paragraph, he dilates upon
the dangers of a war with Mexico and
England, particularly if the latter should
preach a crusade against slavery. In the
next paragraph he makes the celebrated
declaration that, even if Mexico is willing
it ought not to be admitted iutothe Union
as long as it is opposed by a considerable
and respectable portion of the confedera
cy (this is conclusive) and also says, it is
unconstitutional. In the next two para
graphs he opposes the principle of one
section of the Union acquiring new ter
ritory to balance the political power of
another, because it would proclaim to the
world an insatiable and unquenchable
thirst for foreign conquest, and denies
that it would add to the strength of the
slave-holding states. He then says, that
the United States ought to prevent the
colonization of Texas by any foreign
power. In the succeeding paragraph he
argues that it would he best for all the
parties to let Canada and Texas remain
as independent Republics on our bord
ers, and in the last he reiterates his ob
jections. Throughout the whole letter,
he evinces the most determined opposi
tion to the admission of Texas, and there
is not a word or letter which tends to
show that he is now or ever will be in
favor of it. Let our whig friends of an
nexation think of this.
Mr. Clay's late tetter.
Subjoined below will be found the la
test exposition of the views of Mr. Clay
oil the Tariff. As the soutli grows wea
ker and is constantly losing her moral
and political influence in the union, the
friends of protection are every day grow
ing bolder and casting off the mask with
which they used to disguise themselves
when advocating this odious principle.—
Mr. Clay used to approach it cautiously
and stealthily: now lie marches up to it
boldly, and avows it unblushingly before
the country. Will the Georgia Journal,
and Recorder, or the Messenger or any
other friend of his now ray that he has
not abandoned the compromise ?
Ashland, 29th June, 1544.
Dear sir: I have received your favor,
stating that our political opponents rep
resent me as being a friend of protection
at the north, and for free trade at the
south; and you desire an expression of
iny opinion under my own hand, for the
purpose of correcting this misrepresenta
tion. lam afraid that you will find the
effort vain to correct misrepresentations
of me. Those who choose to understand
my opinions ean have no difficulty in
clearly comprehending them. 1 have re
peatedly expressed them as late as this
spring, and several times in answer to
letters from Pennsylvania. My opin
ions, such as they are, have been recent
ly quite as freely expressed at the south
ns l ever uttered them at the north. I
have every where maintained that in
adjusting a tariff for revenue, discrim
inations ought to be inude for protec
tion ; THAT THE TARIFF OF 1842 HAS
OPERATED MOST BENEFICIALLY, Olid
that I AM UTTERLY OPPOSED TO ITS RE
PEAL. These opinions were announced
by me at public meetings in Alabama,
Georgia, Charleston in South Carolina,
North Carolina, and in Virginia.
Your friend and obedient servant,
11. CLAY.
Mr. Fred. J. Cope.
The Persecution
Waged by the Clay faction against
Col. Chappell —its motives , <j-e.
This was to be expected. The Clay
leaders, tacticians, and hacks have cogent
reasons for the envenomed bitterness
with which they seek to hunt down Col.
Chapped. The most prominent perhaps
is, that by the persevering abuse of that
gentleman, they expect to intimidate eth
i ers from following the example of noble
and manly independence, and generous
patriotism lie has set before them. Thus
far, the libellous attacks on him are mere
manouvreing, but vexation at being re
nounced and repudiated by a man of liis
well known honor, integrity, professional
ability and moral rectitude, and that too
after he had become fully acquainted
with the immeasurable selfishness and
political corruption of Clay and his pnrti
zans, is perhaps a cause still more opera
tive.
To render this plan of persecution and
intimidation efficient, they have, it is said,
formed a corps of Skunk rifles, the mem
bers of which are to eject their filthy ef
fluvia on every one, who having detect
ed the demoralizing and destructive char
acter of Clayism, has the courage to free
bis neck from the base, servile collar, and
dash from him the liberty-subverting,
soul-degrading badge of Clay idolatry.
Three or four individuals of that hono
rable fraternity have, for some time past,
been favoring the public with weekly ex
hibitions of their proficiency. One of
them who has abused the honored name
of Putnam by applying it to himself, has
been puthing his mephitic exhalations
at Col. Chappell for inconsistency, ij*c-
From the signature the Hon. gentleman
has chosen, the reader will perceive that
now, as ill the time of Esop,asses are fond
of being disguised in the skin ofalion. Oi
Putnam we know nothing but from liis
newspaper effusions, and the speeches ru
mor attributes to him. From these data,
some ill-natured persons have remarked,
“ That contrasted with the dead level oi
hisdulncss, the bird of Minerva might be
considered wittv, that a magpie might cn*