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0 J A * f tfr* < ut one |»art against another; foments occasion al riot and insurrection. It opens thn door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are sub jected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties in free coun tries are useful checks upon the administra tion of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain lim its is probably true; anil, in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with in dulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary pur pose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by foTce of pub lic opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire cot to be quenched, it demands a uniform vi gilance to prevent it bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire cau tion in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective const itutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of o- e department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the de partments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and prone, nesg tope's© it which predominate in the hu man heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of recip rocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guar dian of the public weal against invasions of the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: 9orne of them in oar Country and under our own eyes—To preserve them must bo as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitution al powers be in any particular wrong, let it be Corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates—But let there be no change by usurpation, for though this, in one instance, may Be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which tree go vernments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any tunc yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion anti morality aro indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens The mere politi cian, equally ivjth the pious men, ought to re spect and to cherish them A volume could not trace all their connexions with the private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputa tion, for life, if the sense cf religious obliga tion desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let qs with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined-education on minds of peculiar struc ture, reason #bd experience both forbid us to -expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morali ty is a necessary spring of popular govern ment. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free govern ment. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the f.ibrick? Promote, then, as an object of primary im p-rlance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish the public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as spar ingly as possible, avoiding occasions of ex pense by cultivating peace; but remembering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater dis bursements to repei it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt' not only by shunning occasions of expei.ee, but by vigorous exer tion? in time of peace, to discharge the debt s which unavoidable wars may have occasioned not ungenerouly throwing upon posterity the burden which wc ourselves ought to bear.— The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilit ate to them the performance oftheirduty.it is essential that you should praficaily bear iu mind, that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes, and no taxes can he dev. ised which are not more cr less inconvenient and unpleasant; mat rho intrinsic embnrass- ments inseparable from the selection of proper objects, which is always a choice of difficulties, ought to be a decisive motive for a candid con struction of the conduct of the government iu making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigences may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally en join it? It will be worthy of a free and en lightened, and at no distant period, a great na tion, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that iq*the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be ‘lost by a steadv adorence to it? Can it be, that prov idence has not connected the permanent felici ty of a nation with its virtue? The experi ment at least, is recomended by every senti ment that ennobles human nature. Alas! is it tendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent inve f erate antipathies against particular nations, and pas- sionate attachments for cfl$rs, should be ex* eluded; 8n«l that in place of them, just and amicable feelings toward all should be culfcva’ ted. The nation which indulges toward anoth er an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty ami its interest. Antipathvjn one nation against an- other, disposes each more readily to offer in sult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes ot umbrage, and to be haughty and iutractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hsnce frequent collisions, obstinate, enven omed and bloody contents. The nation, prompt ed uy ill will ami resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government some- times participates in the national propensity, and adopts through pas-sun, what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects ol hostile ty instigated fiy pride, ambition and other sinis ter and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty ol nations, has been ti e victim. So, likewise, a passionate attachment to one nation or another, produces a Tarieiy of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion ol an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one Oie enemies of the oth.r, betrays the former into a participation in th? quarrels and wars of the latier, without adequate inducements orje.- tification. It leans also to concessions to the favorite na tion, of privileges denied to others, which are apt doubly to injure the nation, making ihe concessions, by n<_c* s sarily parting vvidi what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition tp retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, who devote themselves to the. favorite nation, facility to betray, or sacrifice tiie interests of their own countiy, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation a commend able deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or fouiisu compliances ol ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign inlluence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly ulaiming to lue truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor tunity do they iiff.rd to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public council-! Such an attach ment of a small or weak, toward a great and pawerlui na tion, detms the loimer to be the sat. llitr. ol the latter.— Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, 1 con jure you to believe no, ftilow-ciliZens, the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove thai foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealou-y, to be useful, must be impartial; else i* becomes the instrument ot the v ry influence to be avoided, .11- stead of a deltnce against it. Excessive partiality for one iorevgn nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom ihty actuate to see danger only ou one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resin the intrigu* s of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confi dence of the people) to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct fur us, iu regard to foreign nations, is, in extending cur commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So fur as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here lei us stop. Europe bus a set of primary interests, which to us have none, cr a very remote, relation, lienee sue must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes ol which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us t" lmolicate ours, ives by artificial tics, in the ordinary vicissitudes ol her politics, or the or dinary combinations and collisions of her iViendsnips or enmities. Oar detached and distant situation, invites and enables :s to pursue a different course. If we. remain on-* people, under an efficient government, the period ij not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoy ance; when we may take such an attitude as will caoae the n utrality we may at any time resolve upon, toUescro-i pulousiy respected; when belfigereut nations, under the 1 impossibility of making acqutsi’ions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving u.- pro vacation; when wc may choose pe ce 0; war, as our in'arcst, guided oy justice, snail counsel. Wiiy forego tht advantages of 90 peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand up n foreign grounuf Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part cf Eu rope, entangie our peace and prosper.ty in tnc toils of European ambition, rivulahip, interest, humour, or ca price? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent allian ces with any portion of the foreign world; sj far, I mean, ‘as we are now at liberty to do it; for let m; no 1 oc un derstood as capable of patroniz.ng infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the max m no less applicable to public than to piivatc affiiis, that fa mes y is always the best policy. I repeat it, thtitfore, ht those engagements be observed in their genuine sens-’. Rut in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unw»se to ex'enu them. Taking care at..avs 10 ke<p m.rseivis, by suitable es- •biish meins #: a respectable defensive posti re, we s ft- ty trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergen cies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with 11 nr ions, are recommended by policy, humanity, ami interest. But even our commercial policy should bold ..n rq<• a 1 and im partial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive fa vours or preferences; consulting the natural coarse of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle mean*, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing: establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trs.de a stable course, to difiue the rights of our merchants, and to ena ble the government to support then;; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned 01 varied, as experience and cireuinsiancis shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterest ed favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place i:- selfin the condition of kavinggiven equivalents for nomi nal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude far not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering U> you my countrymen these councils of an old and affectionate friend, 1 dare not hope they will make the strong aud lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or pre vent our nation from running the course w hich has hith erto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial bene fit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate tin- fury *f party spirit; to warn a- gainst the mischiefs of foreign inti iguc; to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude I01 your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge ot mv official duties, I have been guided in the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of \our representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aids of the best lights 1 could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, h id a right to lake, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neu tral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. A The considerations which respect the right tt> bold ibis conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail:— I wiil only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity toward otier nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to ysur own reflections and experi ence. With me, a predominant motive has been to en deavor to gain time to out country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, aio to progress, without interrup tion, to that degree of stefigth and consistency, which is necessary to give it, buimnlj speaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though in reviewing toe incidents of my administra tion, I am unconscious of intentional error; I am never theless too sensible of my detects not to think it probable t : at I rn iy have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or miti gate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also cariy with me tiic hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities w ill be consigned to obli vion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness iuihis as in othrr things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it, which is so natu ral to a man w ho views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that reireat, in which 1 promise my self to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, i* the midst of my fel'ow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws. < odor a frmgoierrment; the ever favorite object of mj heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers. Untied States, Sept. 17. 179&. Constitution of the United States. We the p>'np:e of theUuited States,in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide tor the common defence, promote th general welfare, and secure Ihe blessing? of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for th United States of America ARTICLE I— SECTION I. All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress ot the U died States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. section 11. 1st. The House o Representatives shall consist of Members cli vet ppprv second v * nr by the people of the several S’.* -'*; ami ’ e electors in each State shaft h>ve the qualifi cations requisite for electors of :'»• ruo?t nu merous branch of the State Legislature. 2d No person sha’! h-- * Representative who shall not have atta ion to the age of twrn tv-five years, and been '•even «ars a citiz'r. of the United St-fes; a-.1 who «ball not whe elected be'an inhabits of that State in which he 'hall bn chosen, 3d R -preot-ntat ves ’ direct taxes, shall be apportioned among e several States, which may be included wc v this Union, ac cording to their respective . '>bcrs. which shall be determined fc) a'ding to whole number offree persons, iuciude g those cuund to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed three fifths of all other per sons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States; and within every subsequent term of years, in such man ner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand: but each State shall have at least ore Representative: and, until such enumeration c hall be made, the State of Ne.w-H unpshire shall be entitled to choose three; MasachtrsetU eight; Rhode-Island and Providence plantations cne; Connecficut five; New Y rk six; New-J rsey four; Penrsvlv.vnia eight; Delawnr one; Maryland six; Virginia ten; North-Carolina five; South-Carolinia five, and Georgia three. 4th. When vacancies happen in the repre sentation from ; nv Sta'e.the executive author ity thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies Stb. Tl e House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the solo power of impeach ment section in. 1st The S-nate of ‘lie United States shall be comnoced of rw Senators from ach S‘ife, chosen by the legislalme (hereof for six yor-rs: and each Senator shall I -jve one vote. * 2d. Immediately after (hoy are assembled, »p consequence of the fi”®t election, they shall of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States; and 10 excrete like au thority over all places purchased by the edib* sent of the legislature of the State iu whiclt the same shall be for the erection of fortss, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, aud other needful building s, and, 18th. To make all laws which shall be ne cessary and proper for carrying into execu tion the foregoing powers, and all other pow ers vested by this constitution in the govern ment of the United States, or an? department or officer thereof. section IX. 43. The migration 01 importation of such persons as- any of the stales nor/ existing shall think piop^r-io ad mit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year eighteen hunureu and eight; but a lax or duty may be impused on such importation, not exceeuing ten dol lars for rach person. 44. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 43. Nobillof attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be; passed. 16. No capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion to the census ur enumeration here in hr lore three lad to be taken. 47. Nut x or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any stuie. No preference shall be given by any reg ulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those ct another; nor shall vessels bound lour frcni one state, be obliged to enter, clear, . pay Uutn s iu an- other. 49. No mmiey shall be drawn from the treasury but. in consequence of appropriations mans by law; and a. rtguiav statement and account of the receipts and expun- 1 ditures of all public money shall be pubksiicd from time to lime. 49. No title of nobility shall he granted by the United States; and no person holding any office of pr,ttit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of in. con gress, accept of any presen*, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign, state. SECTION X. 50. No state shall eiutr into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grunt letters ot marque or reprisal; coin money; emit bids of credit; make anything but gold aud silver ctnn a tender in payment ot debts; pass any bi! 1 ot attainder, ex post fact > law, or law impairing tne obiiga< tion of contracts; or grant «ny utie of 11 bility. 51. No state shill, m. .,uool me eonstn: of the congress, lay any imposts or o .i.e* or* imports or exports, except vrhat may be absolutely necessary for executing its in spection taws; and the net pfobuee of uii clutus an I im posts 1 -.id by any state on imports or r.xpor'.o shall l-t for Ihe use ot the treasury of thu United States; anu a! such i.ws shall be subject to the revision and control of the congress. No state thill, without the consent of con gress, lay any duty ol tonnage, ke^i troops or rmps of ivar in time of peace, cutes into any agreement or com pact with another state, or with a loreign powi r, or en gage in a war unless actually invaded, or in such muni*- ^neiU danger as will .101 admit of delay. ARTICLE II—SECTION I. 52. The executive prwir sh ill be vested in a president of the United States of America. He shall kohl his of- fide during the tern: of four years, mi. ogethcr w i n E.e vice -president, chosen tor the same term, Le ehtcieu as follows: 53. Each state shall appoint, in such manner us lb-; le gislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, • qua! To :\e whole number of senators and representatives 10 which t’ ; State may be entitled in the emigres-; but no seuatar r iepreseiitative, or person holding an office of trust c. yroiii under the United States, shall be appointed an e! cior. 54. [The eleclot s shall meet in their respective states, the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. SECTION V. tst. Each uou«e shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members; and a majority of each shall consti tute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may ‘journ from day to day, affid may be authorised to compell the attendance ot absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each House may pro vide. 2d. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings; punish its members for dis orderly behaviour; and with the concurrence of two-thirds expel a member. 3d. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings; and from time to time publish the <ame, excepting such parts as may in their judgement require secrecy: and the yeas aud nays, of eilher House, on any question, shall at »he desire of one fifth of those pf^sent, be entered on the Journal. 4th. Neither House during the session ot Congres, shall, without the consent ofthe eth er, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. SECTION VI-. 1st The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services to bo acertained hy law, and paid out ofthe treasu ry of the United States. They shall in all rases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest, during their attendance at the session of their respec tive Houses and in going to, anil returning from the same, for ativ speech or ^debate in either House, they shall not be questioned.in any other place. * JL. ^ 3i No Senator or Representativa-^^ll dor n£ the time for which he wasjelected. he appointed to any c ; vil office, under the author ity of the United States, which shall have Hern created, or the emoluments of which shall have been increased, during such time; and r.o person holding anv office under the U riled State shall be a member of either House, during ills continuance in office. SECTION VII. ? r t. All bills, for raising revenue, shall ori- gii. .ie in the House of Representatives? but (Hr Senate shall propose or concur with amend- as utkPr bills. 2d. Every bill, which shaft have passed the Hause Representatives &. the Sc ate, shall hefi re it becomes a law, be presented to the- President of the United States. If he ap prove, hr shall sign it: but if not, lie shall re turn it, with his objections, to that bouse in which it shall have originated, who shall erter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to'reconsider it. LVfter such recon- s-deration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill it shall b? sent together with th5 objections to the other House, by whic shall likewise be reconsidered: and. if approv ed by two-thirdsof that House it shall becom* Sami vote by ballot L,r t.vopoisons,of whom out ut least a law. But, in all such cases, the votes of 4 l %h 1 a _”_ ntft ( " r soiV ^* ; which h.si b divided r- cq ‘ ’v as may lie, into three all. The duty of holding duet may be inferred; classes The seats of th< Senators of the fir-* class shall be vacated 3t thn i_xpi*-ation of the second vear of the second class, at the exr ir*> tion of the fourth year: and of the third c!;;;> at the expiration of the sixth year: so that one third may be chosen every seernd rear And if vacancies happen, hy resignation, or other wise, during the rece c t of the legislature of any State, the executive thereof shall make temporary appointments until the next meet ing of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 3d. No person shall be a Senator, who shall not have attaioej to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the U- nited States; and who -hall not when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. x 4th, The Vire-Pre«ilent oftheUnitcd States shall be President 01' the Senate, hot shall have no vote un'ess they be equally divided. 5th. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro-tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the cffice of President of the United States. 6)h The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachmmts. When sitting for that purpose, they shill be on oath or affirma tion. When the Resident of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: and no person shall bt convicted, without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7tb. Judgement, ii all cases of iuappach- cnent, shall not extent 1 , further than to retno val from office, and disqualification to hold and eqjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United Slates. Put the party con victed shall nevertheless, be liable and sub ject to indictment, trial, judgement, and pun ishment according to taw. ; SECTION IV. 1st. Tbe'Trmes, places, and manner of hold ing elections for senators and Representatives, shall be prJ^lirited in each State by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the pla ces of choosing Senators. 2d. The Congress shall assemble at least onqe every year; and such meeting shall be on , , tt . ,, . . . -ii ..-eives. And iney shali make a li-taf all tl.'i both Houses shall be determined by yeas *nd ted for> and of theouuil)fir of voUs for ea -' nays: and the names of the persons voting for 1 *nd .against the bill shall be entered on th? journal of each bouse respectively If any biV shall not be returned by the president, with u ten day® (Sundays excepted) after it sb 11 have been presented to him. the same shall b° a law in like manner a® if he bad signe : it unless the Congress by their adjournment pre vent its return; in which case it shall not be a la tv. 3 I. Every order, resolution, n* vote wfixli which the conctirren re of the Serat & of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment sh ill be present ed to the President of the United States a- d before the same shall teke effect, be approved by bim; or, beimr disapproved bv him shall be ror>n«sed hy two.fhirds of both Houses, accor ding to the 'ulr*® and limitations prescribed in the case of a bi 11 sECTroN vrir. The Congress ®hall have power— 1st To lav and collect taxes, duties, im- postc, and excises, to pav the debts and pro vide for the common defiance, and general welfare of the United State®: but all du ties imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout ihe United S*ate. • 2d. To borrow money on the credit ofthe Uni ted States. they shall si^n and certify, ana transmit sealed to tl.e seat of the guvernmi lit of ihe United States, dmcU i to Mie president of the sen. ;o. 'i he president 01 the s< n- its shall, in presence of the .« nate and house of rt-pre- ser.tarives, • pen all the certificates, a. u the voles shaft’ *hr*n be couD’ed. Tne r. rs.n having the greatest num ber of votes shall be the President, i' such number In; a. majority of the nh h. number of electors appor ted, aril j if there be more than cue ivho have s ic!; a maj< ri’y, and i have an equal numaer jf votes, then '.he house cf o , rt - K sentatives shall immediately choots-., ry ballot, es.c off tlrm for president; 1 .id, if no person have a majority,!; f hen from the five 1.-hes on the lia e siud bouse shah, is fake manner, choose the picsidet 1. But, in choosing tin- President, the vote shall be tal-en by staies, the r<p- resentition from each state having ons 'otc: a quorum f r this purpost shall consist of a men her or memii. is iVom two-third-, of the states, ane a ir j -rityof all the st. tes shall be necessary to a cho.ce. i. cv. ry c.;>e, ter the choice of the president, the perron Laving tb& creates! numb r of vote# of the eltetoi. shah be the *ice- president. B it if there should r< 11am two or more w ho .vc equal yoits, the s< nute sliai, cnoose fiom Ihonr by Lullot, the vicc-niesidtnb] 55 The congress may determine the time of choosing the elector*, and the day on which they shall give th* ir • otesj which uay sh&ii be ihe same throughout ihe Uni ted States. 56. NopCrson, except a natural born citizen, or a cite-, zui of the United ht tes at the ♦ime of the adoption this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of ptt.si^’ uent; neither shall any person be eligible to that offi who shall nothave attained to the age of thirty-Cv L yea:.), aud been fourteen years a resident within the IJuitcd .States. 57. In case of the removal of the president from of fice, or of his death, resignation, or inability to cli -t ,;e _ , r „ 1 , _ ... c • l the powers arid duties of trie said office, the r-aate snail 34 Fo regulate commerce ~ ith foreign n*t- j j eT0 |vece the vice-president; am! the tongrtss ma.y, by law, provide fur the case of removal, c* tion®, and amor.gthe sevpral Slates and with the Indian tribes. 4th. To establish an uniform rule of natur alization: and uniform laws on ihe subject of bankruptcies, throughout (he United States. 5:h. To coin money; to regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin; and fix the stand ard of weights and measures. 6lh. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United State 7th. To establish post offices and post ro:*d«. 8th. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited timns to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.’ 9tb. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court. 10th. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offen ces againsUthe law of nations. 11th. To declare war; grant letters of mar que, and reprisal; and make rules concerning eaptures on land and water. 12th. To raise and support armies But no appropriation of money for that use, shall be for a longer term than two years. 13th To provide and maintain a navy. 14th. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces. 15th To provide for caHing forth the mili tia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and rep^l invasions. 16th. To provide for organizing, arming, disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service ofthe United States; reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the of ficers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Con gress. 17th. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoe\’er, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession h, resjgnation, or inability, both ol the president and vice-president, de claring want officer shall then act us president, and such office, shall act accordingly until the disability fae leuav- ed, or a president J ail ho elected. 59. The president shall, at skated times, receive for nis services a compensation, which shall neither be ino ssed nor diminished during the period for which he rhall i.^ve> be*-n elected; and be shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 59. Before he enter on the execution of Lis office, he shall take the following oath .r affirmation: •‘I do solemnly swear (or affirm,) that I\ivill faithfully execute the office of president of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, pr-dect, ami de fend the constitution of the United Statei.” SECTION 11. 61), The president, sha t Le commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several stat 3, v.hen called into the actual service ot the United Slates: He may require the opini-n in writing, of the principal officer in each of ihe executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of th*.ir respective offices; and Le shat! have power to <nant reprieves and pardons for offences against the U. Suites, except in cases of impeachment. Cl. He shall have power, b> and with the advice and consent of the senate, tv make i'-eaties, provided two- thirds of the senators pres int concur; and hr shall nomi nate, and, by and with the advice aud consent of the senate, snail appoint s.abassauois, other public *i inis)er9 and consuls, judges of the supreme court, a 5 . ,ll other officers of the United States whis< p-.-: arc not herein otherwise provided for, and wvicL snail Lc estab lished by law, Butthe congress cuj, t,y .aw, vest the appointment cf such inferior efficers as they think proper in the prudent alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of der irtments. t‘2. The president shall have power to fill up all vacan cies that may happen during the recess of the si'*iatc f by granting commissions which shall expire at the end ot their next session. SECTION HI. 63. He shall from time to time give to the congress in* formation of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge ne cessary and expedient: He v.ay, on extraordinary oc casions, convene bath houses, or either of them; and in case of disagreement between them with respect to the time of adjournment^ he may adjourn them <0 such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; be shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall cotumissioa all offi^ew of the United States.