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Jjj O. potato EDITOR. 1, //IfoPrfrLj "i? J? MIL.L.EDGEVIL.LE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, MARCH 24, 1831. VOLUME 1, NUMBER 37. THS federal xjnton * I. .ir^jT»Ttrv Thursday at Three dollars peran- ** ^ .j v1 nee or Four if not paid before llieend-of the "t£Office is on IVavnt-SHreet, opposite Me aTyov^tisbmmts published at the usual rates. -jt, £ JC |, Citation by the Clerks of the Courts of Or dinary that application has been made for Letters of Ad- ministrition, >nast be published Thirty days at least. Notice by Executors and Administrators for Debtors an I C d Jit irs to render in their accauntsmuslbe publish ed Six weeks. Sales of' H eroes by Executorsand Administrators must be advertised Sixty days before the day of sale. Silos of psrsuaafpropcrty (except negroes) of testate and intestate estates by Executors and Administrators, must be advertised Forty days. Applications by Executors, Administrators and Guar dians to the eourt of ordinary for leave to sell Land must t»c published Four months. Applications ay Executors and \dministrators for Let ters Disiiiissory, must be published Six months. Applications lor for* closure of Mortgages on real Es tate oust tv, advertised once a month for Six months. Sales of real estate by Executors, Administers ar.d G nriians must be published Sixty days befuMMe day of safe. These sales must be made at the court-house do»r between the hours of 10 ia the morning and four i the afternoon. No sale from day to dayis valid, unless so -\jresseil in the advertisement. Ordersof Courtof Ordinary, (accompanied with acopy of.die bond, or agreement) to make titles to Land, must be advertised Three months at least. Sheriff’s sales under executions regularly granted by the courts, must be advertised Thirty days. Sheriff's sales under mortgage executions must bcad- vertised Sixty days before the day of sale. Sheriff’s sales of perishable properly underorder of Court must be advertised generally Ten days. All Orders for Ad crlisemcnts will be punctually at tended to. % + AM Letters directed to the office, or the Editor, must bejiosl-pnid to er.titlctiiem to attention. POLITICAL. From the United Slatts’ Telegraph. CORRESPONDENCE Between General Andrew Jackson and John C. Calhoun, President and Vice-President of the United Stales, on the subject of the course of the latter in the deliberations of the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe on the occur rentes in the Seminole War. APPEND1X—(Concluded ) N. Copy of a letter to Mr. Adams. Washington, January 12th, 1831. Sir : A short time before the last adjournment of Con gress, acopy of a letter from Mr. Crawford to Mr. For eytli, in relation to the deliberation of the cabinet on Ifyc Seminole question, was placed in the hands of General Jacks mi, and became the subject cf a correspondence be tween him ana myself- In Hie course of that correspond ence, it became necessary, in order to ascertain the truth or error of some of the statements rnrdc by Mr. Craw ford, to refer to some of the other members of the cobine!; and i accordingly addrcjs-d notes to Mr. Monroe ami Mr. Wirf, from batli of whom 1 obtained rtatcufcnts.— iu selecting those gen lie men instead of yourself and Mr. Crownin-biold, f -*»s not in 'be least degree influenced by any iv.tiil of rG-.mJer.ce in either of you, bat simply by fii liii >s of d -licaey growing out of poliliral rehilions, ami w iiicb 1 trust to corrcspondi'ig feelings on yeur part pro- p rly to appreciate. I learn by a let er from Mr. Crawford, addressed tome S‘jli«Hq ie:it to ti.e close of mv corn spondcucc with Gtn- crui Jackson, that he his written to you, and obtained ymir ansiycr on the subj-et to whi-'b it nf-r:-, though tic ins not f>u r isiicd me wi.h a copy ol ins letter to you, noi that cf your answer. This step oa his part Ims cf course removed the dclica cy which 1 at li.stfJt, and which prevented me from ad dressing you. The part l took in the cabinet deliberation was dictated by a sense of duly, linit..'? icnced by cither 'be Icclirgs of friendship or cniar.y. I hat Generel Jack^dn transcr nded i s or <crs :.i taking St. Marks and 1’cns.u oi.i, 1 have m v- tr d iiibtcd, then or sfiwe. In my '•pinion, the Ex entire r i‘i her did or could couMituiian ri’y g-vc o:dcss to t dec cither of Ji isc places or any other Spanish post. Uiulct this inurcasion, 1 iVas deci h.by in l. vor, in the early stage of Inc d*,d:bfcrati ui, of bringing the •is ,i j*»ct before a can. l efinq dry, but fi.iully yi- l b *1 my opinion to censide- J i tons growing nut of tue political aspect of the question, us connected with Spain, which wore presented by mu a nl Mr. Monroe; but, in yielding to them, I still believ ed, and do now, iliai, apart Irani llwm, and considered under the military aspect of the subject, as at first view, my opinion was correct. Having thus c incurred in tin* final decision of the cab inet, I give it faithful support, without however abmdon- itig the correctness of my first concept! ns. I m ke this prelim.nary statement in order lint you inay perceive why my inquiry should be diiectcd only to tibai might seem a mere collateral circumstance, whether the letter of General Jackson :o Air. Monroe, in, which allusion is made to John Ray, was i tfire the cabinet, which though r.oicalculated to affect the question of the correctness of iny course, ho i vet decided, from flic prominence of that Mr. Crawford has given it, has assumed no small drgret of iniportsnee in the correspondence. He in his letter to Mr. Forsyth, says ; “indeed mv own views on the sob- j-ct hail undo gone a ir.atn ial change after the cabinet had been convened. Mr. Caihouu made some allusion to a letter the General had written the lb evident, who bad foigitten that he had received such a‘letter, but said, if he bad received such aa one, oe could find it, and went directly to his cabinet, and brought the letter out. In it General Jackson approved of 'he determination of the President to break up AmrLa Island ft Gi.lvcztown, and gave it also »s his opinion, that the Floridas ought to bt taken by the United States, lie added that it might be a delicate matter for the Executive to decide, but, if Uie President approved of it, lie had only to jive a hint to some confidential member of Congress, say Johnny Kay, and lie would do it, and tukc the responsibility of it on himself.” The object of my addressing you is, to obtain a state ment from you whether such n letter was, or was not, be fore the cabinet during its deliberation. As connected with the subject cf aiv inquiry. I must ask of you the forego furnish me, if you can with propn ety. with a copy o^mr. Crawford’s letter to you, and a copy of your answer. I makefile request on the assump tion that the correspondence can contain nothing that would render »i improper that a copy should be placed in n*y possession. I would make the request of Mr. Crawford himself instead of you, had i not declined all Communication with him in relation '<> the subject of the correspondence between .General Jackson and myself, ex cept through the Ge neral, through which channel noop- porlunity to make the request has been afforded me. O. John Q. Adams to J. C. Calhoun. Washington, »4th Janunry, 1831. £i R ._1 received this morning yeur letter ol the llth instant, and, in giving to it an immediate and explicit an swer, I trust you will perceive Hie propriety of my confin ing myself to die direct object of your inquiries. In the course of the last summer, I received a letter from Mr. Crawford, referring to the consultation of Mr. Monroe with tho heads ot the Departments, in the sum mer of I8i8. upon the proceedings of General Jackson in Florida, on the occasion of the Seminole war, andal- iu bng to a letter from General Jackson to Mr. Monroe, which lie stated to have been produced at one of those meetings, and to which his own letter appeared to attach aome importance. , . • JVt r. Crawford did not state to me the purpose or bis inquiries, nor was 1 aware that any previous correspon dence in relation to the subject had taken plaee. But as the cuments of his letter appeared to me to be of peculiar interest to n»e character of Mr^Monroe, I answered him that I had no recon*ction of the production of sueha let- jgr as that to which he referred, and requested his per mission to communicate his letter to Mr. Monroe himself i To this answer I have received no reply. Neither the letter of Mr. Crawford, nor the letter book containing the copy of my answer to it, are at this mo ment in mv possession, having left them both at my resi- j deuce in Quincy. The letter from Mr. Crawford did not purport lo be confidential; but, as it related to transac tions sacredly confidential in the cabinet of Mr. Monroe, l have not thought inyself at liberty to furnish a copy cf it without his permission, even to Mr. Monroe: the same principle applies to your request for a copy; but I will im mediately write and direct a copy of my answer to be made, which, when received, shall be cheerfully commu mealed to you. 1 am, wiih respectful consideration, sir, Your obedient servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. John C. Caluocn, Esq. P. Mr. Crown inshield to Mr. Calhoun. Washington, January 30,1331. D*ah Sir: My recollection having been called to a let ter received from the Hon. W. H. Crawford in July, 1830, wherein he asks my attention to “circumstances that transpired during the cabinet, deliberations on the events of the Seminole war, 5 * and my reply thereto: It is proper forme lo slate, that I answered Mr. Crawford as though he alluded to transactions which look place while I was in Mr. Monroe's cabinet; but since my arrival here this session, I learn for sue first time, that the cabinet meet ing alluded to by Mr. Crawford, was field after 1 retired from tbe cabinet.* I left Washington in company with President Monroe and yourself, for Norfolk, by the way of Annapolis, on the 2Slh May, ISIS. Now, eir, I do not prttend to know one word of what was said or done at any subsequent meeting; and I do therefore disclaim and say that my letter in answer to Mr. Crawford must not be interpreted so as to affirm or deny any cabinet transations which took place after I left the cabinet. It is difficult for me to account how I could have blend ed other things, so as to connect them with events of which I could know nothing, it is a long lime since those things occurred, and memory is treacherous; and that, I beg you to believe, is the only reason of the misapprehension on my part. I am, with high consideration, Your obedient servant, B. W CROYVNINSHIELD. ’ Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Vice President. * Mr. Ciowninsl.ield could not have been present at any cabinet council on the Seminole affiur. The first meeting on that subject tor *: place on the 15th or 16th of July* IS!8; Mr. Monroe having returned on the 14th, j from bis residence in Loudoun. The National Intelli- ! gcnrerofthe7ih July, announced the arrival of Mr. Crow- j iiinshield at his residence in Massachusetts, on the &rh. i Ho resigned in October following, without having re turned lo Washington. Nor could he have been present at c:nij meeting of the cabinet on the subject of 'he capture of St. Marks or Pensneoia, in which I was. The Intelli gencer ofthe 29th of May, 131$, announces the depar lure of the President (Mr. Monroe,) Mr. Crowninshield and myself, for Norfolk, before information was received at Washington of the taking of either St. Marks or P*-n- sacola. Tire two former returned to Washington. ! pro ceeded to my residence in Carolina, and did not return to Washington until the Uth of July subsequent to Mr. Crowniushield’s arrival in Massachusetts. Q Mr. Calhoun lo Mr. Crawford, returning his letter of 2d October, 1830 F rt Hill, October 30, 1830. Sir.: The last mail brought me your letter of the 2d in stant, but ]• .-! marked the 23d, which I herewith return. I cannot consent to correspond with you on the subject to which it refers. The controversy is not with you, but General Jackson. You, fromtiie first, voluntarily assum ed the character of the informer. Under that character only can I know you, which of course precludes all com nmniciition between us in relation to the controversy, ex cept through General lorkson Regarding you in the light I do, you may rest assured that no abuse on your part, however coarse, nor charge* against me, however false, < an possibly provoke me to raise yon to the level of a principal, by substituting you in lue place of General lackson in the correspondence- Should you, ho ever, submit i<< the degradation of the position which you have thus volants?ily taken, and will send this or any other ..t itemenl to General Jickson, and induce him to make it t!se subject of any further communication to me, as con- fi> ming in his opinion j"'ur former statement, or weaken ing my refutation, I will be prepared, by the most demon strative proof. drawn from the paper itself, to show such pr,Viable errors in your present statement, as to destroy all confidence in your assertions, leaving it, however, to those who have the Vest means of judging, to determine whether the want of truth he owing lo a decayed memory or some other came. Having been taught !.y the past the necessity cf taking ail possible precaution where I have any thing lo Jo with you, I deem it prudent not to deprive myself, of the ad vantage which your paper affords me, end have according ly taken a copy, se c precautionary measure. I am. &*-. J. C. CALHOUN. W. H. Crawford F,*q. (or out of suhserv’enca") to some ; to oth ers a Tariff man, by virtue of instructions; a friend ot the Union, yet groping after losTYighfs of the States, and on the great question be tween the constitutional powers of the Govern ment on one hand, and the absurdities of nul lification on (lie other, hanging precisely mid way upon an exact poise. The foresight which anticipated this rupture of the party was not deceived. The fulfilment has trodden, indeed, very close upon the heels of the predictioa — Before the second year of Gen. Jackson’s ad ministration has closed, a wide, deep, and im passable gulph already separates the leaders of his legions of followers and feudatories.— His own influence over these leaders not foiin ded in their respect for his talents or character but mainly in the conviction that there is a great, though a vague and indefinite populari ty attached to his name, is now no longer suf ficient to repress thoir contentions. They quarrel in his own face, for his own seat, while he yet fills it. and means to fill it longer if be can. We have heard much heretofore of the President’s independence': of hi3 lofty eleva tion above all influence near bis person, and of his fixed resolution to be himself every inch President. We now see the verification, and manifestation of these qualities; we behold him evidently busy in the first stage of a con troversy, the origin of which lies in motives and objects, connected, first with his own re election, and secondly, with the succession of another to his office, when he shall have done with it. We were assured, too, by his sup porters, that no aspirant for further promotion would ever be in his cabinet, or participate in his counsels. We perceive how this assure- ance has been performed. But this is not all; the President has repeatedly expressed his own opinions, and bis own purposes, in words borrowed from one i;> whose mouth they meant what they seemed to mean. He has declar- red over and over again, that fie neither sought office, nor shunned it. If the public are not misinformed, a recent occurrence has iully expounded his meaning, and explained his sincerity in this declaration. It is nol the object of lbe paragraphs to en- enter into the merits of tbe question raised by the Vice-President’s publication; and its nu merous answer and replies. Wo are little dis posed to meddle in this family quarrel. Our purpose, on Ihe contrary, is to suggest that those who have opposed the administration, and who still oppose it, had no concern in this dispute, except so far as its .results may affect the public interests. These results it is probable, will be various in their character and and in their tendency. So far as internal dis sensions may be likely to weaken the momen tum with which the dominant party has hither to proceeded in a course so threatening to all the great interests of the country, the effect will unquesltonably befgood Still better will it be, if this disclosure of the predominence of merely personal and ambitious motives over nli other considerations, shall open the eyes of the community to the real character of men, and the real character of the times. On the other hand, it certainly gives a still more for midable appealance to threaten us, when we sec what their objects arc, unless we may hope at the same time that the public will see them also, and take care for its own safety. Their publications afford a striking example indeed oPthe nature of these objects There is nol the smallest refferener in any of them to any public principle, or pub lic measure. The general welfare, the good of the country, constitututional principle, po litical expediency, these things, none of them, not one, is that .about which our men in high destined yet to save ti e country and the Con- j we h'-r© an early, zealous, and prominent pat •Jitution. They are National republicans; which, let wbat wdl cwn»> we never can re- they are friends of Union ; they are the great gret, as we acted in discharge of wbat we now party of free Americans, without doubt or and (hen believed to be a solemn duty, and in question. Il the mere charm of a nam* were withdrawn they are this moment a great major ity oj the Union. They will take courage from these proofs of disaffection and schism among their opponents and go forward with more as sured hopes of ultimate success. They have a point of concentration. The public senti ment runs strongly in a direction towards one n< veryet charged with ingratitude; never yet guilty of duplicity, never made, nor to be made, the victim of any political intrigue.— Let us beseech all friends of the constitu tion, a!) real lovers of their country to awake, look at the existing state of things seriously, and then do their duty It becomes us to raise the alarm, not at protended, but real por tentous, and immineut dangers It becomes us earnestly to implore THE PEOPLE to save themselves. Let us rally for the Union of the States, for the Constitution, for American Liberty, as it was while every man was yet free to speak his opinion, and for the preser vation of those great interests for which the Government was established. FROM THE UNITED STATES* TELEGRAPH. COMMENT UPON THE OFFICIAL EX POSITION OF THE OPPOSITION We publish, to-day, an address to the Peo pie of the United States, which appeared on Saturday last in both the Intelligencer and Journal, and may be considered as the oflicifl exposition of the view’s of the opposition, and the grounds which they intended to maintain in the approaching Presidential contest. It has been drawn up with great care, and no in considerable talent; and, bearing an official character, il must be considered as an impor tant document. Thus regarded we will pro ceed lo present the remark's which have oc curred lo us on a careful perusal. In presen ting our reflections we intend to divest our selves of every feeling of a mere partizan char acter, and to speak freely, without reserve, our sentiments of the past as well as of the fulqre. J ho first, and one of the most striking re flections that occurred to us, is the labored ef fort to hold up tbe republican party, which ral lied under General Jackson, as a combination of individuals holding heterogeneous political principles, and having no other object in view, in their uniot, but the possession of the poiv- er and the patronage of the government. This representation we believe to be unjust and untrue. That there is, and has been, a di versity on certain points of policy, and, to a certain extent, on the construction that ouglvi to be given to tbe constitution, is conceded. But that the great body of the party were im mediately and conscientiously united in support of the principle on which the election of Gen eral Jackson turned, and in ihe main, as it re garded the policy which ought to be pursued by his administration, we hold to be unques tionably true. Aod, also, that there was no thing in the points on which the republican par ly were not united, which, of itself, produced FROM THE NATIONAL JOURNAL TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. S Recent occurrences, manifesting not merely :he future prospects, but the present certainty, of a wide division among the party which has hitherto supported Gen Jack-on’s administra tion, are loo important nol to awaken a great degree ofattention. They arc entitled to a deep reflection by Ihe opposers of the administration, and by tbe public The Vice-President’s lale publication was hut the ebulition of a political ferment, well known to have been secretly long at work. It was not the origin of a schism ; it was only its avowal. From the moment of the original “combination.” (so it was admitted to be.) against -Mr, Adams’s ad ministration it was foreseen that the parts composing it, held together for the time by a common object, (the hope of power.) would any insuperable difficulty to prevent a durable the dangers which and honorable union. The difference which has risen in the party, and on which the op position rest their hopes, asset forth in the ex position before us, has been caused, not by a difference ol opinion as to policy which existed in the ranks of the party, but in the attempt of a small and artful portion, who, for the most part, came late into the support of General Jack- son; and who, so far from supporting his elec tion in 1G2.3, on the grounds upon which his friends urged it upon Congress, acted in sfccord with the principle which elected his opponent, places write letters; about which they express I and which has been since so decidedly con- solickude; about which they differ. Not at ! riemned by the people It is to the ambitious all. Gen. Jackson and Mr. Calhoun choose to | and selfish projects of these individuals, but re- j quarrel on grounds perfectly consistent with cently introduced into our ranks, that we are to TATES l he fullest approbation, on the part of Mr. O.il houn, of every one of Gen. Jackson’s meas ures. The ruin of political prospenis is spok en of, but they are the political prospects of an individual, not tbe political prospects of the country. The merciless proscription for opin ion which has stalked over the land; the vio* lation of national faith of the Indians; tbe mad project of a paper money Treasury Bank; the war on the Tariff; the war od the Judiciary; the war on the Constitution; these arc not subjects which have drawn forth controversy—all is personal crimination and re-crimination. And what a spectacle docs this contest ex hibit I Who does not sec in what an aspect of disgrace it holds up the Government of the necessari ly fly assunder when that power j n P on which the whole world is here invited to * * I 1 ^ I. ^ nn/l Cl rl > Z' Cl r /\ f t h n D Cl _ should have been obtained, and when it should come to he decided who should enjoy its posts for the present, and who expect them lor tbe fnlnre. Nothing but the powerful chimistry of this common object, it was easy to perceive, could keep in union such opposite materials as the friends of (Sen Jackson in Pennsylvania and and those in South Garolina and the followers of Mr Calhoun, who had been called prodigals, and the followers of Mr. Crawford, who been cal) d radicals. Such a jumble of poli ticians could have iio natural cohesion. If Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Randolph could act long in harmony ; if the highest notes of consolidation and the lowest grumbling of State rights could he made to clume in unison ; if the tariff and nullification could walk hand in hand; then, in deed, the time might lie *.-xpecled to have ar rive/! when the lion and the iamb would lie down together. As to the Secretary of State, his affinities were well known to be easily drawn towards any political elements, and again easily to be repelled. He mingles with every thing by the slightest attraction, and again is diseng:'.£ed from every thing by the gentlest solvent*, tor Mr Ivog, and against Mr. King; a friend of Mr. Clinton, aud an eneny of Mr. Clinton ! and an Anti-Tariff man, out of courtesy attribute tbe discord on which the opposition now rest their hope; and the intelligent reader cannot fail to see that in this important par ticular, the article is deficient in that accuracy of statement which a paper, of the character it professes lo be, should possess. There is an other instance ol unfairness which we cannot but nolice. We speak in reference to the re cent (^mrespondence. There is a studious ef fort lor throw equal blame, and to affix equal odium, on all'the parties connected with it. Is this just? Is it fair? That it is not, we ap peal to the unanimous expression of opinion of the respectable presses in support of the oppo sition, and who, almost with one accord, have represented the conduct of the Vice-President, country? What honest man dues not fee! J in reference lo it, not only as free from blame, shame, as well as indignation, at the picture but as marked by a frankness, candor, and in look? The second officer of the Republic o- penly declares that the first officer is “THE VICTIM OF A POLITICAL INTRIGUE.” Is 1 his fact credible in itself; and is the witness entitled to belief? On the other hand, the President charges the Vice President both with ingratitude and duplicity. Here, again, is the witness a good one? Shall we consider tire charge proved? We say nothing of tbe language of Mr. Crawford’s letter; but we earnestly put it to the whole American people to say what they think of the controversy between their two highest publicLoflicers; & we put it to them to say too not Wly what public Honor but public Safety also requires when the Vice President publicly declares to all the world, that the Pres ident of the United States, at the moment when he is discharging the highest functions of his office, is not an independent agent, but a mere creature of others—the "victim of a political intrigue ” - ' There remains, evidently for the friends of the Constitution, admitfWtered in its true spir it. to stay the progress of this Administration, and to save the country from the effect of its measures, but one course. That course lies right straight onward. They will turn neither lo the right band nor to the left, 1 hey are dependence, highly honorable to him. This was the spontaneous approbation of the course of that distinguished officer, uninfluenced by party bias, or party calculation; and may, there fore, be considered as declaring the realseoti- ments of his political opponents. To illustrate this, we feel it to be our duty to publish largely what these presses have said upon the sub ject. We now proceed to state, in opposition to the exposition^ what we conceive to be the real difference between the republican party and the opposition in the late Presidential struggle, as well as now; and to contrast the necessary tendency of the measures and prin ciples on which they respectively act. On the first point we shall be brief. The ground upon which General Jackson was elect ed has been so recently and fully discussed,: that it must be familiar to all. His election rested on the great fundamental and vital prir. ciples of our system, that tbe voice of tbe peo pie, in the choice of a Chief Magistrate, ought to be respected. That this voice was set a side by Mr. Clay and his friends, in preferring Mr. Adams to General Jackson, was, during the canvass, abundantly shewn, qnd has beer; since confirmed by such decisive proofs in tht election of the latter by an overwhelming ma jority, as to ieave no doubt. Ia this contest, preservation ol a principle essenti.il to our sys tem, and which is now, by the verdict of the* people, rendered sacred. So much at least has been guiued by this great struggle; and we close our remarks upon this particular point, by adding that, so far from their being any thing heterogeneous in our ranks on this great point oi our union, never did a party mere ho nestly, zealously, aud* unanimously unite in support of any principle, than did the republi can party in support of this on which the elec tion of General Jackson rested. Excepting always that portion which came in at a latt hour, which had acted upon an opposite prin* ciple, pending the election in the House oi Re presentatives, and which has since caused all the discord and distraction which we have since experienced, and upon which our oppo- n nts now rest their hopes exclusively The party were not only united oh the ground upon which General Jackson's election was supported, but were also, in the main, uni ted, though with less porfoot union, In what ought to be the spirit, policy, and aim of his ad ministration. Our opponents, when in power, had rested their hopes of maintaining their as cendancy, hv identifying themselves exclu sively, with certain measures and great sec- tioual interests, and pushing them to an ex treme. It could not hut he foreseen that their success, in such a course, ivould bring the great interests of the country into the most dangerous conflict and introduce distraction and discord in the place of that brotherly feel* mg which is the bor.d of our union, anil upoil winch its duration must depend; it was also foreseen that the rapid approach of the period of the payment of the public debt, (an eviut which must so deeply affect the measures of the government,) would render this co flict far more sharp and dangerous With these views, we do beiieve there was a sincere de sire, with the great body of those who support ed the election of General Jackson, to adopt, under his auspices, the roost effectual means of reconciling, on principle, the jarring inter ests of the country, and thereby to preveut that dangerous tendency of our affairs lo dis cord and distraction, which every intelligent and patriotic individual must see. and feel, and deplore, and which inevitably results from pushing to extremity the sectional interests of the country. We know that it was a difficult task to reconcile interests which had been thus brought into conflict; but still, we firmly be lieved that, hut for the causes assigned, with General Jackson’s great personal popular ity, this great object would have been ac complished to his immortal honor, and lo the lasting and durable prosperity of ihe country. It cannot be denied that there are those who, instead of pursuing this high-miuded and pat riotic course, have been busily engaged in schemes of personal ambition, in sowing dis cord aBd distraction in our ranks, in pluvmg a double and cunning part among the several in- terests ofthe country, instead of attempting to reconcile them on a plain, open, and magnani mous appeal to principle Oa their heads be the responsibility; to their names be attached all the odium and disgrace which have follow ed this crooked policy, on which our opponents have greedily fixed their eyes as the assured meqps of triumph—of prostrating for ever tbe great republican party, which, for more than forty years, has passed the many vicissitudes and dangers in safely. We trust that their hopes will be defeated ; but this can only ho done by a timely exposure of the reai causes of distraction, and the nature of the dangers which menance the existence of the parly. So much for the past - We turn now to the future. With a view of contrasting the lin of policy proposed to be pursued, as officially set Forth in the the exposition of our opponents, with its inevitable consequences, ami wbat w j deem ought to be the policy of tbe republican party, with its consequences also. We understand from the exposition that the same policy vhich characterised the late a«i. ministration is to be pursued, in the event o- Mr. Clay’s election; and that there is to b.i no relaxation of his favorite system—-and r»v concession or conciliation in order to harmo nise tbe conflicting interests of the country In this view, we are to understand, as we pro* •ume, although not distinctly stated, (hat tl.c taxes are lo be continued, without malert.*' diminution, after the discharge of the public debt—though tbe money should not be needed —that, to disburtben the useless accumulation in ihe Treasury, a profuse system of appr* pri* lions, a heavy pension list, an unregulated ai d extravagant system of appropriations for road-, harbuurs, rivers, ligb-'looses, and canals, ar to constitute, in part the policy to be pur ued. The result of such a system must be obvious. It may have a powerful effect in securing the c lection, but it must be at the expeuse of tin; harmony of the country, the prostration of cv cry principle held sacred by the republic;*** party, and at the hazard of the Union itsr-b Tbe basis of our government is justice an.i moderation, and any system of policy which proposes to push tbe interests of one section, though that should be a majority without, re garding the sacrifice of tbe interest of ot bi sect ions, must, if persisted.tn, prove fatal. I<: will plant jealousy and hatred in the place of mutual attachment ; discord in the harmony ; and in the end, must necessarily make mat.* people of one. Such a system rest9 on a ra Ji cal and fatal mistake. It inverts the ends and the means of government. Instead of consid -idering mere measures of policy as the instru ment of union, harmony, and happiness, and o be pursued in subordination to these gr < •: ends of government; it considers such aoea - ures as if they were the ends for wfii. . vernment was constituted, and to be pura c d without regard to tbe public peace or quiet As great value as the uost/ordent iriead cT