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THE FEDERAL i. JOHN G. POLHILL, fiWTOR. MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, SATDRDAT, NOVEMBER 6, 1830. VOLUME 1, NUMBER 18. tee feeehal uniojt a puUi *hed evety rs-aarUaj ai nu doll^ks per an- jm in adrjnce, or Four if n " p.a«i Ix fore Lie end of Uie enr.* T»e 0A» is on IV ayat-Street, opposite Me- ./MBS* Tavfbn. All VdvkrtisemeNts publiditd at the usual rates. Cacti Citation by the Clerks of the Courts of Or dinary that application has hem made for Letters of Ad ministration, must bepublis: td Thirtt days at least. N 'ticebv Exer.ntars and Administrators tor Debtors »ni C-ed't -rs to render in their accounts must be publish* ed Six ei tws. Sah:so. ii -jroes by Ex^cut^rs and Administrators must be advertised Sixty uats before the ti; v of sate. Sales of personal properly (except m^rors) of testate and intestate estates by Executors and Administrators, knurt be .<dvertiseil Forty day9. Ajui it rtions by Executofs, Administrators and Guar dians lo 'he court of ordinary for leave to sell Land must be published Four months. _ Ap ’’iedtions by Executors and Administrators for Let ters Dirmissory, must be published Si v months. Applications lor f*m closure of Mortgages unreal Es tate must be advertised once a month forHix months. Sales of rent estate by Executors, Administrators and Guardians must be published Sixty days before the day of sate. These sales mint be made at the court-house d.'.or between the hours nj 10 in the morning and four in the afternoon. N » sale from day - to day i9 valid, unless so expressed in the advertisement. Orders of Court of Ordinary, (accompanied with acopy of the bond, or agreemen') to make titles to Land, must be ntve-tised Three months at least- S.n*riff i sale* under executions regularly granted by the con rt*. m ir'.be adverli c cd Thirty Days. Mienff’s sale. .jntter mortga-.re executions must be ad- verf.is.’d Sixty days before the day of sale. Sheriff's * |es .f perislrahle property under order of Cr *rt must b 1 * >dv liv*l penerslly Ten days- \ in- :n ■ f.u Id erii.ements wiii be punctually at tended to. ♦ + * y:! Letierf. lireeted t > the office, or the Editor, jn*tst he post -paid to ei. r it!« them to .itl< ntion. POLITICAL. FROM THE COLUMBUS DEMOCRAT. Wi'hGov. Troup as a partisan we have no thing now to do. He is not before the pub. lie as a candidate for office; and we are willing fi« should repose himself on the confidence oi those frifnds *.vho h ive sustained him through the stormy passages of his public life. Yet as <a legislator, a statesman, occupying a station whore his opinions must necessarily affect the di -’invofour country, it is a duty we owe our readers, to canvass those opinions, when proclaimed lo the world as the basis of his fu ture acts. His late published letter to the Committee from whom he received an invitation to at tend l he meeting at Columbia, S. C. is one of Khose documents which ought not to be over look d by the press The importance of the fuhj ct. ihs nature of the doctrines promulga ted. all recommend it to a careful examination. To this examination we invite our readers —- The letter itself will he found in another col umn of this paper. It will however, be well in t.'.c first instance, to reflect for a moment noon the object of the meeting, to which Gov. Troup has been invited. It must he borne in ir-ind that certain politicians of S Carolina, Laving become dissatisfied with the measures of the general government, had threatened to secodr. from the union, unless their conditions were complied with; and that this meeting wa« •called to consult upon the propriety of calling a convention of the people, to nullify an act of Congress' Upon this matter, Gov. Troup <Sfcitds his opinions. '•Whatever, (says he,) the people ofS. Car olina in coo vent idn shall reselve lor their safe t\, interest and happiness, will be right; and none xvHI hare the right to'question it.” What Gov. Troup. precisely means in this prc> lovitior, we do not pretend to know. Ii over, Jie means to assert that the people of •5. Carolina cannot in their blindness and pas si.» i, adopt zvrorrg measures, for the redress of their grievances, cannot like other people err, tli- assertion is puerile and childish. If he «nor ly intend? to propound an abstract politic a! maxim. why i<. ii r run cted with political in -v .n. ;. s of*.net magnitude, unless to stimu latcjthehi r> tbe.r projected resistance to the laws of the union'* The people of South Car olina mopose to nullify on act < i congress, and nh'.iv apply to Troup fur advice; the people of ■ Carolina, says he, can do nothing wrong! V\ .N not such an assertion under such circum- oceSj intended to spur the people of our r Slate ir.to some overt act of resistance 1 * d this suspicion is strengthened by what ytlow s—— You can change your own Government, Vim arid-) at pleasure, and therefore you can ir< -A off tin* Goverriment of the Union, when e’er the safety, interest happiness require fhis, from its posit ion, .connected as it is, -h the previous threats on the subject, con- u«something more than an abstract opinion t seems more like advice. Taking an im* tial reyiewr of the whole ground, we believe are.fully authorised in drawing the conclu that Gov. Troup fully intended that his should encourage the people of South rolina to that step towards which many ol own hot*headed politicians have been yingthem. He boldly asserts their right take this |tep, and a great portion of the lance of his letter is devoted to the purpose stimulating their passions to a sufficient ch for its exercise. "If, (he continues) ambition and avarice II make the Federal Government, a curse, the States are to be held to it against their I, our condition d.tiers in nothing Iron* that he provinces of Turky.” Such is his opinion of the Government It Up bv Washington, Franklin, and Jeffer- . and other sages of the revolution! Itself urse to the people, and the states under it need to the condition of Turkish Provin- ’ It is by such declamation as this, that expects the passions of the ignorant and un* ecling will be aroused to open resistance!— w hat resemblance can Gov Troup dis- n between our condition and that of the es of Asia? Are we governed by pacha? straps? And do we hold our lives and rty at the abitrary will of onr despots?— wherein consists this resemblance? Wt be indebted to Gov. Troup if he will point it out. But it is from such wild and un supported charges that the real character of the opposition to the General Government is ascertained. And it is by such assertions also, that its virulence is disarmed of its poison.-— Its real nature and object are exposed to view and the sterling patriotism of the people will he sufficient to defeat it. “lfconlrary to expectation the existing sys tem shall become the fixed and settled policy of the country, the Southern States must with- d:aw from the confederacy, cost what it'may.” Now, notwithstanding the opinion of Gov Troup, we feel fully assured that the present *.ystem will become the settled policy of the country; and the question presents itself to the people of the South—how and wherein doe% its operation prove so injurious to onr inter, cst? Are not our farmers less in debt than they were a few years ago? And are not oyr articles of a foreign growth which.we have to purchase, much cheaper? If so, then what Southerner has been ruined by the system, and how has it happened? Will Gov. Troup in form us? Lei him give names dates and au thority. But suppose the tariff should have proved somewhat oppressive to the interests oft he South—is that a reason for dissolving the Union? Are there no advantages secured by the Union, sufficient to balance slight losses? It is admitted that the embargo and non im portation acts operated with unequal severity on the commerci.il cities of the North; hut did that excuse the enormity of the Hartford Convention? Not in the least: nor will it :hat of Troup’s Convention in the South. Both projects must he weighed by the degree of moral turpitude involved in the scheme.— And posterity will no doubt mete out the full measure to each. Ion it ter icir FROM THE MACON TELEGRAPH. Governor Troup’s letter to the “Nullifiers” of bouth Carolina is published at length in. another column. It will be seen, he is still the ‘■a me “hot-headed Georgian,” (a? Mr. J« ffer-1 son called him,) that he was in 1825 when be called upon the people of the South to stand by their arms. The frosts of five winters have not cooled the fervor of his indignation; nor have the genial suns of five springs thawed I he frigidity of his apprehensions Many of the friends of Guv. Troup who have been disposed to overlook the intempe rance of his language formerly, on account of the excitement then existing, and the violence of the political strifes in which he was involv ed, cannot find that excuse for his expressions mow for whatever excitement may prevail in South Carolina on the subjects he writes a, bout, none prevails here—except perhaps in the Senator’s own mind, which appears to be occupy d by the same spirit that influences the mo>t .ultra of the Nuliifiefs" A? far «9 we can judge, his letter is far from being approved of, even by the most violent of his supporters The presses w hich have always supported him pass it over silently, or damn it with taint praise. S. me of our politicians professed to be wonderfully startled at the idea advai.c’d in Mil- ledgeville a few years ago, that 4 1 Slate migh* be sold for the benefit of the other States ” But that was nothing to the idea promulgated hv Gov. Troup: according to his doctrine, one State may sell all the balance! For if South Carolina can “throw off the government of the Union,” at pleasure, she may make treaties with foreign powers, and bargain away the other States, one after onother, to any ofte that wanted lhem In this manner the Pope of Rome partitioned out S ufh America to ihe solJiers of Spain and Portugal; and in this manner “one of the twelve” sold the saviour. In that event Georgia might be disposed of to the Cherokees, or the Pony Club; or to the Negroes of St. Domingo, or their friends at the North. Gov. T. says: ‘ You can change your own government nt pleasure, and therefore you can throw eff the government ’ of the Union whenever the same safety, interest and happi ness require it ” But a State cannot throw off the government of the Union without the con sent of the other States—the attempt to do so would produce a civil war. In some parts of his letter a great deal of ambiguity and uncertainty as to his meaning prevaiis-dark hints are dropt, and mysterious allusions made the "many-headed Tyrant," and “the cormorant that fattens and fastens on onr substance,”—but there is no ambiguity in the following sentence—his meaning here is sufficiently plain - “If contrary to expectation the existing system shall become the fixed and settled policy of the country, the Southern States must withdraw from the confederacy cost what it may!” So that, unless our pres ent system of government is changed, we must resort to a civil war and all its conse quences! Are the people of the South pre pared for this? ‘ There cannot be a greater fallacy (contin ues he.) than that the Union is to be preser ved hv a power in the General Government lo coerce the States.” It the States by their general government, mutually erected, cannot coerce their own members to obey their own laws, what sort of a government have they? How can the General Government rule “with the absoluteness ol Tiberius an empire more *»xtenisve than the Roman,” if it cannot co erce every thing? The constitution says, con gress shall have power to lay and collect tax es, duties, imposts, and excises.” Now if a State or any thing else opposes these meas* ures can it not be coerced? The constitution ?ays further. * congress shall have power to provide for power to provide for calling forth the militia to execute (he laws of the Union and suppress insurrection.” "The existence of sovereignty (adds Gov Troup.) excludes the idea of force.” So the the people of Georgia might say with equal nropriety, ‘There cannot be a greater fallacy than that the state government is to be main tained by a power in the General Assembly to coerce the people—-the existence of liberty excludes the idea oi' foree.* But Gov. T. in his next sentence corrects this opinion: ‘ours (?ays he,)«s a government ol opinion of consent, of voluntary association ” If then the “existing system” is one of “con sent and voluntary association,” why cannot the members of it be coerced should they at tempt to arrest its operation? Or why must the Southern States withdraw from the con federacy, ‘cost what it may.” ' AAer askii g of what value is that Union,’ he goes on quite deliberately, to speak of sep aration, and says, 'it is the shedding of blood which deters us from constitutional resistance to unconstitutional laws.* We have ventured these remarks, not out of enmity to Mr. Troup, but from a conviction of the dangerous and fatal tendency of his sen timents. From the New York Courier and Enquirer. Mr Madison's Letter —We have careful ly examined the Virginia Resolutions of 1798, together with the Report upon them, adopted by the General Assembly in 1799. Both the resolutions and report are admitted to be from ihe pen of Mr. Madison, and in onr opiuion, both are consistent with his letter on the sub ject of nullification, which we laid before our readers yesterday. It is unnecessary to enter into the history of these celebrated resolutions, il is familiar to all who are acquainted with the history of Ihe democratic party; and yet w« must with great deference add, that although their history is well known, their spirit has been misconstrued by many of our soundest politicians. The late letter of M.\ Madison is sufficiently illustrative of this fact, in exposing as it does, the folly and absurdity of depending upon these resolu tions for authority to annul a law ol the United Slates. But this is not the only instance in which the spirit of these resolutions has been misconstrued. Many, v«ry many, of both p«r* iitical parties, have supposed that the resort on these resolutions explanatory of their meaning, deiiied the right of the Supreme Court of che United States to decide upontiic constitution ality of the Laws of Congress. This however i> not the case: neither the resolutions nor Mr. Madison's report, broach such a doctrine We extract from the report the following comments upon the second resolution: “But it is objected that the Judicial author ity is to be regarded as the sole expositor oi the Constitution in the last resort; and it may he a'-ked for what reason the declaration, by ihe General Assembly, supposing it to he theo retically true, could be required the present day, and in so solemn a manner. “On this objection it might be observed— First\ that there may be instances of usurped powers which the forms of the Constitution would never draw within control of the Judi cial department—Secondly, That if the decis ion of the Judiciary be raised above the autho rity of the sovereign parties to the Constitu ' ion, the decisions of the other departments, not carried by the forms of the Constitution be fore the Judiciary, must be equally authorita tive and final with the decisiuns of that de< partment. But the proper answer to the ob jection is. that the resolution of the General Assembly relates to those great and extraor* dmary cases, in which ail the forms of the Constitution may prove ineffectual against in fractions dangerous- to the essential rights of the parties to it. The resoiufion supposes that dangerous powers nut delegated, may not only be usurped and executed by. thq other departments, but that the Judicial Department also, may exercise or sane.ion daug< rous pow ers bey<>n.j the grant ol tin- Constitution; and consequently that the ultimate right of the par ties to the Constitution. t< judge whether the compact has been dangerously violated, must extend to violations by one delegated authori ty, as well as, by another; by ii»t Judiciary, as well as by the Executive, or the Legi-lature. '“However true, therefore, it nmy be that the Judicial Department is, iu- ail questions submitted to it by tfte forms of the Constitu tion, to decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in relation to the authorities of the other doparrments ot the Government; not in relation tc the rights of the parties to the Constitutional compact from which the Judicial, as well as the other departments, hold their delegated trusts. On any other hypothesis, the delegation of Judi cial power would annul the authority delcga ting ii: and the concurrence of this depart meut with the others in usurped powers, might subvert forever, and beyond the possible reach of any rightful remedy, the very Constitution, which all were instituted to preserve.” On the concluding resolution, we find in the same document the following remarks: “ft has been said that it belongs to the Ju diciary of the United States, and not to the State Legislatures, to declare the meaning of the Federal Constitution. “But a declaration, that proceedings of the Federal Government are not warranted by the Constitution, is a novelty neither among the "itizens, nor among the Legislatures of the States, nor are the citizens or the Legislature ol Virginia, singular in the example of it. “Nor can the declarations of either, wheth er affirming or denying the constitutionality of measures of the Federal*.Government; or whether made before or a tier judicial decis ions thereon, be deemed in any point of view, an assumption of the office of the judge.— The declarations, in such cases, are expres sions of opinion, unaccompanied with any oth er effect than what they may produce on opin ion. by exciting reflection. The expositions of the Judiciary, on the other hand, are carried into immediate effect' by force. The former may lead to n change in the legislative expres sion of the general will; possibly to a change in the opinion ofihe Judiciary; the latter en forces the general will, while that will and that opinion continue unchanged report or the Virginia Resolutions, on the sob ject of the Supreme Court of the United States; and in our opinion these sentiments are sop ported instead of being lost sight of, in Mr. Madison’s late letter. Nothing in these ex tracts denies the right of the-Supreme Court to decide upon the constitutionality of laws of Congress; although it is contended, and very properly that such right does not belong solely to that Court. The States as parties to the compact, have reserved the right of amending the Constitution, and in doing so, have neces sarily, the right of reviewing the proceedings of any department of government, whether the Executive, the Judicial, or the Legislative.— But the exercise of this right on the part of the* States is of uo avail, unless-by an interchange of opinion among them, a sufficient number coincide, to produce an alteration of the con stitution, and of the department of govern ment that is in the exercise of objectionable powers. According to our construction of Mr. Madison’s Report, the right of the Supreme Court to judge of the constitutionality of law? of Congress, is expressly admitted in all and every case, except when the States choose to revise their proceedings in a constitutional manner. "Howevertrue, therefore, it maybe,’’ says Mr. Madison, in the report.on the Virgin ia Rea lutions, “That the Judicial Department is, in all questions submitted to it by the forms of the Constitution, lo decide in the last resort, this resort must necessarily be deemed the last in re lotion to the authorities of the oth-r departments of the government; not in relation to the rjghts of the parties to the constitutional compact, from which the Judicial, as well as the other depart ments, hold their delegated trusts .” Had this report been more carefully studied, many, who now contend, that the Supreme Court has no riglft to decide upon the consti- tuionatitr of the laws of Congress, would have held a different doctrine. To us nothing is clearer that this Court possesses such power, and that its decisions are binding upon every department of Government, and upon the States themselves, until such time a9 they shall resort to the constitutional mode of re versing them. This is the doctrine of the Re port on the Virginia Resolutions, and of the late lettdt of Mr. Madison, which is in perfect accordance ttith the doctrine which that emi nent statesman has ever held in relation to the constitution of the United States. egated power; and its performance on your part cannot be less salutary or proper on ac- We here present all that is contained in thi? count of the relations yo« sustain to the Gov- THE MAIL CONTRACTORS AND THE VETO. . The Mail Contractors, now in this City, being about two hundred of our most enter prising citizens; casually drawn from the t!if ferent parts of. the Union, having appointed Col. Reside, of Pennsylvania, Colonel Avery, of New. York, Colonel Allen, of Virginia, C. P. Malett, of North Carolina, John McLean, ol South Carolina, Capt. G. Longstreet, of Georgia, W T. Carruthers, of Alabama, and Colonel S Reid, of Florida, to wait upon the President, and‘request him to a{ point a time when they could pay their respects to him personally, yesterday, in a body, waited upon him, and delivered the following ad dress. Washington City 13 Oct 1830 To the President of the United States. Sir: In compliance with the instruction of a number of cil z ns, concerned in the transpor tation of the United States Mai!,'assembled, at this time, in Washington, at Brown’s Hotel, desirous to testify our tespect for the Chief Magistr; ’a of this Nation, we ask leave to hand to you the following resolutions, unani mously adopted: 1 Resolved. That we present to the Presi dent of the United States our heart-felt ac knowledgments and cheerful thanks, for his wi&, prudent, and patriotic conduct ia the Ex ecutive chair; never, in our opinion, more ably and uprightly filled since the days of his illus trious and venerated predecessor Gen. George Washington 2 Resolved. That we cordially approve and ipphiud his interpretation of the letter and Ibe spirit of the Federal Constitution, in pla cing his constitutional veto- on the Maysviile road hill. 3. Resolved. That we deem his act on the alt resard occasion, as emanating from the most exalted moral and political, courage; and as eminently worthy of the patriot anft statesman, who has “filled the measure of his country’s glory;” as well as an earnest of the perpetuation of sound political principles, and a just exposition of the text of that sacred in siruaient which binds together our happy and prosperous Union. 4. Resolved. That we are on the whole, 90 highly gratified with his wise administration, with the choice of his Cabinet Counsellors, and the selection of his public officers geat-r ally, that we are anxious and solicitous to see him continue in the administration of our na tional concerns, and are ready again to sup port him with our exertions and interest, for tbat exalted station, for the next constitution al term; for we may truly exclaim, “Weil done thou good and faithful servant!" 5. Resolved. That a copy of these resolu tions be handed to Gen Duff Green, with a request to give them a place in his paper. 6. Resolved. That the foregoing resolutions be signed by the Chairman and Secretary. JAMES REES1DE, Chairman. George Bowen, Secretary. eminent, by which you are rather invited lo a severe scrutiny of tt» actions, than tempted to relax a just one. I am thankful, gentlemen, for the kind feel- mgs you express for tne personally, and salute you in return with a cordial shake by the hand and a sincere reciprocation of your good wish* The company partook of some refreshments and after an interchange of salutations ret'rod much gratified at the fine health, cherful de portment and courteous manner of the Prei- dent.—-17. S. Tel. Washington. Oct. 12. Jlppointments by the President Philip P Barbour, oi Virginia, to he Judge ofihe United States for the eastern Distrin cf Virginia, in place of George Hay. deceased. Benjamin K. Morsell and Nicholas B Vvn» zandt, of the District of Colombia, to h< Ju-t>» oes ofihe peace for the County of Washing ton in said District John J Maxwell, to he Collector o ( 'the Cus toms for the District, and Inspector of the Re venue for the Port of Hardwi. ke, in the St«?e of Georgia, vice Al xander Ne-tberclift, decM. Leonard M Parker, to be Naval Ofticer for the D.strict of Boston and Charlestown, in ihe State of Massachusetts, vice John P. Boyd, deceased. Elijah Hayward, one. of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Ohio, to be Commissioner of the General Land Office. William Fmdly, of P nmylvania, to bo Treasurer of the M*’nt ot the United States. Vermont.—The Legislature up to Sunday last, had balloted twenty-four tunes for G v- ernor without electing a candidate. Meed) the Jackson candidate wa« dropteti-aod Brad ley taken up. Thd range of the v.uic? we redrafts 91, Palmer (antimasonir) 74, Bradley 42 Al len 15, scattering 2.—R. I American The President replied: Gentlemen:—J receive the testimonial so kindly accorded to my official conduct by the resolutions t4icb you have just presented to me, with a full sense of my responsibility to the people, and a grtaideation proportioned to the desire to deserve their aprobatioo by a faithful and conscientious discharge of my duties. It is the doty of our citizens to look with vigilance lolheedndact of these to whom they have del- Form of thvr Last Will and Testament ft>r a vender of ardent spirits Mr Editor :—1 send, for lasertu n in your paper the following document, from the pen of an aged and worthy advocate of temper- since ; and 1 would kindly invite every vender of ardent spirits to read it attentively, and not cast it by in a hasty or angry mani er, as he may perhaps have cast by many thing- on this subject, which were intended for his good. A T. A It becomes every person, who h is procured much property by the unholy traflic of ardent spirit, to inquire seriously, whether, when he -hall view himself drawing near death and judgment, he imagines that he can with a clear conscience, make that solemn appeal to his Maker which Christians are accustomed to make,—that when abont to make his last will and testament, he can with a peaceful mind, say :— In the name of God, amen. I now Commit my body to the dust, in hope of experiencing % a happy resurrection with the just, at the ta-l day; and my soul to the Redeemer, whom I trust I have sincerlv obeyed. And as' to my large treasure, much of which I have gained by retailing intoxicating liquors, I do give and bequeath it as lollows: Imprimis —I give my beloved wife, the sum of dollars, tor her own nse and behoof, that she may dispose of it lo promote any ob ject she pleases, except the cause of religion and temperance. hem. I bequeath to my daughters, the sum of doliprs, each; and it is my will that they shall appropriate th ir respective legacies for the cultivation of taste aod modern refine ment. Item. I give my only son all the punche ons of rum, pipes, of brandy and gin,'and all the .whiskey that shall remain in my store, at my decase ; and all'ihe farms that have been mortgaged to me, by men who have spent tbe chief of their property in drinking furi< I would, however, have my heirs ' * arly ap propriate sufficient sums, from their reppectiv§ legacies, to help defray tbe expenses fbai may arise from anti-temperance publications.” Would not the perusafof such a wid. made hv one who lives in a Christian land, chill the blood of every serious person, who fully be lieves in a future state—in the judgment 1 > come, and in the awful retributions of eterni ty ? And vet where Is the retailer of ardent spirit, at this present interesting crisis, w; o eooid not constitute a similar will, consistently with his principles and practice ? N Y. Evangelist. Treatment of Inverted Nails.—After having witnessed the ineffiqacy of the methods pro posed in cases of this kind, and the danger which attends tbe evulsions of the nail, as em ployed by M. M. Dnpuytren and Larry, Dr. Bissev, of Lyons, successfully employed the following simple method:—He scrapes with i. bisioury tbe healthy portion of the nail, till it is reduced to an exceedingly thin layer, which is then repeatedly touched with the nitrate of silver, till the anterifir portion shrivels up and separates spontaneously from the flesh hr~ neath; small pieces of Sint are then placed be tween the nail and ihe flesh, till the new nait has become sufficiently large which is gener ally tbe case within twenty or thirty-five dd$s after the operation.—-Lumet. A butcher about to kill a cow. employed an Irishman to hold her. The butcher squinted, and when looking at the cow, appeared to look at the Irishman. Pat fearing tbat be should get the knock-down instead of the cow, said in much ol a hurry. “Arrah man, do you strike where you look?" “To be sore I < «; where do you think I strike?” “Theo you may bowhl the cow yourself till I get oat o’ tbe way.josl.’