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4 THE FEDERAL (MON. JOHN G. POL.ilILL., EDITOR. ( THE FHDEHAI. UXTXOXf ** publivked ever/ 1 uesday ui I urek dollars per an- ium, in advance, or Four it not paid before the end of the ear. The Office is on IVayru-Street, opposite Mc- I OMRs’, Tavern. All Ad ver.tisc9CC.vt9 published at the usual rates. . iCJ* Each Citition by the Clerks of the CourU of Or- >^««niry that application has been made for Letters of Ad ministration, must be published Thirty days at least. N >ticc by Executors and Administrators for Debtors an I C -editors to render in their accounts must be publish* ed Six weeks. Sales of n by Ex-cutorsand Administrators must he advertised Sixty days before the day of sale. \ | Sd is of personal property (except negroes) of testate «n l intestate estates by Executors and Administrators, in ist be advertised Forty days. A ip'ieiU Ju* by Executors, Administrators and Guar dians to the court of ordinary fur leave to sell Land must be published Four months. Applications by Executors and Administrators for Let ters Dismissory, m ist be published Six months. Applications lor for* closure of Mortgages on real Es tate tiuslti - advertised once a mouth for six months. Sales of real esuie by Executors, Administrators and O 11r lian- n ist be published Sixty days before tbe day of safe. Tnese sales must be made at tbe coori-hou6e <5lie bet veen the hours of 10 in the morning and four in the afternoon. N i sale from day to day is valid, unless •0 expressed in the advertisement. Ordersof Court of Ordinary, (accompanied with a copy of ihe bond, nr agreement) to nuke titles to Lund, must be advertised Three months at least. S.icrifT’s sales under executions regularly granted by the court!*, mast He advertised Tuirtt days. SherilT’* sales under mortgage execetiens must bead- vertisod Sixty days before the day of sale. Sheriff's sales of perishable property under order of Court most be advertised generally 'l en days. AH Orders for Advertisements will be punctually at tended (o. All Letters directed to tbe office, or the Editor, Bust hvpost paid to entitle them to attention. MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, RARCI1 8, 1831. VOLUME 1, AUMISER 38. POLITICAL. I 41 f From the United States' Telegraph: CORRESPONDENCE Bi'twncn General Audretv Jackson and Johq C. Calhoun, President arid Vice-President of' the If. Slates, on the subject of the course of the latter in fhe deliberations of the Ca binet of Mr. Monroe on the occurrences in (he Seminole war. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES. I come before you as my constituents, to give an account of my conduct in an important political transaction, which has been called in ■question, and so erroneously represented, that neither ju s tice to myself nor respect for you wifi permit me any longer to ratn ijn silent ; 1 allude to ruv course, in ihe deliberations of the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe, on the Seminole ques (ion 1 know not how J can place more 1‘uliv before you ail the facts and circumstances of the case, than by puffing you m possession of the correspondence between General Jackson mid myself, which will show fhe difference be- • ween the vines that we have respectively taken, and by what means, and through whose Agency, this long gone by affair has been reviv ed. I have not taken this step, strictly defensive as it is, wi*. huul maturedeiiberation.aml a calm and careful m-t im.it e ol all the obligations un iter which 1 act. That there sire strong rea {sons against it. 1 fa: 1 and acknowledge ; but I also feel tli" most thorough conviction that the paired obligation to vindicate my character impeached, as it has he, n, in one of the most important incidents of my life, and to prove mvself not unworthy of the high station to which you have elevated me, far outweigh ali other considerations Should *ny vindication have an« political or personal bearing, I can on Iv say that it will not he because 1 have either willed or desired it It is my intention simply to place my own conduct in its proper light, Hini not to assault others. N »r ought I to be Isold responsible should any such consequence follow; I am free from all agency in resusci tating this old sunjrt I of hr;::g:L^v it to the knowledge of the public. Previous to my ar rival here, I had confined the knowledge oftho existence of the correspondence to a few c«>n fidential friends, who were politically attached both to General Jackson and mysell; not that I had any thing to apprehend from its disclosure but because I was unwilling to increase the ex isting excrement in the present highly critical state of our public affiirs. Rut when f arri\» ed here', late in December, 1 found my caution had been of no avail and that the correspon dence was a subject of conversation in every circle, aod soon became a topic of free comment in most of the public journals. The accounts of the affair, as is usually the case on such oc- ca ions, were, for the most part grossly distort ed, and were, in many instances, highly injuri ous to my character. Still 1 deemed it mv du ty to take no hasty step, being determined to afford time tor justice to bo done me without appeal to you ; and, if it should be, to remain silent, as my only object was tbe vindication of tny conduct and character. Believing that fur ther delay would be useless, 1 can see no ade quate motive to postpone, any longer, the sub mission of all the facts of the case to your de liberate and final decision. I am not ignorant of the trying position in which 1 am placed—Standing unsustained, ex cept by the force of truth and justice ; yet I cannot but look with confidence to your deci sion. The question presented for your consi deration is not that of a controversy of two in dividuals, between whom you are to decide ; viewed in that light, it would bear the aspect of a mere personal difference, involving no principle, and unworthy of your notice; but regarded in a different light, as involving the character of an officer, occupying by your suf. trage a distinguished official station, whose conduct in an interesting public transaction had been impeached, it assumes a far more im portant bearing, and presents a question of deep import for your consideration. The most sacred of all political relations is lhat between the representative and tbe constituent. When your suffrage places an individual in a high of ficial station, a most solemn obligation is iin posed on you and hitn, on the faithful discharge of which the existence of our free aod happy institutions mainly depends; on bin, so to the act as to merit your confidence, and on yon, not to withdraw that confidence without just cause. It is under a profound regard for this mutual and sacred obligation that Isubmit the whole affair (o your determination, conscious that in this, as well as crerj other public trans ition of my life, I have been actuated by a so- nmn sense of duty lo you, uninfluenced by fear, favor, or affection. I cannot but look forward to your entire approbation. I owe it to myself to state, that I come be fore you under circumstances very painful to me*; and a reluctance which nothing but a sente “f duty to you and myself could overcome Among these circumstances, is the necessity of being instrumental in disclosing, in any decree, what I deem so highly confidential as thepro- ceedings of the Cabinet, and for which I feel myself justified only by absolute necessity.—- Acting under this impression, I have not felt mysell at liberty logo, even in self defence, be yond strict necessity, and have, accordingly carefully avoided speaking of the course of my associates in t he administration, and even of my own, beyond what appeared to be indispensu- tde ] have not put even Mr Crawford’s statement of his course in the Cabinet, at issue, except only incidentally, as bearing on his state ment of mine. It is no concern of mine, except in this incidental way, what repn 9 motion he may choose to give of bis course, as to the subject now or formerly, or whether his repre sent at ion he currect or erroneous. Before I conclude these prefatory observa tions, I deem it proper to make a few addition al remarks, as lo the commencement and mo tive of tb s movement against me. The origin goes far back, beyond the date of the present correspondence, and had for its object, not the advantage ot General Jackson, but tny political destruction, with motives which I leave you to interpret. Tiie enmity of Mr. Crawford to nie. growing out of politic al controversies long since passed, afforded a ready and powerful instrument by which to operate, and it was early directed against me with the view of placing General Jackson and myself in our present relations. With tha* motive in the midst of the severe politico: struggle which ended in elevating him to the Presidential chair, and in which I took a part so early and decided in his favor, a correspondence wai opened at Nashville, un suspected by me, in December, 1827, which commenced that chain of artful operations, that has terminated bv involving General Jack **on and myself in the present correspondence A copy of the letter which opened this opera (ion has been placed in my possession. It was written bv Mr. Crawford to Alfred Balch, E-sq of Nashvdle. and is dated 14lh December, 1827 That 'he nature and objects of the op erations against n.e may be fully understood bv von, 1 hereto annex the’eony of Mr. Craw- torn » icira «./~xj - . from tbe Hon. Wilson Lumpkin, a representa tive in Congress from the State of Georgia, to me, dated the 27lh Jan. 1829, in which it wa- enclosed, with an extract from the letter of the lion Daniel Newnan, member of Congress elect from the same Slate. I submit them without comment. The movement thus commenced did n<4 ter minate with this letter. It wls followed by ■•♦her attacks from the same and other quar *ers, some of which are indicated iu the cor restiondence now laid before y->u. It mav be proper to state, lhat 1 remained ignorant and unsuspicious of these secret move ments against me, 'ill the spring of 1828, when viigiio rumors reached me that some attempts were making at Nashville to injure me, hut 1 treated their, w th silent neglect reiving confi dently for protection on the friendly relation which had so long existed between General Jackson and myself, and the uniform and de cided course which I had taken in his favor, in the political struggle then pending My sup port of him rested on a principle that l believe to be fundamental in our political systona. and t*»e hope that his deep rooted popularity would afford the most effectual means of arresting 'he course of events, which I couid not bu* foresee, if not arrested, would bring the great interest of the cotintrvPinto a deep and danger* ous conflict. JOHN C. CALHOUN. No. 1. Copy of a letter from the lion. Wilson Lump kin, enclosing extracts of a letter from Gen eral D Newnan to him covering copy of Wm. H Crawford's letter to Alfred fialch, E^q. of Nashville, Tennessee. Washington, Jan. 27, 1829. Dear Sir: I herewith enclose you the copy of a letter received from my friend G?n. Daniel N»‘wnan, in whom I have great confidence. I also give you an extract from mv friend’s letter. The great confidence and friendship which I have long entertained, and still entertain, for General Jackson, as well as yourself, induce me to take the liberty of making this comtnuni cation to von. I atn confident the best in* terest of our common country requires, not on ly the harmonious and patriotic union of the two first officers of the Government but of every patriotic citizen of the whole country, to frown indignantly upon all intriguers, managers, political jugglers, and selfish politicians, of every description, who are disponed to divide and conquer. i feel the more at liberty and authorized to make this communication, because 1 know, ot my own knowledge, you and your friends are misrepresented upon this subject However General Jackson himself must see aud know the objects of these shallow efforts. [ do not know one conspicuous friend of yours but what has constantly, zealously, and uniformly supported Gen. Jackson, from the day Pennsylvania declared in his favor to the present time. How, then, can it be possible that Gen. Jackson can suspect the friendship, constancy, or sincerity of you or your friends! No: be cannot—be will pot—he docs ooL 1 hare quittTtoo much confide V e In thefieferaiLneots and facts it presents being so d.ffrent to believe such idle tales. . ' ' f Nevertheless, it is proper for yon 'soul him both to be apprt$ed of the machinatipoa of the mischievous. «- -V You »re*i TTOerfy to ffsVthis dbmmuhication in any w#y you please. ** - * With respect and esteem, Yoer obedient servant, WILSON LUAJPKIN. Hon. I. C. Calhoun. . . f No. 2. Extract of a letter from th#Hon. Daniel New nan to the Hon Wilson Lumpkin, dated near Nashville, Tennessee, 8th January, 1829, enclosing a copy of a letter of Wil liam H. Crawford to Alfred Batch. W. H. O. has done Mr Calhoun a great deal of injury, as well by his private machin at ions as his extensive correspondence. In addition to the letter which he wrote to Mr Batch, a copy of which J now enclose you, (and which has been seen bv Gen. Jackson) he a Short time since wrote » letter lo G IV jebinet ceuecil, when, as i, known to yo«,”l Campbell, proposmg that Tennessee sho.rld ) was but eaecoting the m«*es of the Govern, vote for a third persua for the Vice Presidency, and r* quested Mr. Campbell to show the letter to General Jackson. frota what I had heretofore understood to k correct, requires that it should be brought t< your consideration. They am different from your letter to Governor Bibb, «f Alabama, oi the 1 13th May, 1818, where you state “Gene ral Jackson is vested with full power to con duct the war in the manner he may judge best,” and different, too, from your letters to me ar that time, which breathe throughout a spirit of approbation and friendship, and particularly the one iu which you say, “1 have the honor to acknowledge tbe receipt of your letter of the 20th ultimo, and to acquaint you with the en tire approbation of the President of ail the measures you have adopted to terminate the rupture with the Indians.'* My object in ma king this communication is to announce to vou the great surprise which is felt, and to learn of you wh> ther it be possible that the information given is correct; whether it can be, under all the circumstances ol which you and 1 are both informed, that any attempt seriously to affect me was moved and sustained by you in th^ "I hope Mr. Calhoun will take f/.e earliest opportunity of seeing General J- and putting ail t! ings straight: or I cannot believe lor one mo ment the allegations of W. II. 0.” No. 3 Copy of a Letter from William //. Crawford to Alfred Balch Esq. WOODLAWN, D c. 14, 1827 Mv Dear Sir—By the last mail I had the pleasure ot receiving a letter from you If f understand your letter, you appear to think a public expression of my opinion on the ap proaching election to be proper. I cannot think -i measure of this nature necessary or proper. In other word«, it appears to m highly improper, and could hardly fail to stamp, the charge of intolerable arrogance upon me m indelible characters But few men can ev er expect to arrive at that height lhat would justify a step ot that kind, muck less an indi vidual who lives iu th < most absolute retire ment, and who has no ambition to emerge from it. I am perfectly reconciled to my situation and would not willingly exchange it with Mr Adams. But my opinions upon (he next Pre sidential election are generally known. When Mr Van Buren anil Mr Cambreleng made tne :» visit last April, I authorised <limn upon every proper occasion to make those opinions known The vote of the State ol Georgia will, as cer taiuly as that of Tennessee, be given to Gene ral Jackson, in opposition to Mr Adams. The only difficulty that this Si«:e has upon (lie subject, is that, if Jackson should be elected. fibViW 'MJl.SWBfciuUtPQWer 1 confess Lain • w rites to me ' Jai k-ori ought io know, and. it' he does not, he shall know, that, at the Calhoun caucus in Columbia the term “Mill tary Chieftain” was bandied about more flip pantly than by H. Clay aud that the family friends of Mr. Calhoun were most active in giving it currency;” and I know personally that Mr Calhoun favored Mr Adams’ pretension- until Mr. Clay declared for him.* He well knew that Clay would not have declared for Adams, without it was well understood that he, Calhoun, was to be put down if Adams’ in fluence could effect it If he was not friendly to his election, why did he suff*r lii-t paper to be purchased up by Adams’ printer, without making some stipulation tn favor of Jackson? If you can ascertain that Calhoun will not he benefited by Jackson’s election, you will do him a benefit by communicating the miurma tion to me. Make wh 4 u>e you please of this letter and show it io whom vou please. I am, dear S r, your friend. And mast obedient servant WM. H. CRAWFORD. Alfred Balch, E-q A true and exact copy, (noted in the hand writing of Gen New nan ) CORRESPONDENCE Between General Andrew Jackson and John C Calhoun President and Fice President of the United Stales. May 13. 1830. Sir—That frankness, whiah, 1 irnst, basal ways characterized tue through life, toward those with whom I have been in the habits of friendship, induces me to lay before you the enclosed copy of a letter from William H Crawford, E?>q which was placed in my hands on yesterday. The submission, you will per ceive, is authorised hv tbe writer T '• <»t- !e * Mr. CraivfiriFs iiucdian, that he knew personally what be here affirms, rt uders it proper lo make a fu>v re marks. How be could hare had ary personal kn 'wl. <5ge of what he states, I am at a loss lo uuderaiand. Our po litical intercourse bad ceased for years. We had none subsequent to the full of IS21, and in fact nunc of any kind after that, beyond the mere ordinary civilities of life. My course in relation to tbe point in question was »eiy different from whet he stale*. When my name was with drawn from the lut of presidential candidates, I n^uaud a perfectly neutral position between General Jackson and Mr. Adams. I was decidedly opposed to a Congi essimat caucus; as both these gentlemen were also, and a61 oorr very friendly personal and political relulions to both, I would have been very well satisfied witk tbe election of cither. When they were both returned to the House of Representatives, 1 found myself placed in a new rela'ion to them. I was elected V ice Presidentby the people, and a sense of propriety forbade my interference in tbe election in the House; yet 1 could not avoid forming an opinion os to the principles that ought to govern the choice of the Hou*e. This opinion was early furtned, long before 1 bad the least intimation of the course of the prominent indivi dual referrea to by Mr. Crawford, and was wholly inde pen ’ent of what might be his course, of that of any other individuaL What tbe principle is that in mj opinion ought to govern tbe House of Representatives in the case of a conh s ted election, I leave lo be inferred from my sub sequent course. So completely did my opinion depend on what I considered a sound principle in the abstract, that, had the position of the two leading candidates before the House been reversed, it would net have infi-teiiced my course in the least degree. As to tbe reason by which Mr. Crawford endeavors to. sustain what he affirms lie permtntdly knew, 1 deem them wholly unworthy of notice. mem, and clothed with the authority to ‘'con duct the war in the manner I might judge hes!.” You can, it you please, take a cupy; the one enclosed you will please return to me. I am, sir, verv r -spectfully, Your humble servant, * ANDREW JACKSON. The Hon. J. C. Calhoun. ^ Copy of Mr Crawford's letter to Mi; Forsyth, enclosed in the above. Woodlawn, April 30, 1830 My Dear Sir—Y~>ur letter of the I6ih was received by Sunday’s mail, together with its enclosure. 1 recollect having conversed with you at the time and place, and upon tiid Stjh ject, in that enclosure stated, but I have not a disfitxt recoiled ion of what I said to you. (»ut I am certain there is one error statement of that conversation to Mr. in your Mr Calhoun to General Jackson. Washington 13ih May. 1830 Sir Agreeably to your request, I here wills return the copy of a letter signed William H. Crawford, which I received tinder cover of yoor note oi this instant, handed to tne this morning by Mr. Donelson, of which 1 have re* tamed a copy, in conformity with your permis sion. As soon as my leisure wifi permit, yon shall receive a communication from me on the »ol»- ject to -vhich it refers. In the mean time, I cannot repress tbe expression of my indigna* tion at the affair, while, at the' same tune, I cannot but express my gratification that the secret and mysterious attempts which have been making, by false insinuations, for years, lor political purposes, to injure my char* acter, &fe at length brought to light. _ , „ J C CALHOUN. I o the President of the United States. I recollect distinctly what passed in the cabinet meeting, referred to :ri vour letter toMr. . Mr Calhoun’s proposition in the cahtnel iv.is, i hot General Jackson should be punished *o i'ome form, or reprehended in some tbrm; I am not positively certain which. As Mr. Cal h- un did not propose to arrest General Jack son. 1 feel confident that 1 could not have made use of that word in my relation to you of tbe circumstances which transpired in the cabinet, as I have no recollection of ever having de signedly misstated any transaction in my life, and most sincerely believe 1 never did. My apology tor having disclosed what pa* ed in a cabinet meeting is this: In tho summer after ‘hat meeting, an exiract of a letter from Wash ingfon was published ion Nashville paper, in v-'h'.ch it was stated that 1 had proposed to ar -tnOy~.!elenddb iA —l This letter, I always believed, was written by Mr. Calhoun, or by his directions. It had the desired effect General Jackson tiecame ox fromely inimical *o me, and friendly to Mr Calhoun. In elating tlie arguments of Mr Adams to induce Mr Monroe to support Gene ral Jackson’s conduct throughout adverting to Mr M *nroe’s apparent admission, that if a voting officer had acted so he might be safely -mnished. Mr. Adams said, that >f G .nernl Jackson had acted *m, that if he was a subal- ; rn officer, shooting was loo good for him — This, however, was said with a view of driving Mr. Slonroe to an unlimited support \.f what General Jackson haf done, and not with an un friendly view to the General Indeed, my own views on the subject had undergone a material change after the cabinet had been convened Mr O dhoun made some allusion to a letter the General bad written to the President, who had forgotten that he had received such a let ter, but said, if he had received such an one, iie could find it; and went direct iv (o his caoi- inet, and brought he letter out In it General J irks<>n approved of the determination of the Government to break up Amebu Island and Gaiveztown. and gave it also as hi9 opinion ihat the Ftoridas ought to he taken by the United Slates He added, it might be a deli cate to liter for the Executive to decide; but if tbe President approved of it, he had only to < ve a hint to some confluential member of Cor.gr. ss, say Johnny Ray, and lie would do it, and take the responsibility upon himself I asked the President if the letter had been an swered. He replied, no* for that ho had no recoSlec'ion of having received it. I then said that I had no doubt that General Jackson, in taking Pensacola, believed he was doing what the Executive wished. After that letter was produced, unanswered, I should have opposed the infliction of punishment upon the General, who had considered the silonce of the Presi* dent as a tacit consent; yet it was alter this letter was produced and read, that Mr. Cal houn made bis proposition to the cabinet for punishing the funeral. Y >u may show this tetter to Mr. Gidhoon, if you please. With the foregoing corrections of what passed in the cabinet jour account of it to Mr. i*» correct. Indeed, there is but one inaccuracy iu it, ard one omission. What 1 have written beyond them is a mere amplification of what passed in the cabinet. I do not knew that I ever hinted at the letter of the General to tbe President; yet that letter had a most important bearing upon the deliberations of the cabinet, ar least in my mind, and possibly in the minds of Mr Adams and the Presideut; bat neither expressed any opinion upon the subject. It seems it had hone upon the mind of Mr. Cal , hown, for it made no ch&nge in his conduct. i am, dear Sir, your friend, And most obedient servant, WM. H. CRAWFORD : Hon. John Forsyth. A true copy from the original in my posses ,ion. JOHN FORSYTH. May *2, 183ft. Mr. Calhoun to General Jackson. Washington 29th Mav, 1830. Atr.'—In .-mswenng y our inter oft he 13 h in stant, I wish to be distinctly understood, hat however li.gh my respect is for your personal character, aud the exulted station which veil occupy, 1 CiDuut • ecoguiso (fit; right on vour part fo call in question n y conduct on tbe interesting occasion to which your letter refers, f acted on that occasion, in the discharge ol a high officKi! doty, and under f-sponsi- bility fo my Conscience aod my country oiifv, io replying then to your letter, I do not place myself in the attitude of apolugi-ing for the part I may have acted, or of palliating tny conduct on the accusation of Mr. Crawford. COHrse i I trust, requires no apology; and if it did I have too much self-respect to make it to any one in a case touching ihe discharge ot my official conduct. I stand on very difi'jient ground. I embrace the opportunity which yoUi J-tlcr offers, not for the purpose ot making excuses, hut as a suitable occasion to place my conduct in relation to an interest- nig public transaction io this proper light; and I am gratified that Mr. Crawford, though far trom extending me a kindness, has offered me such an opportunity. Io undertaking to place my conduct in its proper light, I deem it proper to premise that it is very fat from tny intention to defend mine by impeaching yours Where we have dif fered, I have no doubt that we differed hou- estly; and in claiming to act on honorable aud patriotic motives myself, I cheerfully accord tbe same to you. I know not that I correctly Understood your meaning; but after a careVnl perusal, I would infer from your letter that you bad learn, d for the first time, by Mr. Crawford’s letter, that you and I placed different construc tions on (he orders under which you acted io the Semmole war; and that you had been led - V.I ■ .. - . . , . ■ a „you n thinking that yoor orders were intended o authorize your attack on the Spanish pi st iu Florid.i. Under these impressions yi o would seetn to impu'e io me some degree <i duplicity, or at least concealment, which - q .r -d on my part explanation. 1 hope that mv conception of your meaning is erroneou ; but if it be not, and year meaning be such ;s I -uppose I mu t be pen i ted to express my sur r>se at the misapprehension winch, I feel Confident, it will be in my power'to correct by the most decisive proof, drawn fr .-rn the public documents * and the correspondence between Mr. Monroe and yourself, growing oof oi the decision of the cabinet on the Sr mirtnfe affair, which passed through my bands at tbe time & which i now have his permis-ioft Co use, a» ex- plana* ory of my of iaion, as well as his, nr d t i e other nu mbers of his administration. To sa- e you the trouble of turning to the file of y< ur correspondence, I have enclosed extracts from the letters, which clearly prove (hat the decis ion of the cabinet on the point that your orders did not authorise the occupation of St M:*rks and Pensacola, was early and fully made known to you, and lhat I, in particular, concurred ia the decision. Mr Monroe’s letter of the 19tb July, 1819, the first of the series, and written imtncu'ufe- !y after the decision of the cabinet, aud from which I have given a copious extract, enters fully into the views taken by the Executive of the whole subject. In your reply of the 19th of August, 1818, you object to the coas<ruc- tion which the administration had placed on your orders, and you assign your reruns at large, why you conceived that the orders un* der which you acted authorized your opera tions in Florida. Mr. Monro* replied on the 20th October, 1818; and, after expressing bis regret that you had placed a const ruction os your orders different from what was intended, he invited yon to open a correspondence wjUi tne, that your conception of the tneaningpof your orders, and that of (he administration, might be placed, with the reasons on both sides, on the files of the War Department. Your Liter of the 15th of November, in answer agrees to fhe correspondence as proposed, hut declines commencing it; to which Mr Monroe replied by a letter of the 21st December, sta ting his reasons for suggesting <he correspon dence, aud why he thought that it ought to commence wkh you To these, I have add ed an extract from your letter of the 7th De cember, approving of Mr. Monroe’s message at the opening of Congress, which though not constituting a part of the correspondence from which I have extracted so copiously, is inti mately connected with the subject under con sideration. But it was not by private correspondence, only, that the view which tbe Executive took >f your orders w«« road?* known In bis mes sage to the House ef Representatives of the 25th March, 1818, long before information of * See Appendix from A to F mclusw ; h*iag «n traqt from a private correspondence between Mr. ftleutu *04General Jackson ia tiwSMBUMiaqwepsige*