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ihan a frail. It is of pale yellow color, in a conical shape, not quite so large as a shaddock, and is frequently cooked for the table. 25th. (Trenail ilia, (Eng.)—grotfs bn a vine, which is frequently used for covering harbors, from its quick and extensive growth. The fruit is usually about the size of a half grown water melon of the Southern Scales. It is dressed in a peculiar manner, and, when pro* perly prepared, said to be very delicious. This fruit is cowparutivelyscarce in this part ot the aland. ( 2Gth. Date—grows in clusters at the top of the tree, much in the sarno manner as cocoa nuts, and tastes somewhat like that fruit : it is about the size of the filbert. The tree re sembles the cocoa nut tree; the trunk has thorns, and swells out sometimes like the palm. 27th. Ciatnetta, a small fruit of an oblong shape, about the sine of a cherry, and black when 'ripe. It has a stone or pit the same &bape of ihe fruit and containing the seed.—,— The tree is sometimes used in ornamental ground. 28th. Cacoa. a vegetable growth, yet grow ing on a tree like fruit, and by most persons thus classed. The external covering ot the cacoa has a close resemblance in shape to a en cumber, and near tbe size of it when well grown. The frail grows with this poJ as seed* grow n within a cucumber or melon, and about the size if an almond, having much such a shell covering the internal grain or seed. It is raised to a considerable extent iu the central <and interior parts of the island, and is becom ing a valuably article to agriculturists—lho chucoluto manufactured from it being superior an freshness and flavor to that of foreign man- it fact urn. POLITICAL. From the United States' Telegraph. RESIGNATION OF TliE CABINET. We lav before our readers the corrcspon- <dencc between the President and the Secrtta T ries of War and of theJTreasury, upon the oc casion of the resignation of the latter of their respective offices. Each successive fcrrival from Europe brings notice of changes, either made or contemplated, in the ministry ot France and England; this is, however, the first time that so near an approach to an entire change of cabinet has taken place in the Unit ed States. Apart from this circumstance, there is much in the correspondence itself to arrest the attention of the American people. The Secretary of War, whoso resignation is •first in the order of time, says: “I entered your cabieet. ns is well known to you, contrary to my own wishes; L having nothing to desire, ei ther as it regards myself or friends, have ever since cherished a determination to avail myself of the first favorable moment after your admin istration should bo in successful operation, to retire. It occurs to me that the time is now at hand, when I may do so with propriety, and in proper respect to you." Mr. Van Buren says, that his name having been placed before the American people as a candidate for the Presidency, he makes it his ambition to set an example of resigning a seat <o the cabinet. When the reason thus assigned are compared of the President in reply, that, in his opinion, justice to Mr. Eaton and Mr. Van Buren re quired a new organization of the cabinet, it is apparent that neither the Secretary of War, cor the Secretary of State, have in their letters as signed the true and entire causes which pro duced their resignation. The change of the cabinet then, on their part, is a sacrifice to pub lic sentiment, and for reason which did not ap ply to the other members, whose removal, it is admitted, was intended to prevent the inter- renco which would otherwise be drawn from the step taken by the Secretaries of Stale and of War. Tbe intelligent reader will see in the face of the correspondence, the confirmation of all that we have heretofore said of Mr. Van Buren and his intrigues. His letter admits that he is a eandidatc for the succession, and the propriety of his leaving the cabinet. Our objection to the conduct of Mr. Van Buren rested on the fact here admitted; that he was a candidate, and that he was endeavoring to use the influ ence of office and th^patronage of the govern ment to promote his own ulterior objects of personal ambition. For tbe assertion of the facts thus admitted we have been denounced. That Mr. VaD Buren has a right to be a candi r dafe, no one will deny. It is not only the pri vilege, but the duty of every citizen, to aspire to the confidence of his country; and to us it is matter of gratification, that by his withdraw. *1 from the cabinet, the real friends of the Pre sident pan now examine the pretentions, and expose-tfie intrigues of the candidate for the succession, without exposing ourselves to the charge of opposition to the administration. Upon this subject wo have much to say, should we hereafter feel called upon to speak. Mr. Van Buren, haying declared himself a can didate, must expect his pretentions to he fully canvassed. Vet, looking into his past life, we cannot see a single act to arrest his downward course; and, unless provoked by the indiscre tions of his partisans, we shall consult our own desire to harmonise the party, and permit him to pass into retirement undisturbed. Unless, in deed. it should become apparent that he per severes in his attention to smuggle himself into the Vice Presidency—then he will bear from us again. Of the new cabinet, nothing is yet known. We hope (hot it will be organized with a view to the public interest, aud that its councils will bis auspicious to the country. Washington Citv, 7th April, 1831. Dear Sia.—Four days ago I communicated to yon my desire iff relinquish the duties of the Mfar Department, and'I now take occasion to repeat the request which was then made. I am not disposed, by any sudden withdrawal, to interrupt, or retard, tbe business of the of* flee. A short time will be sufficient, l hope, to enable you to direct your attention towards some person, in whose capacity, industry, and friendly disposition, you may have confidence, to assist in the complicated and laborious du ties] of your administration. Two or three fceeks, nerbups less, may be sufficient for thi* onm In coining-to this dohclusion, candef demands of me to say, that it arises from no dissnti&Jac- tion entertained towards you- s -from no misun derstanding between os, on any subject ; nor from any diminution, on my part, of the friend ship and confidence, which has ever been re posed in yon. 1 entered your Cabinet, as is well known to you, contrary to roy own wishes ; and having nothing to desire, either as regards myself or friends, have ever since cherished a determi nation to’avail inyself of the first favorable mo ment, alter your Administration should be in successful operation, to retire It occurs to me, that the time i9 now at band, when I may do so, with propriety, and in proper respect to you. Looking to the present state of things to the course of your Administration, which, being fairly developed, is before the people lor approval or condemnation. I cannot consider the step I am taking, objectionable, or that is one;the tendency of which can be to affect or injure the coarse of policy by you already ad vantageously commenced, and which I hope will be curried out to the benefit aud advance ment of the people. Tendering my sincere wishes for your pros perity and happiness, and for your successlul efforts in the cause of vour country, I am, verv truly, your friend, J. II. EATON. To Andrew Jackson. President of the U. Stales. Washington Citv, April 8, 1831.' Dea$ Sir: Your letter of yesterday was re ceiver!, and I have carefully considered it — When you conversed with me the other day, on the subject of your withdrawing from the Ca binet I expressed to you a sincere desire that you would well consider it; for, however reluc tant I am to be deprived of your services, I cannot consent to retain you contrary to your wishes and inclination to remain, particularly as I well know that in 1829, when I invited you to become a member of iny Cabinet, you ob jected, and expressed a desire to be excused, and only gave up your objections at my press ing solicitation. An acquaintance with you ot twenty years standing, assured, me that, in your honesty, prudence, capacity, discretion, and judgment I could safely rely and confide. I have not been disappointed With tbe performance of your duties, siucc you have been with ro1 have been fully satisfied, and, go where you will, be your destiny what it may, my best wishes will alw ays attend you I will avail myself of the ealiest opportunity to obtain some qualified frioud to succeed you; and until th n, 1 must solicit that the accep tance of vour resignation be deferred. 1 am, very sincerely and respectfully, vour friend. ANDREW JACKSON. Major J. II. Eaton, Secretary of War. W ASHiNGTOil, April 18. 1831. Sir : In communicating to me, this, morning the information of the resignation of the Secre taryLof State and Secretary of War, together with the reasons which had induced thu former to take this step, you were pleased to observe that this proceeding was made known to me as you in the administration of the Government, and you suggested that I would, after a few days reflection, have a further conversation with you on this subject. But. in recurring to the brief remarks made at that lime, as well as to the let ter of resignation of the Sec r etary of State, which you were good cnougfato submit lor my perusal, 1 have not been able to ascertain whnr particular ma ter was intended to he proposed for my reflection, as connected with this event Under these circumstances, and being desirous of avoiding the possibility of misapprehension, as to your views, I would respectfully inquire whether tho measure adopted by tbe Secretary of State and of War, is deemed to tovolve con siderations on which you expect a particular communication from me, and, if so, of what nature. 1 have the honor to be, respectfully, Your ob’t servant. S D. INGHAM. To the President of the U. S. Washington, April 19, 1831. Sir—I am gratified to find myself entirely relieved, by-tlie distinct explanation# at the interview ro which you invited me, today, from the uncertainty as to the object ot your com municationyesterday, which 1 had referred to in my note of Iasi evening; and have to make mv acknowledgments for the kindness with which you have expressed your satisfaction with the manner in which I have discharged the duties of the station to which you had thought proper to invite me, and your convic tion of the public confidence in my admmihtra tionof the Treasury Depan ment. I beg leave, however, to add, in my own justification for not following tbe example of the Secretary of State and Secretary of War, in maktug a vol untary tender of the resignation of my office, as soon as I was acquainted with theirs, that 1 was wholly unconscious of the application, to myself, of any of tho reasons, so far as I was apprised of them, which had induced them to withdraw from the public service. 1<, there fore, seemed to be due to my own chafrict^r, which might have been otherwise exposed to unfavorable imputation?, that I should fiud a reason for resigning, in a distinct expression of your wish to that effect; this wish has now been frankly announced, and Has enabled me to place my retirement on its true gr&ttnd. 1 have, therefore, the honor of tendering to you mv resignation of the office of Secretary of the Treasury of the United Spates, which you will be pleased to accept, to take effect as soon as my services may be dispensed with consistently with your views of the public inte terest. I seize the occasion to offer you my thank* for the many testimonials I have received of your kindness and confidence, during our offi cial connexion, and especially for the renewed assurance this day of the same sentiment. S D. INGHAM. His Excellency Andrew Jackson, President of the United States. Washington, April 20ib. 1831. 3m— Late last evening I had the honor to recive your fetter ofthat date, tendering your resignation\>f the office of Secretary of the Treasury. VVhen the resignations of the Sec retary of Slate and Secretary of War were ten dered, I considered fully the reasons offered, and all the circumstances connected with the subject. After mature deliberation, I cooclu ded to accept those resignations. But when this conclusion vas come to, it was accompa nied with a conviction that I must entirely re new my cabinet. Its members had been invi ted by me to the stations they occupied—it had come together in great harmony. and as a unit Under the circumstances in which I found my self, I could not but perceive the propriety of selecting a cabinet composed of entirely new materials, as being calculated, in this respect at least, to command public confidence aud sat isfy public opinion. Neither could I be insen sible to the fart, that,to permit twoonly toretire would be to afford room for unjust misconcep tions and malignant misrepresentations con cerning the influence of their particular pres ence upon the conduct of public affairs. Jus tice to the individuals whose public spirit bad impelled (hem to tender their resignations, al so required then, in my opinion, the decision which I have stated, however painful to my own feelings, it became necessary that I should frankly make known to you the whole subject. In accepting of your resignation, it is with great pleasure that I bear testimony to the in tegrity and zsal with which you have managed tbe fiscal concerns of the nation. In your dis charge of all the duties of your office, over which I have any control, I have been fully satisfied; and in your retirement you carry with you my best wishes for your prosperity and happiness. It is expected that you will continue to dis charge the duties of your office until a succes sor is appointed. I have the honor to be,-with great respect, your most obedient servant. ANDREW JACKSON. Saml. D. Ingham, Secretary of the Treasury. FOREIGN. FRANCE. Foreign and Domestic Policy of the Perrier Mi nistry. To the Editor of the Movning Chronicle. Baris. March 19, 1831. Sir—An accident thu other day threw id my way a copy of a letter written by adistinguishud friend of liberty in your country io me, not less sincere in this, in which I found a passage some thing like the following; “ A letter of that straoga writer, O. P Q which has appeared this morning in the Morning Chronicle, has apalled by its prophesies the advocates of liberty, ami the friends of Phil p and France." The let ter referred to bv tbe writer appeared in the Chronicle of the 11th mstaui—and I nsk you the favor to read u again—and then to peruse tbe bitter reproaches with which I am aboui io address toe Perriar Ministry.” Alas! ala-.! I knew too well tua policy of the Palais Roy al. 1 know too well (he cowardice of the Con. tres and the fearlessness of the K ng—and the developments of yesterday in (tie Chamber of D'put-.as, coma to realize too soon —— — -.'uu » rv i mu inn letter which appeared m The Chronicle o> the 11th of this month. 1 bo title of my letter to day is “ Foreign and Domestic Ptd'cv of the Perrier Ministry!!” 1 am scarcely sufficiently calm to write 1 would write, or to express the ten thousandth part of what I feel Y«sfrrday I devoted a portion ol my morning to wntingyuii a letter. n tne new association forming in France, and you will find the fear- I expra&rod even more than realized by tho subsequent discussion in the Chamber of Deputies, at which I was yester day present. f had hoped to have continued the question ot these new “Associations” in to day’s letter—but although the matter is ur gent, there is something still more pressing— and that is, the “Foreign aud Domestic Policy ul the Porner Ministry!!” Yesterday was the day appointed for a d* duration of principles on thu part of the new President of the Council The tribunes were crowded. The rentier* and the stockbrokers were there trembling with fear for a fall in the funds; whilst the lovers of liberty and the true frieuds of France were there trembling & hop mg yet hoping against hope—& trembling lest (as was thw case) s Perrier Ministry should, by .ts P-dicy and system, bring a blush ofshamo in every F enebman’s cheek, and cau»e tho bund involuntarily to clencfc; vowing itself alone to do justice to the Revolii ion of July. A. length the moment arrived The still ness ot death prevailed, and Cassimir Perrier wUo has sold the cause of fr -edom bv It is un manly, unpatriotic, and unfoended fears of war, rose to address not merely tho House, but through that Chamber millions of anxious be ings, who are sighing for liberty, in Poland, Belgium. Italy, Spain and Germany. As you will publish at length this memorable discussion, it would be absurd on my part to supply you with a translation of the speeches in this letter—but I will rather present yo» with an analysis of the tleba f e in a develop®, ment of the system of the “Foreign and Do mestic Policy of the Perrier Ministry.” As I sat in the Chamber & watched the fea tures of those public men wjth whose principle* I am rtrell acquainted, I coutd not but observe (hat the expressions of pleasure, or of disgust which were exhibited by dlffment individuals during this debate^ demonstrated the fa-artless ness, the viciousna?s, the uoprincipled aud scandalous nature of the policy which had h^en resolved on. 1 observed-men who all their lives have contended far the doctrines of di vine right, legitimacy, and absolute govern ments—who have opposed the schoolmaster in his progress—persecuted tbe Sp.-r.ish, Portu guose, and Italian refugees—voted against a war for Greece, because it would lead to Choir liberty and freedom—aud who, finally, are op posed to all the improvements of social, pub lie, aod political life chuckle with pleasure, and laugh with demoniacal delight when Sebastia- ni proclaim from ,thfc tribune, that France would pot interfere by arms to prevent the subjection of the dtailian Revolutionists ; and !>h«u he even dared to justify the correspon dence lound at Warsaw, and which proved that Nicholas had projected a war against the French and Belgian Revolutionf, but for the insurrection iu Poland, which for awhile de feated the imperial -despot. This was not what they expected from the Revolution of July! When, in those “ feartu) days,” to a- dopt the words of tbe traitor Polignac, “every one was occupied with pioviding for his own safety;” when in those fearful days, the Roy alists had themselves in cellars, or lay tremb- Hug in the fields, and under hedges, apprehen sive of murder, confiscation, Sr imprisonment > they little dreamt to bear, in less than eight short mouths, the Minister for Foreign Affairs become the advocate of tbe Emperor of the North. ' If such an idea could have crossed the thresholds of the minds of these then ex piring Royalists, they would have sung the song of triumph, and shouted aloud “ Long live despotism!” But no; they believed that the Revolution was a “truth;” that liberty, both civil and religious, was thenceforth to be secur ed to every human being who should desire it; aod even they, with all their knowledge ot the worst principles ot human nature and of hu man society, could not have brought to be : lieve that France would levolutionize the word for six months, and the next abandon it to foreign armies, despotic monarch*, and Rub sian and Austrian oppression. Yet such is the foreigu policy of the Cassimir Perrier Minis try. Yes—-as I sat in the Chamber, I watched al* so the features of those who have devoted long and useful lives to the cause of Freedom I saw the countenance of Lalayetto flushed with shame and indignation. I saw the manly tear steal down his manly face. I be held him al most unable to restrain himself within the bounds of that decorum which even patriotism should scurcely dare to break down ; and 1 heard him tell the Minister ol Foreign Affairs, in the face of France and the world, that France would not be cajoled by equivocation; and tba? when she said Austria should not in terfere in the affairs of Italy, that she meant not merely that she would send despatches, and protest on paper, bat that she would scud tier armies to Italy to oppose Austrian in terference, should Modena be menaced. Purina invaded, and tbe Roman States attacked. And (hero also were tho Rentiers—the Jew stock-brokers—the usurers of the Bourse—mo ney dealers of Europe. These all were there to shrink iuto insignificance before an honest po licy, or to expand aud flower iu ail their fatal luxuriance beneath the warmth of a protecting, high priced, hut wretched system of Govern meat. And so they expanded! When Perrier and Soult, Sebastiani and Barthe, announced a system which meant nothing less than “ peace at all hazards” these faun-mongers smiled with Shy lock satisfaction and thought they saw before them a long bright v.sta adorned with Austrian Metallic?, French Buns Iloyaux, Prussian Stacks and even some new Dutch lean. They flew from the Tribunes to the Bourse with the rapidity of lightning—an o -uucod to tho delighted Rentiers the proba* bility of “high prices,” and consoled them with ‘bo “cheering news” that Poland might be crushe d before the Minister would interfere— that Austria would take possession of Italy, aod do as 9he thought fit—that France would be a zualous partisau of the Protocols of Lon- iui soiinug iua aflUiro T? .1 g that with the exception of having Louis Philip far K;ng of the French, instead of Charles X. King of France, every thing would be put on the foot mg of 1815! True, indeed, their joy was somewhat damped, when, later in the day, it was announced that more money was requir ed, more taxes wanted, more sacrifices would he demanded; and that, notwithstanding France was to make every concession short of the ac- t ai abaudonimn of her own Revolution, y t ;r,at France was to keep on foot five hun dred thousaud men to defend the events of Juiy, and prevent the re entry of foreign bayonets and Charles X! When they heard of these demands on their purses, the usure rs were not so well pleased; but they derive some consolation from the fact, that the middling classes would be the principal sufferers, aud that a new loan might be avoided. From this view of what passed and was felt m the Chamber, l should, if indifferent to the question, have pronounced against the policy of the Perrier administration. 1 should not have needed tho speeches of Salverte aod La- layette to have convinced me that it was anti national & auti revolutionary policy—and that a* thoeuemies of freedom were the foremost to applaud it, the friends of liberty must be the fir-t to execrat* it. Tho speech of Lafayette was triumphant J Sebastiani—who dentes facts as notorious as :hat tbe sun shines at noonday, end who utters falsehood which are scarcely allowed in diplo macy, and uever at the National Tribune —was disgraced before France and Europe by the production of the correspondence which had been se»z?d at Warsaw, and ivhich demon strated that ttiirFrauen Consul at Puland had asked the permission of tbe Grand Duke Con stantine to swear allegiance to Louis Philip! and that the Russian cabinet had avowed its determination of making war against the prin ciples of the French and Belgain revolutions ? Sebastiani endeavored to evade such argu ments by a reply fraught with pontifical chica nery unworthy of a Jew usurer on the Paris Bourse. When attacked and re-attacked by (he honest aod intrepid Lafayette. 00 tbe ques tion of Austrian, interference in Italy, Sebas tian! fried to sheflfe out with a distinction be tween France objecting or not consenting to' <hat interference—and between an armed in tervention to prevent such a measure. Ac cording to the speaking, miserable policy of this Minister ot Foreign Affairs, France is to protest—but it her protest be not rogarded, she is to succumb ! You wi I not wonder after this, that expecting the adoption of such a sys tem, the friends of freedom united together, and formed the patriotic association to which I alluded in my letter of yesterday, and which must now be followed up with increased vigor and activity. T..e foreign policy of the Casimir Perrier Ministry may be thus stated:—1st, France will not admit of an invasion, but will repel it' This is vastly patriotic, and eminently French, Why Charles the Tenth and hts Ministers would have done this with as much zeal, and even as much ability, as Louis Pailip and Mar shal Boult; for co one ever dreamt of a Boor- ton laying down die erdwn of France, dr sub mitting to an invasion; and certainly tho men of the Restoration were as good soldiers and sailors as aoy to be tosud in France *, 2J, France will net admit of an invasion of Belgi um to replace by force of arms the family of Nassair on the throne? This is the utmost extent of what the present Ministry is dispos ed to do for Belgium. It will not interfere to restore to Belgium Liosboerg, or Maestricht, or Venlo—or the Citadel of Antwerp or Lux- etnbourg. It will not interfere to prevent tbe London diplomatic corps from imposing condi tions on the Belgain Government, or from se conding such conditions so imposed by Prus sian troops. Prince Talleyrand is to sign Pro tocols the same as ever, and should at Iasi it become “necessary” to reduce the Belgains to subjection, to employ the means of a “coast blockade”—or “blockade of the Scheldt”—o.r occupation of Antwerp by English troops—or occupation of the fort and strong places by Prussian soldiers—-why France is eveu to con sent to that—and no revolution is to be re spected but that which has placed the youngest instead of (be eldest branch of tbe house of Bourbon on tbe throne. 3. France is not to interfere in the question of Poland. It is to be contended that Poland is too far—that the Po lish Revolution is extravagant in its demands and that it would be an intermeddling on the part of France should she take any interest in the liberty of a people living so far off from the frontiers of this country. Perhaps, indeed, tbe Government may protest against the invasion, &i protest against the extermination of the Polta but if (he Emperor shakos his head, aud hays —“What signifies a French protest 1” and if be refuses to notice it—arid even throws it behind the fire——why France is to take no further no tice oflhe affair & Poland istob* reduced to sub jection. 4. France is to allow Austria to put down by force of arms the Italian Revolutions! She is actually doing se already ! The Italians ard*to be “chastised” by Austria, whilst the Pedes are to be butchered by Russia; and when these people are all crushed, in case of any at tempt on the part of the ten old established Governments of Europe to attack the Freuch Revolution of 1830, wuy then France is to bd called on to defend herself, having no Allies either of Sovereigns or of people in the wide world to assist her ! 1 beg you will mark this. France as she is Revolutionised, has no one Ally but England—and England will remain neutral. The King of Europe may, for a few months, affect civility to the new order of things in this country—but they cannot be tho Allies of Revolutionised France. To supply tbe deficiency, “the people” offer their allian ce?—and Spain. Poland, Belgium, and Italy, all offer the best of Treaties. But the foreign policy of the Casimir Perrier Ministry is to re ject the alliance of the people—& to throw re volutionised France upon the “tender mercies” of a band of Crowned Despots. Ol Spain, Portugal, and Germany, it is uo * 1 ' necessary to speak. The game system is to be observed with reference to all the world, and this is called acting up to the spirit and principle of the Revolution of July, 1830. But will France allow this 1 No SSfa* will not; and now you may he sure that tbe Revo lution has not terminated. Of the domestic policy of the ministry, i have not time to speak. It consists in Par liamentary divisions—laws agaiust mobs—and acts ot oppression against the prcs§. Aim! •alas! we must begin again—and the next time wo shall nut be made dupes. The people trust ed in August, hut now their eyes are opened, and they find themselves naked Never mind. Do not dispair. The cause is not yet lost. Liberty is of too great value to be easily ob tained—but though purchased dearly, we shall eventually possess it. Your obedient servant, O. P. Q. latest from Mexico. The Editors of the New York Daily Adver tiser have received a file of Uagislro Official of the Capital of Mexico, to the 26th of March, brought by the brig Alto, which arrived on Fri day from Vera Cruz, having sailed on the 1st instant. Tho Government have promoted perhaps & hundred or.more of tho officers of the army of the South, on account of their success iu the late campaign; and rewarded with a doila? and 4 reals a great many con*commissioned of ficers and privates. The National Congress warn occupied with tho proposed reforms of the Constitution, rer commended by the Legislatures. The Regislro of the 25th March, states that the country is in a state of tranquility, and pre sumes that peace will'be preserved, and affairs go on well. We see no indication of distur bances at present: but it is certuin elements of discord are not wanting, and that some of the favorite plans of the Government, if put into execution, may bring them into action. On the 8ih, some cotton machinery arrived at M exico, which had been sent out from tba U. S. It is to go z.ito operation in tho vicinity. A company has been formed inGuanajnalo, cal led the Junta of Calays (l he Capital,) with a bank for the encouragement of Manufactures; and its prospects are-said to be flattering. A proposition submitted to tbe Congress by the Vice-President, in relation to tbe Press* was reported against on the 24th, by a comtaitteo of the. House of Representatives. Extract of a letter received in N. York, (by tho Alto,) from Vera Cruz, under date of April 1st “The Conductor is expected here from Mexico on Sunday next, with a large amount of specio. “Brig Napoleon, Hutchinson, is to sail on the 8lh April, for N. York —No political news. WALT02T 3JLLE3, On the first Tuesday in JUNE next. B EFORE the court-bouse door in tbe town of Mon roe, Walton county, will be sold, between tbe usual hours of sale, the following PROPERTY, to wit: One hundred and twenty-five acres of LAND, more er less, well improved, part of lot N». 31, in tbe first district of seid county, whereon defendant now lives— levied oq as tbe property of Nathan Whitley, to satisfy one fi. fa. in fever of J 0I1 os ion & Gunn, vs. said WbilJey; property pointed out by said Guoo, levy made and return ed to me by a constable. ORION STROUP, Sheriff. W E ere requested to announce the name ef WILL- IAM D. SC0G6IN, Esq. as a - candidate fox Sheriff of Baldwin county at tbe next erection for ceunly- officers. November 4