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GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. SPEECH OF MR TERRILL, or FRANKLIN COUNTY, On the Bill to survey and dispose of the lands in the occupancy of the Cherokees Mr. Speaker—lu tiie remarks that I shall tn ike, 1 snail trespass hut a short time on the indulgence and patience of this House. I deem it unnecessary, were i capable, to *<fl much to what was advanced on yesterday by the gentleman from Baldwin (Mr. Howard) with regard to the rights of the Stale over the "JVrntory m the occupancy o( the Cherokee Tribe of Itidians. It would be a profitless consumption of tune, were 1 to turn to the au thorities so ably expounded by that gentleman, or were I even to quote any others on the sub ject—suffice tt to say, that, with the views ol the gentleman from Baldwin, and the deduc tions and conclusions drawn by him from the ample authorities he has quoted, I entirely concur They, Sir. even had I previously doubted, would have been sufficient to con vince rny mind most satisfactorily, that the Slate o; Georgia had the right to do that which is sought t.< he done by the bill on your table, to survey and dispose of all the Stale’s land in what is termed the Cherokee Territory not in the immediate occupancy, as farms, ot the Cherokee Indians. It may become necessary in the course of mv f.rrurnent to sav 'something with regard to fhe relative rights of Georgia and the Chero kees. Bui in this I shall be verv concise—my remarks shall he co, fined, chiefly, to the ex pediency of the measure now under considera tion. In the first place. Sir, it may not be con sidered improper to glance at the present con dition of the Cherokees, and for awhile con template the destiny that awaits them, should they remain where they now arc. It will Sir, be doubtless conceded, that their situation is precarious, and truly deplorable. They are the remnant of a once powerful race; though they were, with other tribes, frond by our fathers, the uncontrolled possessors- of this country, what are they now'! a debased, degru «h d, and still a savage tribe. The lights of education, Christianity, and civilization, beam but taintly on their almost benighted minds.— They are fast disappearing from the face of the earth, and are leafing behind them but few traces that they once were * They have been driven (in the language of President Jackson) from mountain to mountain, from river to riv er; they are fast dwindling away, and approach ing utter annihilation. This has been the fate of the Mohegan. the Narragansett, and the Delaware, and is fast overtaking the Choctaw, Creek, and Cherokee.” To save them from the vortex >f destruction, humanity, religion, and every other consideration tells, yea warns us to pursue, with regard to these unfortunate people, a mild, yet a settled and energetic po hey. Let us not by a farther temporising po liny delude them; let the veil that shrouds them in darkness be removed from their eyes; let them know at once what they have to rely Upon; let them be no longer deceived as to their rights and immunities, thougfi the shock may be severe, *tis better they should know nil, without reserve. The rights which they have, or which they may bo permitted under our law's to exercise, should be pla.nly and distinctly pointed out to them. They, Sir, should be made fully sensible of their unfort u- natecondition, and of the inevitable anil cer tain destiny ttiat awaits them in their present abodes. Their laws and customs have alrea dy, by an enactment of a previous Legislature, been abrogated and declared null and void; and, Sir, a bill is now in progress imposing se vere and heavy penalties upon them for exe cuting, or attempting to execute the laws by which they have been in a great degree imroe- morially governed. They must now submit to the operation ol (as to them) a' new and foreign code of laws; laws of which they are more ignorant, than our humble unlettered At ricans; and of the reason and spirit of which they cannot be supposed to have the slightest conception I ask the most strenuous and Zealous advocates of Indians and of Indian rights, but for a moment to reflect on these facts, and then tell me the honest convictions of their minds, as to the situation of the Chcro- kees. They must admit that it is miserable! most miserable!! Besides, Sir, they have been reduced and confined to very narrow and con traded limits; surrounded by a white popula tion inimical to them, and desirous at all tiaz zardsto obtain possession of the lands claimed bv them. For this purpose every act is devis ed, every scheme put into requisition to op press, harrass, and utterly ruin them. To this «xter.t the friends of the substitute for the bill, offer d by the gentleman from Hanctck, do tiot attempt to go; they wish not in the least degree to disturb the Indians in their admitted ri^ht of occupancy—on the contrary it is de sired that these outrag* s should be guarded against and the sufferers protected from intru sion in the safest nd most effectual manner. It grieves the heart of the Philanthropist and Christian to contemplate toe inevitable rum and destruction that will befal this tribe, should they longer Wold out against the course that has, it appears to m^, been parentally pointed out to them The Indians were once the proud lords of -ht Territory over which is now spread this m ghty Republic; left tree to pursue that course of hie, and to be governed by those laws and customs best adapted to their own ideas ot right ami wrong.—now. Sir, they are a degraded ami dependent people — ’Tis true that they have heretofore lived uc der a semblance of governments of their own. Bet they are fast losing this privilege, and will ere long be compelled to submit solely to the laws of those States in which they may be lo caied without the corresponding advantages allowed to free white citizens. Under these circumstances, what course do reason and a regard to their be9t interests direct them t<< pursue? The answer is a plain one. They should relinquish their claim of occupancy, and take up their habitations in that country where destiny seems to direct their footsteps; in that couniry Wes' of the Mississippi, offered to them by the United States, where they could enjoy the lauds in lee simple; where they would b* 1 protected by the strong arrin of the General Government; where they could enjoy liberty. pro-pe.rH’y, and happiness unmolested—estab lish a government congenial with tbcjr condi tion, and best suited to their pursuits; and en joy all the blessings of a free, independent, and perhaps in the course of tirne ; an enlightened people. Notwithstanding all these very strong inducements; notwithstanding they have been earnestly besought and entreated to relinquish their present piecarious possessions, that they might receive a better, to be held under a ten ure more certain and beneficial—yet have they hitherto blindly and obstinately refused. Under this state of things we are driven to a review oft lie rights of the Indians, and of the rights of the State of Georgia to the Territory now the suhject matter of dispute. That this State now has the same right to this Territory which before the Revolution was vested in Great Britain, I presume no gentleman will pretend to deny. This title or right was ac quired by discovery, equivalent at that time to conquest; a right which has been universally recognzed by the laws of Nations; and has from time immemorial, been acted upon by ci vilized nati »n«. Though this may, by some, be called a right oj power, yet it is ofb- that at this late day cannot be questioned. In support of this position, I will simply refer to a clause of, the law of nations partly cited by the gen tleman (Mr. II j on yesterday. “There is an other celebrated question to which the disco very of the new 7 world has principally given rise. It is asked if a nation may lawfully take possession of a part of a vast country in which there are found none hut erratic natives, inca pable by the smallness of their numbers, to people the whole? We hare already observed (p. 81) in establishing the obligation to culti vate the earth, that these nations cannot ex clusively appropriate to themselves more land than they have occasion for, and which they are unable to settle and cultivate. Their re moving their habitations through these im uv'nse regions, cannot he taken fora true and legal possession.” “We have already said that the earth belongs to the human race in general, and was designed to furnish it with subsistance. If each nation had resolved from the beginning, to appropriate to itself a vast country, that the people might live by hunting, fishing, and wild fruits, our globe would not be sufficient to maintain a tenth part of its inhab* itants. People have not deviated th<m from the views of nature in confining the Indians within narrozo limits However, we cannot help praising the moderation of the English puritans who first settled in New England, who, notwithstanding their being furnished with a charter from their sovereign purchased of the Indians the lands‘hey resolved to cul tivate. This laudable example was followed by William Penn who planted the colony of Quakers in Pennsylvania, (Vattell’s Law <>• Nations Bof/k 1, cap. IS.s^c 209 pp 158—9) It will he see-i Si;-, that ihe question of the right acquired bv discovery, originated on the discovery of this Western world What wa- the determin'd ion of this important question? It was Sir, that the discovering nation had a right to take possession of a countrv inhabited by savage and erra'ic tribes; that the earth was made for Hie habitation of the people ot the world generally, and that these tubes or nations cannot appropriate to themselves large tracts of country which they were unable to settle or cultivate. They were not permitted, merely because they were found the occupants of any countrv, to appropriate the whole to themselves. The > were not tolerated to say these are my hunting grounds, and these my fishing places N • Sir, the right granted them was no more than a sufficiency of country for habitation and cul tivation. Was it for the purpose of acquiring a title to lands in the occupancy of the Indian* that the “Puritans of New England.” and at ter them the founder of Pennsylvania, held talks and treaties wiih them? No Sir, thi~ could not he the case, for they had patents coi veying titles from the Crown of England It needed not the ratification or consent of the -avages to perfect these titles—they were fee simple from the Lord paramount of the coon try. Then we must resort to another sourc* to ascertain why these treaties were held Ji -eems to ine there is no difficulty in this. The country was inhabited by large and powerful tribes, jealous and savage in their nature; a rupture or misunderstanding, n their feeble state of the colony was equivalent to demob tion. It would have required very little force to have driven the colonists from the country, It was all important then, Sir, to cultivate with these people the most friendly relations Therefore it was that these treaties were held. 7 hey were in every sense, Treaties to secure peace and quietness with the Indians—it can not, impartially, be attributed lo any other mo tive. The right of occupancy alone was con- ced to these Indians; and that right confined to their habitations, and a sufficiency of land for their subsistence. I might safely rest here the right of this Slate to the Territory in dispute. But, Sir, 1 beg leave to refer the House to some autho rity which to my mind, entirely and satisfacto rily, settles the question of the right of the State of Georgia over her Indian Territory.— On the 27th of May, 1777, the committee ap pointed to confer with a committee of the Ge neral Assembly of Pennsylvania concerning a complaint made by the Indians, “Report, that they have conferred with the said committee, by whom they were informed that a considera hie number of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, bavtv sealed themselves upon lands belonging to the Indians, without their leave, or any au 'boriiy f r om the State. Whereupon, resoiv- d, that the Executive power or Legislative ot Pennsylvania ought to take proper measures quiet the minds of the said Indians by assur ing them they shall have full satisfaction, eith er by removing the intruders, or by atlowiog 'hem (the Indians) an adequate consideration for the soil, at their option.” On the secoud of November, 1732, a committee of Congress “Report, that they have ad a conference with : wo deputies of i he Catawba nation of Indians; that their mission respects certain tracts of land reserved for their use in the Stale of Snath Carolina, ivhich they wish may be so secured to their tribe as not to be intruded into bv force, or alienated even by their own consent; Whereupon, resolved, that it be recommend ed to the Legislature of the Slate of South Carolina to take such measures for the satis faction and security of the said tribe, as the Legislature shall in their ttisdom think fit,”— 00 the 22d September, 1783, Congress issu ed a Proclamation, forbidding “settlements or purchases of Indian Lands, without the limits or jurisdiction of any particular State/’ Ou the 15th October, 1783, after adopting some resolutions relative to Indian Affairs, Congress resolved, “That the preceding measures shall not be construed to affect the territorial claims of any of the States, or their Legislative rights, within their respective limits,”—.(Wilde’s Speech.) The resolutions were adopted, and these proceedings had under the confederation; and Sir, they most clearly and conclusively show the light in which the rights of all the States to their InrLan Lands within their limits, were held The Congress of the confederated States did not pretend to arrogate to itself any right whatever, in any manner (further than mere recommendation) to interfere with the territorial rights of tbfc Stales. Pennsylvania was requested to “quiet the minds” of the In dians with regard to the intrusion of some of her citizens upon lands in the possession of the Indians The Legislature of the State of Sodh Carolina was recommended to take such measures as in their wisdom they thought tit for the security oi the Catawbas in certain re serves made by them Again Congress ie- solved that none of their acts should fie so construed a- to interfere with the territorial claims of any of the States or with the Legis lative rights within their respective limits.— Do gentlemen desire to have any stronger con firrnation of the right of the Slate to survey and occupy her Indan territory than what is contained in tho foregoing? I should think not. But to make confirmation doubly strong, 1 beg leave to read a short passage from Mr. Wilde’s Speech in Congress. “In 1790 a trea ty having been negotiated with the Six Na lions, by which the Commissioner with gooil intentions, but incautiously made certain con tirtnations of lands leased or granted by the Indians in the State of New York to individu als, General Washington informed the Seuate that it was unauthorised by his instructions; unsupported by the Constitution; and that the transaction had been explicitly /lisavowed by his orders to the Governor of N<*w York on the J7th Augu-t, 1790” Thus.Sir.it will he --een that the same r»ghts claimed and exercis ed by the British Government over the Indian iribes in the several colonies, passed into th< States at the same time they became free and sovereign. These rights were acknowledged both under the confederation, and alter the adoption of the pres/uit constitution. The rigid of jurisdiction and soil, was explicitly an* 1 unreservedly admitted to be iu the several States alone. The State of Georgia, with regard to her Ind ian Territory is d fferently situated from al most, it not all, the States of the Union; they having ceded to the United States every thing save the right of jurisdiction; Georgia not hav ing surrendered a single portion of the right which devolved upon tier, when she became a tree and sovereign State If she has ceded away any part of her rights relative to this Territory, where, to what, shall I turn to as certain the fact of such surrender? Is it to be found in the constitution of the United Slates, or in the const itmi*»n, or laws, of the Stj:e ol Georgia? No Sir, I apprehend not— it*this lias ever been dune, I am yet ignorant of it. More fallv to explain the tenure by which tfie Indian Tribes ,n America hold their land I beg leave to refer to some extracts from Mr Da vice’s compilation of Law, cited by Mi Wilde m his able and luminous speech jn Con ^ress “Our ancestors seem to have mad* he true distinction, when by Law they declar ed that Indians had property in the lands they possess-d and improved, by .subduing then., •ufurnng that (hey had no property in the Ian. not subdued by them. This distinction wa founded on the law of nature, which has eve; required that labour be bestowed on the thing common in order to make it individual proper ty Europeans have never considered then- capable of property in Lands generally, be cause generally incapable of subduing them aom a wildern ss to a cultivated state, #nd ir. 'his respect wholly unlike Europeans,” 4li. D ivie’s Abridgement 69. Agaui, in “the lau guage used by a distingu shed jurist and civih an, the late Chief Magistrate of the U States, in his oration on the festival of the Pilgrinis December 22.1, 1802 ” we fi:<d the following “there are m.irahsis who have questioned the right ot the Korop ans to tetrode upon the possessions of the Aboriginals in any case and under any limitations whatever. But hav- tney maturely considered the subject? Tt;* Indian right of possession itself stands, witn re gard to the greatest part of the country, upon a questionable foundation. Their cultivated fields, their constructed habitations, a space ot ample sufficiency tor their subsistence, and whatever they had annexed to themselves by personal labour, was undoubtedly, by the law of nature theirs. But what is the right of a huntsman to the forest of a thousand m.lis over which be has accidentally ranged in quest of prey Shall the lordly savag- not only disdain ihe virtues and enjoyments of civilization him self, but shall ho control the civilization of the world?" To cite any further authority, as to Georgia’s right it seems to me vould be to heap law upon law, proof upon proof, and a ceaseless consumption of i he time of this house. After the clear elucidation of this part ot the subject by the gentleman from Baldwin, on yesterday. I might have lett it without altemp • mg a further exposition. If these be sour e doctrines, what gentleman can for a moment 1onbt the right of the State toditect and rcan- a*ge, without interruption, her own aff/.rs, with r gard to these people, as reason and justice ifictate? No one upon this floor will presume to deny to the S.ate the right to extend, and i-ave executed, her laws both civil aud crimi nal, over the whole Territory within her limits, iu Ui occupancy of the Indians. The gentle man from Richmond acknowledges, further, that our Courts may be held in the very heart of the nation; and that we may do every thing eLe pertaining to the country, with the bare exception ot surveying aud possessing ail the unoccupied lands. If then, we have the right thus to extend our laws over the Indians, hold our Courts in the midst of them; send our min isters of justice among them, for the purpose of execui mg opr laws over them; if we can a- bohsh their layrs and government, and rule them as policy dictates, ivhy let me ask, in the name of common sense, can We not survey aud dispose of, and occupy, so much of the coun try as is not necessary for the habitations and subsistence of the Indians/ Why can the State, not do with this land the same thmg that she is authorized to do with any other por tion of her ungranted lands? Why can she not survey and grant it/ A denial to her ol this right seem 1 * to me to be an anomaly in the law of all civilized nations. These are thing* Sir, that I cannot at all reconcile with my ideas of law and right* Indeed they do not exist. We have the right not only to survey, hut we have the right immediately to occupy. Though 2 have clearly shown that the Indian right of occupancy extends no further than to his improvements, to what he has subdued by his labour, and to what is necessary for his subsistence, I hope the House will indulge me in an extract from the message of the preseut chief magistrate of the United States; whom the opponent* of the bill on your table so much dread; of whom they so much stand in awe, by whom they apprehend an attempt to survey the Cherokee Land would be effectually re sisted. What does he say, that “the emigra tion (of the Indians) should be voluntary, for it would be;cruel, as unjust to compel the ab- origmes to abandon the graves of their fathers and to seek a home in a distant land But they should be distinctly informed, that if they remain within the limits of the States, they must submit to their laws In return for their obedience as individuals, they will without doubt be protected in the enjoyment of these possessions -wInch they have improved by their industry. But it seems io me visionary to sup pose that in this stage of things, claims can be allowed on tracts of country on which they have never dwelt nor made improvements, iner e- iy because they have seen them from the moun tain, or passed them in the chase Submitting 0 the laws of the States, and receiving like >ther citizens protection in their persons and property, they will ere long become merged in the mass of our population.” Now, Sir, what an* the plain and legitimate inferences to be drawn from the language of the Presi dent? Not figurative language as the gentle man from Richmond (Mr Schley) would have us believe No. Sir, l have yet lo learn that Jackson in any of his State or public papers, uses metaphorical or figurative language; it is a commodity in which he does not deal; he builds no light houses in the skies; he brings 10 his aid nothing hut plain, unvarnished, com mon sense, expressed in a plain way that eve ry body understands. If then it is.not figura tive, is it problematical/ No, Sir, it is expli cit unequivocal. Then what are the rightful deductions to be taken from the President’s language? They are, that the Indian right of occupancy.extends to what the friends of this hill admit aud no further, and that consequent ly, the State has a right to dispose of the re mainder as she may deem meet. In his own word*, what claims have the Indians “to whole tracts of country on which they have never dwelt, nor made improvements? Can such claims be allowed merely because they may have seen them from the mountain or passed them in the chase?” Do the Cherokee im provements cover the whole country? No. I believe there are miles of trackless wilder ness. The President says that ere long the Indians will become “merged in the mass of our population?” Is it by driving from among them all white persons? Is it by permitting hern alone to occupy the country upon which hey are settled? No, Sir, the plans and bb v ious means by which this will be brought a- •out, are by the settling of our white citizens •mong them. Then Sir/the Indian population o longer exists; it has passed from that inde •undent state of existence ir. which it has hith o stood, and has fallen, or “merged” into the »iass of our whi;e population. The Indian md within the limits of Georgia, is her proper y, and not the property of the United Slate*-, as it is in the o'her States. Georgia therefore : ias the right to settie her citizens upon these, ands, and thus it is that by exercising this right, the Indian population ceases to exist.— Phis part of the question, I shall now abandon, md divert the attention of the House to the •nlv debateabie point, a'*-1 conceive, that is in volved in the consideration of this case, and ^hat is Sir, the expediency of the proposed measure, In what, Sir, does the inexpediency of this measure consist? I have heard it fr/qmntly • *?erted that at this time it would he cxireme- 1 inexpedient to pass this bill. It is general ly admitted that we have the right, hut inex pediency is constantly urged. Where is it? — 11 such is the fact, it is not apparent to my oh- use sight. I have listened patiently for sob- tantial reasons and arguments, pointing out the great inexpediency and impolicy of acting energetically iu thi® matter, but Sir, I have listened in vain. No satisfactory argument >as been advanced I must then draw the conclusion that there are none to support it. The strongest roason advanced, is that by pre cipitate action, that is by passing this bill, the election of Jackson will be endangered. How can this be? Has not every art been resort ed to, every falsehood sent abroad upon the wings of the wind by Jackson’s enemies, for the purpose of working injury to his cause?— No exertion, no time, no industry has been pared to effect this object—all has failed— Jackson yet stands and w ill loog stand in deli once of the poisoned shafts of his untiring foes. Fanaticism and -morbid philanthropy have spent their ravings and rivilings, and are com pelb-d to succumb to truth and reason. Jack- son dreads not the result apprehended by those of his friends opposed to this bill. In the ex tract from his message which I have just read, his opinion so far as regards the Indian title is c’early and fearlessly expressed. . Did he fear that his sentiments and.opinions relative to the Indians would militate against hts election?— Did he then entertain the apprehension that the opponents ol this bdl are kind enough now to feel and express for him? The resolution of these questions is easy. He did not—he acted openly, independently and fairly in the expres* si m of his opinions. He would scorn the very idea of concealing his opinions, or of suppres sing any action consequent thereon He rises above any such paltry considerations. (Concluded in our next,} SUMMAiaY. THE GOLD Diggers Extract of a teller from Col. Charles H. Nel son, to a gentleman m tins place, dated Gainesville January 18th 1831. "Dear Sir,—lu haste I inform you, that on yesterday we had warm work at Leathers' ford. A detachment [of the State Guard] un der my command was conducting eleven pris oners, when wewsre attacked by about s/xty men, who used every thmg but guns. We charged on them and dispersed every one of them, wihout damage lo my men. One of the assailants received three severe bayonet wounds, from which his recovery is considered dou b t * u 1. ’ ’— Washing:on News. Mr. Richardson ot Hnberhnm county, found in his mine, on the 7 h mst a piece ot gold weighing two hundred and forty nine penny weights, seventeen grains. It was found on the west hili, about tnirty yards from the branch — Mr. R turlher states that the mmii g business is improving io his neighborhood.—Sav. Geo. Cotton.—Since our last report Uplands have- been iu limited demand and the sales of the week will net exceed from 1.500 to 2,000 bales at from 8 1 4 a 10 cents principally at irom 8 1-2 a 9 cents, tor fair to good I’air, and 9 1-2 a 10 cents for prime lots, which, is a re duction fully of 1-4 cent, on last weeks quota- lious. We quote 8 1 4 a 10 cents. In Is land?, sales continue to be made at from 17 a 22, principally at 18 a 20 cents.-S. Geo Jan 22, Piracy on a large scale.—A Sicilian brig, the Colombo, which arrived at Gibraltar D*x 6 b; from Rio Janerio, made the fulloming repo/t. Oct. 26ih, laf. 3, 07, N. Ion. 29 20 *asf boarded by II. M. brig F-dcuu, and informed hat she together with a But ish F; g.iie, had captured near the island of A-censiou, a pirate ship mounting 60 guns and having a crew of 300 men—of which she lost about a third in the action, and the capturing ships 22 men. The Falcon had on board Hie pirate captain, and two oher persons from tu t ship, with whom she was bound to Bermuda. France—The -following are some of the principal events of the Revolution which has recently taken place in France. On the 19th of March, 1830, the King prorogu/id the Chamber of Deputies till September 1st, in consequence of the stand which they took a- gainst the ministry, in their answer to the King’s speech; on the 17th of May, he dissolv ed the Chamber; and at the same time new e- lections were ordered, and the two Chambers convoked for August 3d. Of the 221 Drpu- ties who voted for the answer, 220 were re-e lected; and in the new Chamber, the liberals had a large majority. In consequence of (his result, the ministers made a report to the King, which was published July 26, accompanied by- three ordinances; one dissolving the Chamber of Deputies; another suspending the liberty of the press; and a third altering the law of elec- rio'n. Alt the liberal papers in Pans were sup pressed ; the bank refused to discount bills ; ihe manafacturers discharged their workmen ; and the streets oi Paris were thronged with people. The editors signed a remonstrance declaring the ordinances illegal, and ttiat they ought to be resisted. On the morning of the 26. l». the news papers and Journals appeared as usual, and the siezure of the presses &. the imprisonment of the editors were sigoals of the . revolution. The citizens took up anus again t the govnrnment, and by one o’clock, the fol- lowrng day, obtained a compiefe victory over the King’- Guards. On the 29th vt July, the bberai deputies, W’ho had assembled in Pari 4 -, appointed Lafayette commander in chief of Hie National Guards; and on the 31-t, they pub lished n declaration inviting L. uis Pi. hp, Duke ol O leans, to become Licuteuant Gen eral of the Kmgd-. nr On the same day (31 t) Charles X and his household fl d from St. Cloud to Ramb'.'iillet; and on the 2d of August the abdication of the King and the Dauphin, m favor of the Duke of Bourd aux, with the ti tle of Henry V. was placed in the hand* of t e Lieutenant General. The two Chambers met on the 3d of August: the Chamber of Deputies declared the throne of France vacant defacto et dejurg on the 6th ; adapted the new* modelled charter by a vot- of 219 to 33, and voted to invite the Duke ol Orleans to become Kmg of the French, on condition of his acc pt- mg the chnpges of the Charter, on the 7.h; the Duke accepted the crown oo the 8th, and took the prescribed* oath on the 9th. The Chamber of Peers adopted, on the 7th of Au gust, all the provisions contained in the Dec laration of the Chamber of Deputies, except the (bilewing viz. “Ail the creations of peers during the reign of Charles X. nre declared null and void ;” declaring that they “would leave the decision of this question to the high prudence of the Prince Lieutenant General.”-— American Almanack GREECE-Tbe Greeks revolted firotn the Turk ish domination in 1821, asserted independence, and established a republican government. The Turks attempted to reduce them te scbjec- tion; a destructive war ensued, which lasted several years; at lenght the governments of Russia, France, and Great Britain interfered ; and the Sultan of Turkey was induced to con sent to the independence ofGreece In 1827. Count Capo d'Istria was elected President of Greece for the teim of 9evcn years; in Janua ry, 1828, he entered upon the duties of his of fice, and he has succeeded in establishing an ef ficient administration, and in gaining the con fidence and affection of the people. In February, 1830, the plenipotentiaries of Gieat Britain, France, aud Russia, appointed Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg to be the he reditary Sovereign of Greece, with the title of “Sovereign Prince.” The Prince accepted the appointment; but on learning the actual condition of the country and the feelings of the people with regard to an appointment in which they had no voice, he afterwards resigned it. The government was recognised by the fourth national Congress, which met at Argos in the summer of 1829 Capo d’Istria still re maining at its head The Panhellenium, % Council of 27 members, was replaced by an other body consisting also of 27 members, call*