Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

of the States and of the people; unless it is in- fended that these shall be held at the mercy of the Federal Government. 1 will put a strong case and let gentlemen ;»oint out if they can the “rightful remedy,” ac cording to their principles. The Treasury be ing filled by taxes imposed upon you, under all the forms of the constitution, tho money is ap propriated to purchase the freedom of your slaves, for the purpose of colonizj.ig them in Africa. You are to bo paid for your property with money d 1 awn from your own pockets, until the money is exhausted, anu your proper ty gone! What is the remedy? According to the principles advocated on the other s dc, it is your duty to submit. The Supreme Court has no jurisdiction over the Act Jevying the tax (for like the tariff it purports to be for rev enue ) uor over that appropriating the money. The Federal Government has decided the law to be constitutional, it has been sanctioned by the will of a majority, (the supreme law,) the Slate has no right “to judge ol the infraction,” or to interpose its authority in any way, what then? You ure bound to submit. No; say gen tlemen, you must rebel—you have still the “right of rebellion’* left; a “sovereign State” guilty ot rebellion] Thus you sec, gentlemen, that it comes to this, that a State, or tlie people of a State, have no means left of preserving the r ights expressly reserved to them by the terms of the compact, but by incuring the guilt and meriting the fate of traitors, unless indeed their treason shall be sanctified by success; and the free.citizens of a sovereign State have precise ly the same remedy for the preservation of their constitutional right, as the slaves of some eas- tern despotism, rebellion. Leaving Ibis topic, I proceed to make a few brief remarks in relation to tbe course which the lie; resentatives from South Carolina have f und them elves called upon to pursue.— From the session of’23, '24, when the Amer ican System,” in its two branches of the Tarifl and Internal Improvement, became, as we have been told, tho settled policy of the coun try, your Representatives liavc been compelled to struggle with fearful odds, and under the most discouragemg circumstances, against nea: ures which tbe people of South Carolina j;it! in their assemblies denounced as “unconstitutional, oppressive and unjust,” and which the Legislature, after repeated remon strances and protests, had solemnly declared to be “so gross a violation of the rights of the peoj iu, and so palpable a usurpation of pow ers not granted, that the measures to be pur sued consequent on a perseverance in this sys tem, were purely questions of expediency, and not of allegiance, ’ and that “they were only then restrained from the assertion of the sover eign rights of the State, by the hope that the magnanimity and justice of the good people ol the Union, would effect an abandonment of a system partial in its nature, unjust in its ope ration, and not within the powers delegated to Congress”* Instructed. Gentlemen, as your Representatives have been, to maintain these sentiments, they have endeavored to support them with a fidelity due to the expression of the deliberate opinion of their constituents, and a zeal proportioned to their couvictiou of their importance. They have nevertheless, been condemned to winess the repeated failure of their exertions; their appeals to the magna nimity and justice” ol their bretheren have been made in vain, and they have been lett under the painful conviction of the truth of Mr. Jefferson’s assertion that reason and argu ment iu opposition to this system of legalized plunder, might just as well have been ad dressed to “the marble columns which sur round our Legislative halls. e have been compelled, Gentlemen, to see the system of impost, designed by the Constitution for rais ing revenue, openly perverted to the purpose of laying the agriculture and commerce of the country, and especially of the Southern Slates under contribution to the manufactures. We have seen the system of Internal Improvement, which came recommended to us by the fair promise of unnumbered blessings, degraded into a “a disgraceful scramble” for the public money, and threading speadily to become in the prophetic language ol Mr. Jefferson, “a source of boundless patronage to the Execu- tive, of jobbing to members of Congress and their friends, and a bottomless abyss of public money—a source of eternal scrambling among the members who can get most money wasted among their States, and in which they will get most who arc meanest t ’t We have been con strained to see and to feel, that the whole course of affairs, tbe entire tendency of things, was to add by construction to the power of the Federal Government, to assume an unwar rantable jurisdiction over our persons and our propertyl»y “organizingthe whole labor and capital rf the country”—controling our pur suits of industry, and attempting to bring about un’arlificial equality, by transfering the profits of the Southern planters to more favored por tions of the community. Your Representa tives seeing these things passing every day before their eyes, and having no power to ar rest their progress have felt it to be their duty from time to time faithfully to warn you of the actual state of affairs. They have exposed to you tbe true character and extent of the dtfficuUies*which surround you, and have told you frankly of the entire failuie of their utmost efforts to avert these evils. If standing as •• sentinels on the watch tower” of your rights and liberties, they had told you that “all was well,” while the enemy was undermining the very foundations of the citidcl, they might have reposed in peace: but you would have been roused up when the enemy was upon you, and when all your efforts to avert the evils of a “ consolidated government,” would have been in vain. Your Representatives. Gentlemen, (I say it proudly,) feel that they have dune their du ty; what remains to be done, it is for you, and not for them to decide. This gloomy picture of our affairs is bright ened but by a solitary gleam of light, arising from the rejection, by the Executive, of the Maysville Road. Yes, Gentlemen, the man who had “filled the measure.of his country’9 glory,” has once more thrown himself into the breach—has once more bared his noble hosom * ltc»«>liitijn of December, 1828. t Mr. Jefferson’s letter to Mr. Ma&son 0?March 7th, mo. in detente of the Constitution and of our liber ties, against those who, though regardless of tho " beauty,” are intent upon tbe ** booty'’ ot the country,—and God grant, that now as then the invaders may be driven back, ” discomfit ed and disgraced.” Gen- Jackson i« putting his veto upon the Maysville Road Bill, has opened to the South ern States the first dawning of returning hope. The reduction upon the duties upon salt and molasses, and a few other articles, though a measure just in itself,fas lessening the burdens of the people, and calculated in some small de gree to weaken the ties which bind tbs mem bers of the American System party together, furnishes in my opinion, no ground for any con fident expectation, that the system will be broken up, especially in the face of the over whelming majority by which Mr. M’ Duffie s motion to repeal the Tariffs ol 1023 and 1824, was voted down in the House of Representa tives. But the rejection of the Maysville Road, if 11 can be viewed as a pledge that no work of Internal Improvement is to be prose cuted during tbe administration of the present Executive, may be bailed as the most auspi cious event which has taken place in the histo ry of the country for years past. If we can be permitted to indulge tbe hope, that the Tariff and Internal Improvements, heretofore united iu the unholy bands of unlawful wedlock, are now to be divorced—if those arc to be : put asunder” whom god has not “joined together” then indeed is there cause for rejoicing; for without claiming to be a "Prophet, cr the son of a Prophet,” I think I may predict that the Tariff will not long survive the death of Inter nal Improvement. United for unholy ends, and subsisting by mutual plunder, it can hard ly be doubted that a separation will be the de struction of both. Let us then, on this occa sion, pour fourth the acknowledgments of a nations gratitude to the author of this good'— Great as are the claims of Gen Jackson to the gratitude of his country, this act has given j him new titles to oar regard. On no occasion ( of his eventful life, has he displayed a more generous disregard of all selfish consideration, j more exalted patriotism, or more heroic cour-j age—and should this prove to be only the j first step iu a course which is to restore the ) Constitution to its original principles, and bring back the Government to a sound and j wise policy, the name of Jackson will go down to posterity as the Washington of “his day aDd generation.” But does it appear to me, that though this act on the part of the President ought to be hailed with acclamation by every lover of his country, it can furnish no^apology for an abandonment by 11s, of the great cause of State rights. Now when the enemy is in confusion and dismay, are we by laying down our arms to enable him to rally, and return with renovated vigor to the conflict. If we are satisfied with the rejection of the Maysville Read, we can hardly hope for other and great er triumphs. Besides who can tell whether tho President will be sustained in the perilous conflict in which he has engaged. Already do wo find his advocates in the West vindi cating his course, on the ground that “the A- merican System” is still to be maintained by the administration in all its vigor, and pointing to the message they adduce, in support ot their assertion, the language of the President which sustains the tarif', on the grounds “ol its consistency with the letter and spirit of the constitution—of its origin being traced to the consent of all the parties to the original com pact, and of its having the support and appro bation of the majority of the people,” while with regard to Internal Improvement, they point triumphantly to “the admission in the j message of appropriating money to road3 and canals of a national character. Language like this coming from such a quarter, is certainly calculated in some degree, Co chasten the ex ultation and joy with which this act of the President, has been received by the Southern States. But I have trespassed, Gentlemen, too long upon your patience, anJ must hasten to a close. Let me say, then in conclusion, that I do con scientiously believe, that the assertion of the principles! have vindicated, is esseutial tothe great cause of State rights, though I believe The abandonment by South Carolina ct the grounds solemnly assumed and repeatedly a- vowed by our Legislature, will amount to an unconditional surrender of those principles.— I wish not to be understood as indicating any particular course as proper to be pursued by the State at this time, and under existing cir cumstances. As one of the representatives of South Carolina, I have at all times strenu ously advocated these principles, and to the best of my ability, faithfully maintained the rights and interest confided to my care. Fur ther (ban this I have not felt myself authorized to go; to tho pooplo, .mil to thorn alone, it be longs to decide, both now and at all timec hereafter, how far and how long it is their du ty to submit to acts of the Federal Govern ment, which all feel to be a violation of their rights. For my single self, I .am free to de clare that I cherish a sincere and ardent devo tion to the Union, and that to preserve it in violate, l would willingly lay down my life.—— But the Union which I revere, and which is dear to my heart, is founded on the constitu tion of my country. It is a Constitutional U- nion, which we have sworn to “preserve, pro tect and defend.” I may be mistaken, fellow- citizens. but I have always believed,, that no thing is wanting to secure the success of our cause, but union at home—such harmony of feeling and unify of action, as shall carry to the minds of our oppressors the conviction, that we are in earnest—that we “know our rights and knowing dare maintain them.” And, if Gen* tlcmen, we are destined to fail, and the South is to be drawn down from that “high b palmy state” of prosperity, dignity, and renown, which she has sd long and so proudly occupied—if she is destined tube humbled in tbe very dust before her oppressors, I shall live and die in the belief, that the calamity will have been brought upon her, because her citizens have not been true to thetnselves—because we have listened to tbe voice of those who have no common sympathies with us—or who have an interest in perpetuating the abuses under which we suffer, or who from unreasonable ap prehensions of imaginary dangers, will have palsied the hearts, and shaken the constancy of their countrymen But whatever may be the course of South Carolina at the present crisis, it is my deter mination to stand by her side. When I * 9 . ,• __ 1 :7l. 1 - —..'I uimaiiuii jiuiiu v’j mi , be found acting with her revilers, or enliste . ° K . mnu “mV if an* under the burner of her enemies, may * my right hand forget its cunning, and my tongue cleave to the rsof of my mouth. It is ^tb$ soil of Carolina, which has drank up the ““ cious blood of our forefathers shed in her fence; here repose the honored boues ot my cestors—it is here that I drew my first breath —here (hat I have been kindly fostered in youth, and sustained in manhood, by the gen erous confidence of my fellow citizens. It is in the soil of Carolina that the eyes of my children first beheld the light. Bound to you gentlemen, and to my country by so many and such endearing ties, let others desert her if they can; let them revile her, if they will—I shall stand or fall with Carolina. God grant that wisdom and virtue, firmnoss and patriotism, may preside in her councils, and direct her measures: but should she err, I shall not be the recreant sop lo join in the exultation of her en emies 1 shall cast no reproaches into her leeth—but it adversity as in prosperity—in wjal as in woe”—through good report and through evil report—I go for mv country. COL. DRAYTON’S ADDRESS. At the dinner, given in this city, on Thursday last, to Messrs. Hayne and Drayton, the following toast was drunk: William Drayton.—Able, faithful, and elo quent South Carolina cherishes him as a son disciplined in her best schools of chivalry and honor—With dovoied firmness he has pursued the dictates of his conscience in oppo sit ion to lh«; request of a respectable portion of his constituents—we honor him for his in dependence. When the applause with which it was re ceived, had subsided, Col. Drayton arose and addressed the company as follows: Fellow Citizens—Accept my grateful thanks for the approbation which you have been pleas ed to express of my public conduct, an<j of the motives by which it has been directed. At all times I earnestly seek to learn the senti ments of my consii!uen:s. They are entitled to all the services which I can render them; and to require, as a general rule, that in rev: dering those services, I should conform to their wishes; but, whenever, after mature de liberation, I have arrived at the conclusion, that I cannot comply with them without vio lating my official oath, or the principles of mo ral right; whenever the question arises be tween my conscience and the will of my con* stiluents, that question must be solved by my duty to my God This opinion I have so fre- quenfly uttered, ih?t I have every reason to believe, that a majority of those w hom I rep resent, are acquainted with it. Should I be mistaken, I gladly avail myself of this occasion to declare it. Political errors l may often have committed. With the concealment of my political principles, no one can justly charge mu. The topics most interesting to South Caro lina, to which I have lately given my attention in Congress, are the Tariff, and what are termed “Internal Improvements.” It being well known, that I consider the law imposing duties upon imports for the exclusive benefit of the domestic manufacturer, to be unconsti tutional and deeply injurious to the great mas* of the community, and that I regard “Internal Improvements’’ as they have long been acted upon, to be attended with a wasteful and rui nous expenditure of the public treasure for private purposes, and to be at variance with the spirit of tlie federal compacr, I shall not now enter into a discussion of these subjects, but confine myself to a brief examination of tho consequences which have flowed from them. An excitement growing out of them, has pervaded all parts of our State, and has made so profound an impression upon the pub lic mind, as almost to absorb every other po litical consideration. Our citizens, suffering under an Act, which a great majority of them believe to be unconstitutional, have naturally been led to deliberate upon the steps which ought to be taken, under circumstances so critical and momentous. Of the expedients proposed, that which seems, most generally, to be relied upon, is, through the medium of the Legislature, or of a convention chosen by the people, to nullify the obnoxious law, or in other words, to declare it to be unconstitution al, and to absolve our citizens from obedience to it, unless a contrary decision should be pro nounced by three fourths of the Legislatures of the several States, or by conventions of the people, in the same number of the States.— Those who recommend this course are san guine in their expectations of its efficacy.— They arsert (hat a sovereign State, under its reserved rights, can constitutionally, resort to it, nod that by no other means can the Union he preserved. If by any process of reasoning, ot which lam capable, if by any lights which 1 could derive from intellects far superior to mine, I could accord in these views and infer ences, I should rejoice to do so; for no one condemns more than myself the principle of the existing Tariff, or more deprecates its baleful effects. Nevertheless, after anxious and pain ful meditation, directed by every motive which ought to influence a lover of his country, and of his country’s reputation and prosperity, I cannot perceive any substantial distinction be tween the abrogation of a law of Congress, by a State, aud the separation of that State, from the Union. When an act of Congress has been passed, in its customary forms, until repealed by the body enacting it, or decided lobeinva lid by the Federal Judiciary, it becomes the law of the land. The President of the United States is compelled, by bis oath of office, to enforce it, unless perhaps, he should be satis fied of its unconstitutionally, which is not the opinion of President Jackson, as to t*e Tariff of 1828. Should then the President, or the mandate of the Federal Court, direct it to he carried into execution, it could not be resisted hy us, excepting upon the ground, that our State had withdrawn from the federation, or by tho exercise of force. Tho first alternative would be, ipso facto, a severance of this State from tbe Union. The second, would be an ap peal to arms, the ultima ratio reipublics. Let me not be misconceived I am not the advocate of passive obedience and non-resis tance. In the ordinary administration of af- feiingor Indignity endur^t-Bnt if.we do wait pa .‘ivelv six years more, is ifr* Ejquwer xure that the Tariff will be reduced? fe it not more likely that th« tniplus revenue wui be applied to Internel IaprovetnepU, oa • « scale than evert Or ih* *****?'*" mongst the states in the ratio of their repre sentation in Congress? In either case the Booth will still continue to be impoverished by tbe North and West. Sooth Carolina alone con tributes more tothe National Treasury, un ot tbe present iniquitous system of taxation, than the six New-England atates together one halt —and yet, according to that principle at dis tribution, she would scarcely receive in return more than the smallest of the six. Upon the fairest principle of distribution.-(that 01 ac tual contribution to the Treasury) the scheme would be ridiculous, proposing, as it does, fairs, the assertl6o of the right of the majority to bind the people, is a mere truism; but a ma jority, as well as a minority may be a faction, j>nd where the Legislature is accused of usur pation, or corruption, or oppression, to con tend that the will of a prevailing majority should alone be evidence of the legality ot their proceedings, would render hopeless all possibility of relief. * A crisis might arise, when the bonds of the Union ought to be bro ken. The right of the Slate to secede from the Uoion, 1, unqualifiedly, concede, but so long as she belongs to it, if she be not bound by its laws, tbe monstrous anomalies would exist, of a government whose acts were not o- bligatory upon its citizens; and of a State con stituting one of the members ot the Union, whilst denying the authority of its laws. I am not unaware of the con^cUon of many., - —---^ , he ~ ja | e parp08 e that the consequences anUcipa.ed^ me, ™ , h „ m .Vi!-money. Upon the oth- would not follow from a nullification c. t«»c tar iff act, in the mode which has been mentu'Ecd, that, on the contrary, the repeal of the of restoring them their money. . er principle (that of representation) it won be palpably unjust and oppressive to the wouid be insured bv so vigorous a resolution South. ]L et f ^ eVcntS W To those who are under this conviction. Enquirer insists that if South Carolina would submit, that »t is founded upon the sup-j X™* 1 nullification, Virginia will posed weakness of their opponents—a position j should P»'° cec T respect the Enquir* as false and dangerous in politics V is .! n0t I 11 Z“. Jto tuTr* principles war, and utterly unworthy of the high-minded | er, we canno. ass*. - ronlendino’ arc freemen ofSouth Carolina. Unless a majori-.for which South Caxoi • g te IS ° a ] so ty of the people of the United States were per-j those of Virginia herself. I interest in sunded, that their interests were advanced by {identified with South Carolina X , ’ j the mis-called “American System,” it would feeling, and above all tue preserva < npirpr havfi hp.p.n imuosed uoon us bv succes- maintainnnee of Southern policy and. msti.n- uever have been imposed upon us by succes sive Congresses, from 1816 to 1830 Is it probable, that this majority, stimulated by the lust of avarice, and sustained by the arm of power, would yield tothe legislation, or to the menaces of a single State? It might be asked of me, whether I would recommend silence and inactivity amidst the wrongs with which we are afflicted. My an swer is—No. What can constittitioftally be done by the Legislature, ought to be done by it. Through Congress anil the press, and communications with those Spates whose cause is common wtih ours, every possible ex ertion should be made, to dispel the delusion, under which the people labour, as to the true character of an unconstitutional law, which fetters our industry, cripples our commerce, and taxes the many for the benefit of tho few. All are injured by it, excepting the Manufac turers: and although they, when combined, can carry the majority with them, yet recent c- veuts strongly indicate, that by attacking the tariff, in detail we may bring it back to those principles from which it ought never to have departed. * Should the efforts which I have suggosted, fail of success—should the law we complain of, remain unrepealed upon our statute book —We should thenjenquire, whether a recur rence to the remedy which I have adverted to would not be worse than the malady which it professes to cure—whether its certain con sequence would not bo disunion—whether dis union would not be fraught with more disas trous results than the provision of the act— whether it would not create a division in our State, producing that direst of national calam ities civil war* AA»r pcfuloring atelv and profoundly upon these questions, we are, bound by every social and moral duty, to elect the least of the evils presented to us.— For my own part 1 feel no hesitation in avow ing, that I should regard the separation of S. Carolina from the Union, as incalculably more to be deplored, than the existence of the law which we condemn. I have thus, fellow-citizens, communicat ed to you my sentiments upon an all engrossing subject. When I look round me and see many to whom lam united by the lies of blood- many who are my valued persona! friends—and some with whom I have acted, harmoniously, in political struggles, 1 am unable to convey an adequate idea, in words, of the pain % which 1 feel, in expressing opinions which I believe to be at variance with theirs. I have neverthe less, done this violence to myself, from the conviction, that iri times of public oxcitement, t he opinions of no citizens should be concealed; and because my constituents have the right to know my thoughts, in order that they may de termine whether I am worthy lo represent them. I most willingly submit myself to, their verdict, confident, and I trust not vainly so, that they will give me credit for having fully, candidly, and fearlessly, spoken from flie dic tates of my heart. Mr. President the colours flouting around these walls, have suggested to me a toast, which I beg leave to offer instead of the one I had prepared for this meeting. “May our star spangled banner, so often tri umphantly unfurled Hpon the ocean and the land, ever wave, with undiminished lusture, over free, sovereign, and united States” FROM THE RICHMOND ENQUIRER JULY 2. The respect we feel for the Charleston Mer* cury prompts us to lay the following article before our readers, with a few Notes: [“The Richmond Enquirer recommends patience and forherance, it tells us that a new light has broken in upon us—that the public expenditures were limited—the public debt paid—and that in a few years more all our dif ficulties will be over. “This sounds well. But it docs not con vince us. We perceive in it assertions, not facts—hopes, not reasons—and rather a patri otic anxiety that things may come right, than a well grounded assurance that they will. ‘A new light” says the Enquirer, 'has dawn ed upon us.” It lias—and ive are grateful tor it. Let the friends of the Coustifution con tinue (1) their exertions, and that light will yet shine with the radiance of a perfect day. But if they suffer it to bewilder or distract them, better that not a gleam had visited their eyes. Let them he true to themselves, and things assuredly will come right. But if they permit themselves to be lulled into security by delusive hopes and vain expectations, tbe victory they have gained, (glorious as it is) may yet prove ib the end worse than a de feat. “The public debt will be paidL-the duties will he reduced.” When will il be paid. Can the Enquirer tell? Admitting, however, that it may be paid in 5 or 6 years time, must the people of the South patiently (2) submit to in justice and extortion till that period arrives? Is there no principle involved? No actual suf tions. She could not permit S Carolina to be sacrificed without jeopardizing every thing most dear to her self. Interest, therefore would forbid it, to say of nothing the high, character for generosity and chivalry b y which that State is so eminently distinguished. Wo do not say that S uth Carolina will adopt anv measure of resistance, but we are sure, that if she should, Virginia could not look on, or take part against her, without deserving her princi ples, hazzarding her safety, and disgracing her character And we are protty confident that she would do neither. We believe, on tire contrary, that in an evant of that kind, “com mon feelings, common habits, and common in terests,” would produ'ce an immediate and de cisive union amongst the Southere States, and that Virginia would be found, as ever, true to the cause ofliberly and justice. J” NOTES. (1.) This is the very course we would recom mend—but how continue? As we have al ready done at Washington, by argument, hy appeal to the calm sense of the people, by the wbolsomeinterpositionofthe Executive Power -by continuing “the long pull, aid the itrerg pull and tho pul! altogether”—or by carrying out the doctrine of nullification, by forcing the Executive to carry into effect the laws of the U States, distracting our own party, breaking it up into fragments; aud giving a handle lo our common and acute enemies to sound the tocsin, to abuse the motives of the South Car olinians, misrepresent the true principles of tho friends of State rights, and expose the whole cause to c.ha rges. which it does cot deserve, and to prejudices that a>ny deeply injure it?—* The duties, which su*-h a stale of thing? may throw upon the other Sou!hern States, we will not run out in detail—But they will clear their skirts unpleasant 'as such alienations may ho from their bretheren, from all snppo* sition of their aiding and abetting in a scheme which might possiblv in its tendency, though not its intention, strike at the Union itself. . (2) Surely—rather than adopt a measure, which mav ultimately shake the Union. (3) W would respectfully advise South Carolina to co-operate with s»!l the friends of tbe Constitution and assist in bringing out tl o dawning of a new light into tlie “perfect day” —and not resort to measures, with which they cannot all heartily co-operate, and thus de feat the hope that is breaking upon us, by U.e aid of such weapons, ns Truth furnishes us, and such champions as have rallied under the banner, to restore the true principles of the Constitution.—That there is a point of op pression beyond which a free people cannot endure their wrongs, is conceded—but is it pos sible that South Carolina has arived at this point? How longconld the Union last, if its laws are to he defeated by every State, which complains of them? The excise laws qave offence to Pensylvania—the Embargo act dis satisfied the East—the war was displeasing in the same quarter. Could the Union stand un der such repeated shocks? We are fully aware, indeed, that our breth- ofS. C are much against Disunion as others are. *Thry disclaim it—they disclaim resist ance—they go only for the nullification of the Tar'ff There is a late writer in the Columbian Telescope, who probably lays down the course. He suggests that the Legislature may call a convention- of the People, and he supposes th°se questions put to them among others: •’Are such laws if not authorisad by the Constitution, binding upon the people ofS. Carolina. “If not binding upon citizens, is it expedi ent in order to protect our citizens from their unjust operation to declare them null and void, and in no wise binding upon the good people of S. Carolina? “Is it in such case expedient to forbid any citizen ofSouth Carolina to be aiding or as sisting those laws in execution against his fel low-citizens! “And to require cf the Convention, such further resolutions and declarations as may he necessary to carry into effect the peaceable and constitutional opposition of such laws? “Suppose, (saj[9 he, pursuing his scheme) the Tariff protection should be declared un constitutional. and therefore null and void: ami all custom house bonds given under it null & void also. The Attorney General of tbe U. S. puts the bonds in suit; the declaration of our conventions nullifying these laws are urged to the jury. A South Carolina jury will as suredly support the doings of the *Con vent ion of his fellow-citizens of South Corolinu: ver dict goes for defendant. Motion for a new trial, another jury gives the same verdict. Is not this enough? Wfiat do you want with disunion? All things go on in the same man-*, ner as before; we send our delegates to Cou^ gress as before: they have nothing to say a- bout our piocedings, but that their own State had taken the liberty of declaring that ai* unconstitutional Iaw ? was ip fact and m troth