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AVXt vm. IE FEDERAL i m\. VOLUME 2. MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY, JULY 14, 1831. MMfiER'l. J. Gi edited by pOfjJflLf & Ai CUTMBERT* D fich*(!'i!aik)ii by the Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary that supported his government, & assisted his measures, I have done it without any other reward, than the conciousness of doing what I thought rig hi. If I have ever opposed, I have done it upon the points them selves, without mixing in party, or faction, &, without collateral views. I honour the king, and res frwn :.he American ramie . HORIZONTAL PLOUGHING. Ploughing on the level was first practiced in this country nearly forty years ago, being introduced POLITICAL. Mr. Lumpkin.—Our respected friend of the Co lumbus Democrat, is altogether mistaken, in sus any by Thomas Mann Randolph,'’afterwards Governor Piling that Mr. Lumpkin, in declining a candida- of Virginia, of which an account was given by his; C .V> * n the first instance, “had an eye to Mr. Cal- at 0 fea^t UerS ° f A,lminiRtr ‘ ltl0n ’ nuu ’ 1 be pect the people; hut m;Dy things acquired by the father-in-law Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to George houn’s interest,” and that it was a manoeuvre to Applira' Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, uniat be published FOL K J>IONTHS. V plloations hy Execi COry, must be published SIX MONTHS. means. I will not do that which my conscience tells common elsewhere, though the practice is slowly intention to support General Jackson, urging the Applications hy Executors and Administrators for Letters Dismis-1 ®ie » *crong, upon this occasion, to gain the huz- i extending itself. Not long before the death of propriety of doing so, and declaring that beno Governor Randolph, the Agricultural Society of Ai- salvation for the country but in his re-election. To same effect, and recommended caution and delibe- m the momin-and 4 in the afternoon. No sale from day to day u j j 100( j and ma lice can invent, or the .credulity of a thq letter of Mr. Jefferson, just mentioned. , % ^'rlie'rs of"emm »'f U ^rdjnajy', ^aTtwupa^ed 11 with a copy of the ! deluded populace can swallow. I can say, with a what is so clear, as far as it goes, others may be un- ■ ration in making up our opinion on the subject— Utles to land, must be advertised m . PQ t niairwirate lirvnn an necas’on and linHcr r»ir_ irillinnin nvUihb n«,r «i,in» <kn* «nll hn c.huwtCad i aware, doubtless of PUf previous respect lor Mr. ta.nd. or aarrhement) 1 to make THREE MONTHS at least. must he advertised THIRTY I)A^ SIXTY (oust be Aliorde.. ... *. • All letters directed to this Office, or Hi yaid, to eniitle them to attention. ■under mortgage executions, Editors, must be post- MISCELLANY. THE Pi.tE T Li a < >F i uc i\ . / i H (J cJ iLO. Mr. Editor—It is stated that a work nas appea. ed in Berbn, which has excited considerable inrcrest r consisting ousloiawaiia erunieilw OU cn a shuck, uio, are, 1st. It preserves „„ . . - «f a collection ot 1 oerns l»y the rothers <>’ isc u i. a ( might be productive of public good: it might awake rain to noruish the roots of the plants. 2d. It les- ly those who are uniformity candid, open and un* ’ the better part of the kingdom, out of that lethargy sons the labor of teams and ploughmen. 3rd. It : reserved—to fall into honest errors, he is not the i*i .i l ^ l l .1 11* i i i , w . . w • 1 a nnJ loorlnao in ilia Pfir. part conhrnia'ion of this statement, I heir to hand von, a a specimen of the liir,h poetic talent of one ofrhe family athided to, a Hebrew Melody, composed and si mg by the ffreatN. M. Rotliscliild, Esq. of t.his City, wi i -h, in rcs- ’caii hardly be surpass- pee.t to “poetic feeling and fancy,” can f*lby any of his Continental brethren. I am, respectfully, Sir, your obedient servant, Chapel Court. SCRIP. THE ISRAELITE’S LAMENT. Sho help me Cot! 1 sliadly fear, That tings are looking; very queer; Fu*idsh yoing, downvards at a trot, ‘Twill play the deuce, sho help me Cot! In France tish all «'aun and heat, They’ve bundled out ina friend Lafit.tr; Their troubles surely ne’er will cease— 3ome cry for var, and some for peace, And dls here outcry for Reform, In Britain soon will raise a storm; And should dey pass dis precious Bill, J>e Shtocks must go clown lower shrill. •Lord oless me heart, viu all ma pelf, 1 don’t know rare to turn maself; And tiu.es are in so strange a shtate, 1 can’t tell how to shpeculate. On Bulling shrill ma fancy linrrers, B u den shuopose I barn ma fm-eir, Rather as do a ting so shilly, M; shtay at home at. Piccadilly, blatters, ve know, vent smoosly on TTde.r de Duke of Vellinton, _ But Grey 'end lii-^ oditerc nts schnrvv, Have turn’d the Country tnpshy turvy, * Reform in Pnrliamen*! vai. gammon, The pn-esl infliiensln isiuammou; To scoff at buying sheafs is funny; Provided dey are vorth de money. Ash sheetain as ma name is Nathan, You r pn>tsh I have little fiit.fi ifij And the besht polities ash i know, Ish quietly to sack de rhino. To dis boih friend and foe must bow-? I’-x-ket de blunt, no matter how; Tho’ mayn’t alvuvs he a go, Ash was deease vid me. you know. Vy Cot, dat Chancery disclosure, Y ish a dam mischievous exposure.} 1 sh!ep! not dvi on h -rl of roshes, But. felt upshot, sho help me Mosoff! Jsbo fa • sho coo*, now who’ll deny, I ran writ e B •ems ven 1 try; Mine broilers thus have rishep to fame, Vy shonl in’t Nathan do de shame? But. some mav vonder in the shity, Vat is de moral of ma ditty; Vol here it is, ma friend at. lash’, Get vot you can, ancfhold it fast. the mad part back to their senses, as men intoxica ted are sometimes stunned into sobriety. “Once for all, let it be understood, ‘that no en deavours of this kind will influence any man who at present sits here.’ If they had any effect, it would he contrary to their intent: leaning against their impression, might give a bias the other way. But I hope, and I know, that I have fortitude enough to resist even that weakness. No libels, no threats, nothing that has happened, nothing that can hap pen, will weigh a feather against allowing the de fendant, upon this and every other question, not only the whole advantage he is entitled to from sub stantial law andjasiice, hut every benefit from the most critical nicety of form, which any other de- j fondant could ciaim under the like objection. The I only effect I feel, is an anxiety to be able to explain (the grounds upon which we proceed; so as to satis fy all mankind ‘that a flaw of form given way to in this case, should not have been got over in any oth er,’ ?’—Journal of Law. » i Poland.—By the Birmingham, was received the last number of the London Foreign Quarterly Re- ] view, which contains, among others, several inter esting articles on Poland,—one or two of them treat of that country in days when it was a kingdom, happy and free: but these we pass over tor the present, to touch on one that we have perused with much interest, relating to the present state of that brave people, and the immediate causes which led to the pending struggle between them and their op pressors. The great anxiety that is felt here in all that relates to Poland, will, we are sure, render ac- i ceptable, the following summary of the various caus es which led to to the revolution—these we believe are less generally known to our readers, than the deeds ofdaring done in the contest now waging.— Early in the reign of Alexander, secret societies were formed at Warsaw for the purpose of throw- in<>’ off the Russian thraldom. The Poles hadnever LORD MANSFIELD. The following extract from Lord Mansfield’s no- We burst of indignant eloquence, in the celebrated oase of The King against John Wilkes, is fa miliar to many of our readers. The popularity of which he speaks, is the only popularity that a judge, or indeed a nv good man, should seek to win. Whpn Judges shall aim at papular applause or executive favor, diy other means than an upright and fearless discharge of their dutv, they will deserve to forfeit the one7 as well as the other. We trust, that in this country, the day is distant when threats shall influ ence even the timid, in the administration of the laws. No man is fit to be a judge, whose conscious integrity, whose moral courage, and who?* well stored resources of mind do nof elevate him above all sinister influences. Lord Mansfield. “But here let me pause!— “It is fit to take some notice of the various ter rors hung out: the numerous crowds wdiich have tended, and now attend, in and about the hall, out of all reach of hearing what passes in court; and the tumults which, in other places, have shamefully insulted all order and government. Audacious ad dresses in print, dictate to us, from those they call the people, the judgment to he given now, and af terwards upon the conviction. Reasons of policy are urged, from danger to the kingdom, by commo tions and general confusion. “Give me leave to take the opportunity of this great and respectable audience, to let the whole world know, all such attempts are vain. Unless we have been able to find an error which will bear out, to reverse the outlawry, it must be affirmed. The constitution does not allow reasons of state to influence our judgment: God forbid it should! We must not regard political consequences, how T formi dable soever they might be: if rebellion was the certain consequence, we are bound to say ‘Fiat jus- -Gilia ruat celumf The constitution trusts the king with reasons of state and policy: he may stop pro secutions; he may pardon offences; it is his to judge whether the law or the criminal should yield. We have no election, none of its encouraged or approv ed the commission of either of the crimes of which the defendant is convicted: none of us had any hand in his being prosecuted. As to myself, I took no part, (in another place,) in the addresses for that prosecution, ffc did not advise or assist *.ie de fendant to fly from justice; it was his own act, and he must take the consequences. None of us have been consulted, or had any thing to do with the pre sent prosecution. It is not in our power to stop it; it was not in owr power to bring it on. We cannot pardon. We are to say, what we take the law to be: if we do not speak our real opinions, we preva ricate with God and our own consciences. “I pass over many anonymous letters I have re ceived: those in print are public; and some of them b a ve bee n brought judicially before the court. Who- «ver the writers are, they take the wrong way; I will do mv duty unmred. What am I to fear? That mendax infamia from the press, which daily coins false facts and false motives? The lies of cal umny carry no terror to me: I trust that my temper 9f mind, and the colour and conduct off my life, have given me a suit of armour against these sor , . . „ . . . . , • overseers and negroes, and little is left to the own- never despaired of upnsmg in the cause of freedom. j er J g exer p ons and enterprise, it requ res no little \\ lien the Russian conspiracy of -5 broke out, mor al courage and talent for command, to make tuough it was not proved that the Polish Secret So- Buch a consi derable innovation upon the custom of fcteties had been engaged in it-yet it is no w admit- a farm an d neighborhood, as to introduce horizontal ed that tney had a knowledge of it-and several j ploutflun „. A neighbor of mil* once sent his over members had interviews with the conspirators—but, - --- New York Evening Post, for a convention, to lake tliis subject under consideration, as promising some practical good. It is not true, as many are taught to believe iu Eastern States, that the South are opposed to domestic manufactures: nor it it true that the South desires to repeal all protecting duties. The South asks that the taxes should be reduced to the current expenditures of the Government, and desires that they should be so levied, as to give the incidental protection which a revenue duty can give to our manufactures. The manufacture® themselves are as deeply interested as the South, in such a reduction; and we concur in the opinion, (expressed in a late letter to a friend, by a states man whose opinions are supposed to have great weight with Mr. McDuffie himself,) that, twolion- est men could, without difficulty, adjust the ques tion, so as to secure the mutual interests of the va rious sections, and harmonize the country. Is not the object to be attained worth an effort? Shall we boast of an attachment to the Union, and yet per severe in the use of the language, and insist on mea sures, calculated to destroy if ? Let those who breathe a heated atmosphere, flatter themselves as they may, the principles and policy advocated by Mr. Calhoun in 1816, are the .principles and policy of the nation. Then, as now, the question was, how, and on what articles, should the taxes be re duced? Mr. Calhoun then advocated a protecting duty; not a duty which should regulate the indus try of the country; but a duty, indicated alike hy justice and policy, securing those interests which had grown up under the necessities and legislation of the country. Some have confounded the pro tection of 1816 with the protection of 1828. The manure, decaying vegetables, and top soil from be-1 rection of them. Should he still have a doubt, j distinction is, that the act of 1816 was intended to in«r washed away 1 which, however, we cannot believe will be the j reduce the taxes; the act of 182S, to increase them. Several circumstances must combine to make i case, let him express it, and we pledge ourselves The act of 1816 was intended to reduce the taxe**, this ploughing advantageous to the full extent of its ‘ that lie shall be satisfied, if it be practicable, and he capabilities. j will point out how it can be done. W e tielieve The water furrows must be capacious and the j he knows us sufficiently well, both personally and bed mellowed deeply to enable both to hold a great i politically, to believe that, we are incapable ot at- deal of water. 1 have seen one instance of a field j tempting a deception on him ; and we can assure great magistrate, upon an occasion and under cir- willing to exhibit any thing that will be subjected, - „ . . - , cumstances not unlike, ‘Ego hoc animo semper fui,,to a comparison in endeavoring to supply ,lhe defi- Calhoun.—-W hat can be plainer in refutation ot days'A’saVes of"fierislinbie property imJev order of court, ut invidiam virlute partam, gloricm, non invidiam 1 ciency. In this account, the rafter level" is the in- the suspicion of the worthy and talented editor of i u*iv■ertist--.d, •rener.iii.y, TEN, davs beture the diiy of sale, putaremd strument used to find the horizontal line—a more ■ — “ 1 he threats go farther than abuse', personal vt- common one is now the cross, adjusted by a line the Democrat? And as he observes, “to confess the truth, a suspicion of this sort has had its influ otence is denounced. I do not believe it: it is not and plummet, and sighted along the upper bar to i ence * n souring our minds against Mr. Lumpkin,” r6 moved, tutd ar- f ^ f!oul>t not^ tliftt oil reconsidering itj nis former the genius of the worst men of this country, in the sticks of the same height which are moveiLand ar- : - - - _ worst of times. But I have set my mind at rest, ranged along the field. Once laying off wiil be suf- ■ high respect and regard for Mr. L. will be fully re- The last end that can happen to any man, never fieient for a great number ofyeaTs, perhaps fore- established—for, though indedependent, waim, ‘ comes too soon, if he falls in support of the law . ver. ^ j and sometimes perhaps too hasty, in las opinions, and liberty of his country; (for liberty is svnony-; The advantages of horizontal ploughing, with us ' we know him to be generous and just, and t hough i moas to law and government.) Such a shock, too, are, 1st. It preserves all the water that falls in liable like ourselves and all others—and particular- which seems to have benumbed them, and bring enables vou to do better work, and 4th: It prevents l ess prompt, magnanimous, and fearless, in the cor .i 1 ^ i—i. .- —:— . * • . .. ’ , . •> .» , —*:— (iL.uiM t,e still have a as the immediate expenditures had been reduced by the termination ot the war; and another act is now required to reduce the taxes, as the incidental expenditures will be reduced by the termination of the war debt. Let Mr. McDuffie and his political swept away in consequence of shallow ploughing! him, that we would unhesitatingly pledge our lives,, friends bring, to its discussion, as much conoria- , " . . -* . - o r* -1 U LI. ..... 1 1V1 r* I immL’in in tmn >md birhuavonno no ♦ h oi r nntl a4 4 n Intit n n<i nn 4 upon a hard bed of clay that was impervious to moisture. There are some soils and situations, where it is utterly, vain to attempt to retain all the water that falls, and prevent a break. As, 1. Where the lull is is very steep when the highest furrow that could be thrown would only bring the surface to a level in capable of holding water; and this difficulty is in creased in the extent of the declivity. 2. Where there exists inequality of surface in consequence of former washes and" breaks; and 3. When com bined with either of the loregoing, the soil, from its own nature, or the absence of vegetable fibre, is de ficient in powers of cohesion. A remedy lor these evils has beee provided by Mr. Skipwith, who merits and cultivates the exten sive and well improved estate of the late Sir Pey ton Skipwith, on the left bank of the Roanoke. It is to carry along at certain distances from j30 to 50 or 100 yards asunder, ditches of very moderate de clination to some lateral drain. The furrows cor respond with these ditches if the hill is very steep and other circumstances are unfavorable, but if ad missible, the furrows are level. Thi3 is found very efficient, and the process is simple and inexpen sive. T ull, every where distinguished by his splash of common sense, (as Dr. Johnson would term it,) in his remarks upon the dilffos 'ty of having plans exe cuted according to order, notices the odds between saying to the laborers, ‘go you, and do it,’ and ‘come, let us do it.’ It is hard to prevail on those who are resolved not to be convinced; a,nd what is met the Russians in the field but as flies, and though j not sanct j onef j t >v precedent, or the judgement of, smoe the partition of their land m 1791, there had j t j ie operator, wili be illy performed. In a country been a lew years of peace, yet that could not oblit- . - D , j like this, where every thing is quietly submitted to erate the mementos of five centuries—and the Poles ! i*i , . . . . , . .. , seer to Albemarle, to examine Bnd report upon this being made acqu^nted with the views of the latter, i - - - - - *— y ,.-l . i r * Li- L- T» I,- • I new and much talked of practice. He might as which went the length of establishing a Republic m I we|| haye sen , his h(>r8e g There is „ 8ta g, and Russia, the Poles conceived a just contempt for the condition of ig noronC efirmly setaoainst the intro- plot and plotters and as it is now satd, resolved to >ductionof ^ n e W idea - ., ncre 3 ulitv .> say3 the have nothing further to do with the busmess-but. 0 , d b 4 ^ lyit of fo(lV Toll exmrienc- nevertheless, they made no revealment. j ed a |j theS(1 difficil | t i cs fit introducing his drill Ints- • bandry. ’A gentleman’ says he, ’who consults his | bailiff about entering upon a new scheme of hus- The circumstance which aggravated the sore ness felt by the Poles, and which mav be said to have led ultimately to the late revolution, was the , islikely toTfave about the same encourage- appomtment ol Constantine as commander in chief; ment as a p a pi s t, | ing a mind to turn protestant, ol their army. This appointment bv A exander, j wou ](j have, by asking the opinion of his confessor.’ was a great error, who must have een acquam ed ; j men ^ on a j{ this, not by way of discouragement, with his brother s temper and disposition. on- hut to stimulate to perseverance, by showing the siantine is a man who has proved himself a oge^ier commonnes8 Q f these difficulties. I have experi- unfit to rule over a proud and spirited people. \Ve encedihem asvve l] as others. Honest old C^ari say “rule, adds the Review, because although lie ploughman, protested firmly against my horrid was nominallv nothing but Generalissimo ot the - & J for the good faith and honor of Mr. Lumpkin, in this matter.—Augusta Chronicle Mr. Lumpkin.—If I am not mistaken in my con struction of the feelings and real opinions of the Troup editors from their manner of writing about this gentleman, they begin to think it is time for them to set their house in order, as the Constitu tionalist says—I can see their alarm in their very boasting—What I write, often partakes of my feel ings wliile writing, and betrays me in spite of my self—In this way I come to the conclusion, that the Journal and Recorder both belive in their hearts, that Mr. Lumpkin will be the next Governor of Georgia—For instance, who ever thought that Mr. Camak could have been brought to tell so poor hi a tale on this subject, as he did in his last Journal r A man must be destitute of a knowledge of human nature, who does not see despair in the abuse of Mr. Lumpkin in that paper—What must be the state of Mr. Camak’s fears, when he can be driven to the desperation of telling the people, that Mr. Lumpkin is opposed to the State’s getting the Indian Land ? That Mr. Lumpkin is opposed to General Jackson ? That he is combined with Webster, Sue. These may not be lus words, but are the substance. Now, as for the poor old Re corder, it gets mad, stops right short, and tells Mr. Lumpkin, you are a hypocrite, Sir! I imagine 1 see the Recorder stamping on the ground and, bi ting its tongue at that, word ! The truth is, the Troup party had rather see every Clark man in the State at the bottom of the ocean, than that one ofthemshold be Governor—I believe heartily, that seme ofthatjparty, in Milledgedville especially, have got to think that a Clark man has no right to be Governor! They writhe at the probability of such an occurrence: and how they would endure the reality, I cannot imagine.—Jacksonian. TOTjh. l$jiuriD£. tfefe; kipglfe reigp, I h»YC ever[caniHu. Pol is] i army, yet he had, especially since the death of the Emperor’s Lieutenant, Zavonczekt, in 1726, monopolized bv degrees the authority of a Viceroy, interfering capriciously in civil and criminal mat ters. The Review proceeds to give a concise state ment of the Polish grievances, and refers seriatim, to the various articles of the Constitution of 1815, which have been infringed atdiflerenl times—name ly, the Russian Regiments at Warsaw and its vi cinity have been lodged and supplied with neces saries at the Expense of the inhabitants, in viola tion of article 10, of that Constitution. During the last twelve years a strict censorship of the press has been established in violation of article 16, which guarantees the liberty of the press. Articlesjl 8th to 21st confirm the old principle, that individuals could not be arrested, imprisioned, tried, &c. ex cept according to law—all of which have been vio lated. Article twenty-first secured to every Pole the liberty of travelling and removing his effects &c. hut of late years this has been denied. Arti cles 39, 91, 93, relating to the finances, have been quite disregarded. Articles 47, 43, prescribe the responsibility of ministers and superior officers of the state—which have been literally annulled. Ar ticle 87 says, the Diet ought to be assembled once every two years, and yet from 1920, to 1825, none was convoked—and since Nicholas’s accession, on ly one diet has been assembled. Article 95 de clares that the debates shall be public. However, an ordinance dated February 1825, abolished their publicity. This was the only illegal act that Alexander signed himself. Articles 110 and 111 limit the nomination of senators or members of the upper house, to the class of persons paying 2,000 florins—this was violated. Articles 135, and 137, prescribed the formation of a Municipal Council in every palatinate or province of the kingdom, for the purpose of electing the civil officers, controling the local expenditures, making the electoral lists, &c.— this of late has been .infringed. Article 153 pro vides for the formation of a militia, for the internal security of the country. This force however, was never organtzed. Such, among others are the blunder sort of ploughing, as he termed it, and my overseer condemned the whole quite as positively. He had never seen such crooked business in old Virginia, and therefore it must be wrong. I finally by dint of authority carried my point, hut it requir ed a firmness little less than that which put down the Polignac conspiracy. DE RUSTIC A. A correspondent of one of the New York papers communicates the following key to the pronuncia tion of Polish words: “To put an end to the general complaint of the impossibility, or, at least, the difficulty, of pronoun cing some Polish names, I will make the following brief remarks. >y “As we have learned from a French paply : the name of the brave Skrzynecki to he pronounced Skrejinetski, I will only add that this, expressed complaints of the -violation of the eharter, as stated bv the « poles themselves. Even making allowance for some exaggeration, it is evident that there were sufficient grounds for dissatisfaction.—JNC Y.Jtfsr- most Polish polysyllables, on the penultimate. “In a similar manner pronounce the c in all Po lish names like^ts in English (as Ploek, read Plotsk;) the Polish sz like English sh (as Kalisz, read Kal- ish;) and lastly, the Polish cz like ch in church (as, Lovicz, read Loyich or Lovitch.) “This is all that is chiefly to be noticed about pronouncing Polish names.’ with English characters, would he written Skerz- _ o hinetski, or Skershinetski, the accent resting, as in difacturers themselves are desirous for ?Tjudicious From die Hn>ed Suites Telegraph. SOUTH CAROLINA. ' We have read with much regret, in the Charles ton Mercury, an account of the proceedings at a dinner given to Mr. McDuffie. We are among those who admire the pre-eminent talents, and con fide in the unwavering patriotism of this accom plished statesman and orator; but we cannot sul>- scribe to his errors of opinion, or approve of the untimely agitation of the exciting questions, said to have been discussed by him. Mr. McDuffie is a hard student, and, mingling but little with socie ty, draws his opinions from the independent re sources of his own. mind. No one is more tena cious of his own opinion, or less influenced by those of other men. He is too refined to be practical. Uncompromising himself, he arrives at the opin ions of others, as he would have them to arrive at his, by their acts—and hence, he draws an argu ment fzom the proceedings of the late Congress, that all hope from a returning justice of the ma jority is utterly delusive—and urges South Caroli na to put herself on her doctrines!!! Cui bono ? No one knows better than Mr. McDuffie that the tariff of 1828 was the result of a political con flict, and alike unpalatable to both parties. Mr. Adams and General Jackson have both recommend-* ed modifications; and we will, we trust, be excused for the opinion, that the apprehension that too much time would be consumed by the discussion, and a desire to press other questions, of more im mediate personal interest, induced many to vote against the propositions made at the last session, who, under other circumstances, would be decided ly in favor of a change. We have had much conversation and some cor respondence on this subject, and we can assure our Southern Triends, that many of the intelligent man- tion and forbearance, as they will of talent and pat riotism, and the bona fide manufacturers themselves will, next winter, as they did in 1816, throw them selves upon the protection of South Carolina. The Maysville Eagle, speaking of Mr. Van Bu- ren’s mission to England, says: “All the information we have on the Bisect, makes it extremely probable, that Van Buren is to be sent to England. Will his appointment be con firmed by the Senate? Certainly not without the votes of some of the Senators w r ho have heretofore opposed the Administration. Much stress has been laid on Mr. Van Buren’s magnanimity in resigning his late office. If he is sent to England, his magnan imity will consist in exchanging $6,000, for tlie.next year, for $18,000. But it»is childish to talk about magnanimity. Who believes it? It was an adroit manceuvre; though perhaps somewhat urged by ne cessity. We do not thinJ^Mr. Van Buren’s confirmation hy the senate a matter he need feel much anxiety about—he is a prominent inhividual standing be fore the tribunal of the nation—and he must abide by the nation’s decision—not by ti secret conclave of twenty-four Senators, whom various combina tions may bring to act together, or whom personal enmity may bring to act against him. We are not certain, indeed, that his rejection would not operate to his advantage—that it might not awaken in his behalf, public sympathy—that it might not he re garded, like a long imprisonment before trial, as a part of the Dunishment the nation may doom him Wi to suffer. te recollect the indignation we felt when good men were rejected bv the Senate during Mr. Adams’ administration. The Senate has hut rarely been an index to public sentiment. But enough of those contradictory reflections.” Remarks.—We make no pretensions toprophe* cv; hut, judging froth the facts within our knowl edge, we incline to the opinion, that M -. Van Bu ren’s nomination wiil be rejected by the -enate. Certain we are that it w r iH be, if the ’part wh cl he has acted since he came to Washington, is fully exa mined. His rejection, under such circumstances, can excite no sympathy, and will consign him to lasting retirement. Indeed, we have our doubts whether he wili not yet affirm his ow n condemna tion, by declining the miss or., and thus escape the' severe ordeal.— U.S. Tel. Fjom the Albany (JY. Y.) Deity Advertiser. The New York Standard follow s in the coerseof the Argus, and endeavors to draw public attention from the conduct of the Mechanics’ and Farmers’ Bank of Albany, in relation to their exertions to procure stock of other hanks, by talking about the United States’ Bank, which is as usual made a Wesleyan University.—Asour readers are alrea dy aware, this university has been established at Middletown, and we learn, under very favorable auspecies. It wall occupy the buildings and the site formerly used by Captain Partridge for his military Academy, and is to be managed by the Methodists, a large, thriving and highly respectable sect of Christians, wrho have already subscribed nearly $100,000 towards completing the establishment.— We understand that the Faculty will consist of the Rev. Wilbur Fisk, D. D. President, and the Rev. Stephen Olin, Rev. Frederick Huber, Augustus W. Smith, A. M. and Thomas M. Drake, M. D. Pro fessors.—.V. E. Review. Despatch hy the Railway.—A dealer in Manchester was lately in want of a particular lot of sugar.— He wrote to a correspondent in Liverpool, .by the twro o’clock train, with the necessary orders, and { sugars wore at Maaeh&tgr tb? s&apeYedqg* revision of the tariff; and it is our decided opinion, formed upon better information than Mr. McDuffie can possess, that a conciliatory tone, on the part of their public men and public presses, will secure an amicable adjustment of this question, upon terms that will be mutually advantageous. The argu ments put forth in some of the public speeches, and in many of the newspaper paragraphs, are calculated to defeat the object which they profess to advocate. As for instance, it is assumed that the tariff' of 1823 is a Western measure, and that the West are interested in oppressing the South!! Is tliis true ? Who does not know that Kentucky is as much interested in the prosperity of the South, as the South itself? It - is known that there is a scarecrow hi frighten women and children. From the Standard, which professed so much alarm at the existence of an institution so extensive as the United States’ Bank, we expected better things We did hope that it would join in just reprehen sion of a knot of moneyed dictators, which is using every means to get a control of country hanks. We did hope that that paper w ould sound the toc sin of alarm, and caution the public, of the serious consequences which would result, if these greedy and gormandizing monopolists should effect the ob jects which they have been so industriously striv ing to accomplish. If the Mechanics’ and Far mers Bank should extend its influence much mere in this State, it would become, united as it is w ith the leading men of the Regency party, a power dangerous beyond compare with any th'ng that has be depre- ever been among us, and which should ... cated as a force eminently calculated to give aristo crats a controlling sway inlhe government, and to deprive the people of the full enjoyment of their li berties. Let the Standard ponder on this matter; and let its practice accord with its professions. The New York Standard exults, because Lot Clark appeared at Binghamton with his $240,000 certificates of deposit in the Machanics’ and Far mers’ Bank, and secured a majority of the stock. Its pretence for rejoicing is, because the “opposi tion” were defeated. Without inquiring as to the propriety and virtue of this pretence, we call on the Standard, as we have before on the Argus, to noinr out who where the persons of the “opposition’ 5 thafc appeared there and endeavored to obtain a control of the Binghampton hank. strong anti-tariff interest in New England; and >d< who does not see that the argument, that-the tariff gumt is an Eastern measure, enriching the East at the expense of the South, is a direct appeal to the in terest of the East, which, by conceiting it to be a question of local, instead of general prosperity, arms the the political tariff men with an irresisti ble argument, confirming their local influence, and preventing opposition to a system which all are in terested in correcting. The East are taught to be lieve, that the South are opposed to any tariff, and the South to look to resistance, as the only remedy against Eastern oppression. The surest remedy is wisdom, moderation, and We hail apropoeitfon, made in the IN HABERSHAM SUPERIOR < OURi> . ,’ APRIL TERM, lS3i. lelding Hill and Frances Keith, j Complainants, J vs. Albriton M’Daniel, Nathan Cook Thomas Haynes, Jolm Fountain, Williams Rutherford, Patrick J. Robertson, and John Potts. BILL for diseorn^/, relief and uyuucti&. r ' appearing to the Court, that the defendants in the ai — - above bill reside oat of the county of Haber*ham*r- It is therefore ordered, that they appear and plead de mur, or answer to the >4ad hill at the next Superior Cour t of said county, or the bill will be taken pro confeno, and that a copy of this rule be published in one of the pub! -:, gazettes of this State in terms of the law in such case pro vided. A true extract, from the minutes Superior Court, April Term, 1931. 'J (May 24—m3m] JOHN T. HARTER, CI’L *