The federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1830-1861, August 04, 1831, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextTHE FEDERAL UNION. VOLUME S—NO. 4* N1ILLEDGEVILLE, GA. THURSDAY, AUGUST 4, 1831, WHOLE NUMBER »6. EDITED BY „ j Q t pOLfHLL & J» A. CUTHHeKT. ^n-KioVfs published every Satartaj -at THREE DOLLARS TJ r.iium in adv.uice, or FUL’H, if wot,paid before the end of the ,r The, Office is on Wayne Street, opposite McCombs’ Tavern, i ' ll ADVERTISEMENTS published at the usual rates. N j] citation by the Clerks of tii6 Courts of Ordinary that Anniiratimi has been made for Letters of 'AdtiiU)istration, must be published THIRTY DAYS at least. . . . Notice hv Executors and Administrators for Debtors and Credi tor' to rentier in their accounts, must be published .SIX WEEKS. Sales of Nceroes by Executors anti Administrators must be ad vert i fed SIXTY DAYS before the ilay of sale. Sales of personal property (except negroes) of testate and" intes tate estates in Executors and Administrators, must be advertised FORTY DAYS. Applications by Executors, Administrators and Guardians to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be published FOLK MONT'IS. Applications by Executors and Administrators for Letters Dismis- pory, must be published SIX MONTHS. Applications for Foreclosure of Mortgages on real estate must be advertised once a month for SIX MONTHS. Sales of real estate by Executors, Administrators and Guardians, must be published SIXTY DAYS before the day of sale. These Sales must be made at the court-house door between the hours of to In the morning and 4 in the afternoon. No sale from day to day is Valid, unless so expressed in the advertisement. Order* of Court of Ordinary, (accompanied with a copy of the Vmd, or agreement) to make titles to land, must be advertised THREE MONTHS at least. , , Sheriff's Sales under executions regularly granted by the courts, must be advertised THIRTY DAYS—under mortgage executions, SIXTY D\Y.S—Sales of perishable property under order of Court, «ltist he advertised, generally, TEN DAYS before the day of sale. All orders for Advertisements will be punctually attended to. '.•All letters directed to this Office, or the Editors, must be post paid, to entitle them to attention. a married man, isa.good husband, and has a lari FOREIGN. From the Baltimore Aiarytander. THREE DAYS LATER—REPORTED PO LISH VICTORY. The Nerus, arrived at Boston, has brought the JLondon Sun of the evening of June 3d.—The on ly article front this paper furnished by our Boston Correspondent, i^Mlie following, which affords us some ground to hope that the gallant Poles have beau winning another harvest of laurels in their unequal struggle with the Russians:— From the London Sun o f June 3. We have yet nothing absolutely to authenticate the rumor mentioned yesterday, of another signal victory of the Poles over the Russians. No doubt, however, exists of great and important advanta ges having been obtained by the former; and we have just been informed from a most respectable source, that the Polish Legation is in possession of the particulars of this fresh victory. Our inform ant, however, states that the obstinate and sanguin ary conflict, which lasted two days, (19th and 20th May) took place with the Russian imperial guard commanded by Gen. Pahien, which were almost annihilated. Since the foregoing was in type, the Boston Eve ning Transcript of Saturday, has come to hand. Its I >regoing intelligence is of the highest impor tance, as will be seen by the tallowing extracts. If these details are true, to the extent reported, the Russian commander must have been in a very dis k agreeable predicament, at the date of these advi- f ces:- " CONTINUED SUCCESS OF THE POLES The London Star of the evening of the 3d June, «a ys, “The brave Polish Commander has complete- i ly outmanoeuvred the Russians. While a Polish ] corps was amusing them at Minsk, Skryzneeki uni- ? ted all the corps on his left, crossed the Bug, and ta king Oslrolenka by assault, has proceeded to Lom- za, defeated the Russian Guards at Tychosin, and in fact occupied the whole country between the Rug and Narow. Accounts from Warsaw, of the 26th, left Die- bitseii at Zocolow, apparently in route for Ostrolen- ka or for Bielsk or Bialistock, with no resource but to throw himself on the protection of Prussia, as Dwernicki threw himself on the protection of the Austrians He iias, however, to cross the Bug and Narevv, with Polish corps on every side of him. By tiiis masterly movement, the Polish General General has placed himself in contact with the Sa- mogitiaus, Lithuanians, and other revolted districts, by whose population his army will be indefinitely augmented, so as to leave to Diebitsch no prospect of escape, but within the Prussian frontiers. The foreign journals assert, he will endeavor to reach Thorne, in Prussia; but we expect he will seek to cross the Rossoka, and avail himself of the shelter of its vast forests. The march of Skryzneeki is without parallel in modern warfare. From Warsaw to Ostrolenka, was a flank inarch of full eighty miles; thence to Lomza another 30; and to Tychosin 20 more—the last 50 being in the rear of tiie Russian grand ar my. The Poles seem also to have gained advanta ges in a repulse of the Russians at Minsk; and this, with the new position of Skryzneeki, no doubt for ced Diebitsch to retreat to Zocolow, near the low er Bug. The ranks of the Warsovians have also been re cruited by volunteers from Prussia and Austrian Poland; and tne whole compaign resembles a war of chivalry, in which the enlightened enterprize of Europe is directed individually, against the further encroachments of the barbarous Muscovites, Tar tars and Siberians. We have just learnt (says the London Globe, un der date June 2, three o’clock, P. M.) that a report is general in the city, of the Russian defeat by the Poles, and that the Imperial Guards had been cut to pieces. It is said to rest on letters from Berlin. It is certainly very prevalent. The Morning Star of the 3d says, that the above report probably alludes to the overthrow of the "Guards at Tychosin, who were taken by surprise. A private letter from,Warsaw, dated 18th, says: Since last Thursday the two armies are in full move ment. General Diebitsch has made a manoeuvre with the principal part of his army, in the direc tion of the Bug and Narew, with a manifest inten tion to get into the wawodie of Plock, to gain the Prussian frontiers. The motive of this change of position is not difficult to be understood, as the Rus sia n General finds it difficult to receive his convoys fr<vn Russian Poland, and he now wants to gain the Prussian frontiers, to be in communication with Thorne, where he has a considerable magazine of provisions qnd amunition waiting for his approach: Gen. Skryzneeki has also made a flank move ment; on Friday morning his head quarters were at Milosna, and in the afternoon Jablonna, and on Saturday at Sierock,* his main army was in the di rection of Pultusk; three hundred Polish officers have received orders to proceed to Lithuana, to or ganize the insurrection there. We have thismo- uent a report, that in the environs of Ostrolenko, he Imperial Russiaji Guards have experienced a new check. Gen. Uminski commands in that quar ter. The Messager de Pologne, a Warsaw paper, of £the 21st May, announces that Gen. Skrvbecki had ken Ostrolenka on the 18th, where he obtained a rge sum of money, the baggage of the enemy, nd 1700 prisoners. The object of Skryzneeki in advancing to Ostrolenka, is supposed to have been to get between the Russians and their supplies. this, because you will then be able to form an idea of the value of his opinion. He neither looks for place, patronage, rank, or power; but his chief re commendation is that he is, a thorough Frenchman. He loves first his family, next his country, and then the whole world. This is just as it should be. I wish we had more like him in France. Now, then, hear what he says:— I began by asking him about the state of public opinion in his Department, and whether the Depu ties to be returned at the approaching elections, would be the same as those who are already named? He told me, that he thought that ( Marshal Gerard would again be returned, and very probable Larochefoucauld, but that as to the rest, he expected many changes. He told me, that whilst the inhabitants of his Department were op posed to anarchy, to riots, to mobs, and to war, at any rate, they were equally opposed to the present system of “hqmiliating France.” Now mark that, I pray you.—Remember the word,* “humiliating France!” The people are against war at any rate, and are against peace at any rate. They are anx ious to see France strong, respected, and formida ble, though just, moderate & enlightened. He told me, that M. Casimir Perier had not so many parti sans among the landed proprietors a3 he imagined, and that his system of submitting to any insult for well organized artillery-and cavalry of the Grand Vizier, wiiiiejthey have neither. They have accoi- dingly retreated to Perlipe. It is evident that the Pacha of Scutari intends to cut off all the Grand Vi zier’s communications, by advancing on the moun tain along the river Vandar, and so to compel the Grand Vizier to act on the offensive in a country where he can derive no advantage from the disci pline of his troops, or from his cavalry or artillery. _ The town of Perlipe, which is the mart of Mace donia, has been plundered by the insurgents, many houses have been set fire to and destroyed, and large magazines of goods entirely destroyed. It is said that the inhabitants (chiefly Greeksand Franks, and therefore natural adherents of the new order of things,) assisted the troops of the Grand Vizier, and thereby drewthis vengeance upon them selves.—JYuremburg Correspondent, May 23. FROM THE NEW-YORK JOURNAL OF COMMERCE. North Eastern Boundary.—Since making the extract on our first page from the North American Review, in regard to the decision of the Kingof the Netherlands c we have met with the following par agraph in the London Morning Herald of May 28th, which goes to sustain another of oiir position* on the subject, viz: that if the United States are disposed to throw the question back upon its origin al footing, Great Britain will be the last to object. But no; the United States are not so folish. The decision is on the whole in their favor, and they know it. It will stand. It will lie ratified by the United States from choice, and by Great Britain from necessity, the honor of neither party permit ting them to flinch from the result of a reference, to which they mutually assented. London May 28.—The decision of the King of Holland, on the question of the boundary between the United States and British North America, ap pears to have excited a great deal more displeasure in America, than it has in England. Thus His Majesty is in the enviable situation of displeas ing both parties on whose behalf he consented to become mediator. The Minister of the United States at the Hague, in the first instance, protested against the decision, on the ground that the King had exceeded his powers, which did not allow him to pursue a middle course, but simplv to decide, what was the boundary line indicated by the Trea ty of 1733. “If,” says the Minister, “his Majesty found the language of the treaty inapplicable to, and wholly inconsistent with, the topography of the country, no authority whatever was conferred ujxm him to determine or consider, what practicable boun dary line should, in that case, be substituted and es tablished. Such a question of boundary as is here supposed, the United States would, it is believed, submit to the definitive decision of no Sovereign.” This seems to be a very proper view of the question and at the same time it indicates very clearly that the Americans will not abide by the decision, so that the affair is as far from being settled as ever.— The feeling, however, of the Legislature of the State of Maine, the State most interested in the question, is most decidedly against the award.— The report which the two Houses have published, •calls upon the Government of the United States to disalow the decision upon various grounds, some of which are not a little curious. In the first place, t hey say the arbiter has not decided the differences, but only advised the manner of settling them, which he had no authority to do. In the next place they assert that the differences, were not t >be submitted to an individual, but to the Sovereign Power of an independent State. “At the time of the selection of the King of the Netherlands,” ob serves the report, “as the Sovereign to arbitrate and settle the differences, he and his Government were exercising, and were in the full and uncon trolled possession of the Sovereign power of Hol land and Belgium, formerly the United Provinces and the Netherlands. Subsequent events, and e- vents which occurred many months before the subject had been considered, and any sort of decis ion was made and delivered to the parties, separa ted Belgium from his dominions and from the sov. ereign power of his government* Losing Belgium deprived the King of nearly three-fifths of his sub jects, and of course three-fifths of his power and consequence, and he ceased to be king of the Netherlands. The loss of Belgium arose from the prevalence of liberal opinions, and the desire of the people to secure their rights. The revolution, from the course the British pursued, naturally pro duced feelings of attachment to, and dependence up on them for aid anil protection, and as naturally excited feelings against liie institutions of the Uni ted States. But we go still further; the course of events did not simply increase his dependence up on the British, but compelled him to call upon them for assistance, to enable him to sustain his power as King even in Holland. The British were, long before the decision, his Privy Counsellors, if not the managers and regulators of his public concerns and negotiations, upon which the exist ence and continuance of his power depended. He was within their power and control. Having then lost the character possessed at the time of the selection, the King or sovereign power of the Netherlands ceased to be the arbiter to whom the differences had been submitted, A decision after such a change of character and interest, cannot for any purpose, be considered as having any obliga tory force or effect; it can be considered only a mere nuility.” ^ ^ Tne above is certainly a very amusing piece ofj S y S t em of foreign policy. Think of this and then soplnstry, but nothing mure. St,II, however, we , ^|, whether it will be possible lor a Casimir Pe- th.nk the Object,on to the deesjon urged by the U- rier Admi „ lstralion mucl * longer to trifle with the n.ted State s Munster at the Hague good and val- | bllc inion and the n! , d onaf will 1 n" 1 a ,“ y ' u "n T ? r . ‘ e alVa 1) I had scarcely turned from my moderate and pat- ", . !t C y , ^ all °' r ' d ; a b I* ' V 83 ,sb f d! riotic fr,end, btibre I met a Royalist Merchant horn that the boundary pointed out, is contrary to the - - ' J spirit o the treaty, and much against the interest of Great Britain and her North American provin ces. The disputed territory i3 now in our posses sion, and as we believe that we have right on our side, we would recommend the Government not to part with it. Besides, possession is nine points of the law. giH cause I knew that »i I attacked ‘Divine xiig.A, I family of amiable cnildrei^ and perhaps his tota%siiould be obliged to talk with him half an nour, fortune 6,000/. sterling per annum.^ I tell you qll fand that would not suit me. So I wished him a the sake of preserving peace, was anti-national, and would not much longer be endured. I asked him, to what party lie belonged? He replied, “I be long to no party—I never did—and I never will. I wish for peace, but for peace with honour—I wish for liberty, but for liberty with the laws—I wish for order; but I know that laws must be good, be fore they can be respected.” I asked him, whether he thought that France should leave Poland to be sacrificed? And he answered, “Undoubtedly not!” Mark ye, this is a Rentier—a proprietor—a maiiof wealth and family and respectability, and educa tion, and talents, and honor. I asked him, whether iie would have France to go to war for the indepen dence of Poland? and I will tell you his answer— “Our government ought to endeavour, in conjunc tion with the Cabinet of Great Britain, to obtain for Poland, peace and independence, without going to war at all; but if the Emperor Nicholas shall re fuse all counsels, and obstinately persist in his cruel project of crushing Poland, then, after having en deavoured to excite Prussia to an useful mediation, and again failed, I see no other course than for Franee to make war on Russia.” He followed this up by an observation, which is full of justice and truth.—“If, Sir, France shall allow Poland to be crushed, Austria, Prussia, and Russia wili march a- gainst France, and who will say that England will not, remain neutral? I asked him whether he thought that in France there were many landed .proprietors and men of property who hold the same opinions, and who were equally distinguished for moderation and patriotism? He replied as follows: “I think there are a vast ma ny more than persons generally believe; and if I were asked to give a round estimate of thinking, respectable individuals, who desire to see a more national system of policy adopted, both at home and abroad, I should say, we count in France from 1,200,009 to 1,500,000.” He said, that the war par ty ai all hazards, was not more disliked or dreaded tnan the peace party at all hazards: and if the Journal des Debats was more read than formerly, it was because it was generally considered to be the organ of Sebastiana, and was therefore consulted for early foreign intelligence. I asked him, whether m ins Department, republicanism was gaining ground? He replied, “If it has gained ground, it nas been during the last two months. Before then tnero were hopes entertained that a national policy would be followed, and that the Government would act on national principles. But since it has been leit that the cnief aniety of the Government., is to preserve the Crown to Louis Piiiiip and his heirs, the desire has arisen, and, I believe, greatly extend ed, of convincing the administration, that France expected something better than this from the late events in July.” 1 asked him, whether in his de partment, the majority of’ thinking people were content with the march of the Government as to the questions of Belgium and Italy. He said, “Cer tainly not! That as to Belgium, the universal opin ion was, that Louis Philip had evinced much cow ardice and apprehension of ollendmg; and that as to Italy, lie never spoke to a person who. did not leei with him, that the Italians had been most cruelly treated by the French Government.” Tins was the substance of our conversation, and gives rise to a thousand reflections. Here is a rich man, who by war must lose part of his wealth—must endanger even his estate by the possibility of foreign inva sion, and must give up two of his sons to the con scription, and make other enormous sacrifices in case of war. Yes, iiere is this man prepared to make all these sacrifices with cheerfulness and satis faction, rather than see France “humiliated” (yes, that’s the word,) by the present system of political concessions to absolutism and tyranny, and be as sures us thai fie fully believes (and he is no random guesser,) that in France there are nearly a million and a half of respectable citizens—husbands, fath ers, masters and rentiers—who are prepared to make similar concessions, and to contribute by their purses and their blood in the defence of a national Belgrade May 12.—After the battle of the 23d 1 of April, the troops of the Grand Vizier retreated [towards Monaster, without being pursued by the I enemy, who seemed to be sensible that though Rhev gained ground it brought no advantage to (compensate for their losing doble the number in ■ killed and wounded «a the 21st and 23d, from the F'-om the London Vv. n ng Chronicle of June 1. Visit to the Bourse—state of public opinion— moderate party—Royaiisfs—Baron de Rothchild, &c. &c.—Declarations of the Moniteur—Letter of General Lamarque—Speech of M. Pirson—Letter from Poland. To the Editor of the Morning Chronicle. Paris, May 28,1831. Sir—Yesterday I passed two hours at the Bourse. I conversed with men of all parties, and of all na tions. We talked wholly on politics, and without' attempting to give you a narration of all that pass ed, I will oontent myself by supplying you with the substance. The first individual I met on entering, was a French landed proprietor from the Department of Seine et Oise. Though rich, he is intelligent, pa triotic and humane. He is very much beloved by his acquaintances—adored in his family—and res pected by liis neighbours. He has a respecta ble chateau, and attached to it about 700 or 800 arpens of land. He is fond of reading—is a man of considerable information—is verging on fit Bordeaux. Poor man, he was full of trouble and complaint. Nothing went well without “the white flag:” and he put to me the following question, wlnchl know he thought to be a “poser:”—“Can you believe, Sir,” said the Royalist, “that the Duke of Bordeaux, our legitimate Monarch, will remain all his life an exile in a foreign land, though inno cent of any crime, and as pure as the mountain snow; and can you believe that the Governments of Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Spain, not to say England, will allow forever this innocent youth to be deprived of the Crown to which he is entitled as a matter of right, merely because his grandfath er signed some unpopular Ordinances in July, 1830? Are you not, on the contrary, quite sure, that in the very first war which shall arise in Europe be tween the Great powers on anv subject, the cause of the Duke of Bordeaux will form part of the vi tal question; and will not Louis Philip be dethron ed, and Henry the Fifth be established in liis place? Why, Sir, not to believe this, would be to be tray an ignorance of history and human na ture.” And so this was the way my Royalist mer chant went on talking for about a quarter of an hour. To convert him was impossible, and so I simply said, “But, Sir, should no war arise in the life time of the Duke of Bordeaux, and should he die without male issue, what then? “Why then of course,” said the Royalist, “this man, Louis Philip, would be King in his own right, and his children after him.” I did not discuss with him the ques tion of “What is the right of a Prince to reign over good day, but not without leaving him miserable, for I whispered in his ear a second time, “Suppose the Duke of Bordeaux should die without male is sue and before a war shall be declared in his favor.” I am sure he will never forgive me for this, for it destroyed the whole of his hopes, and showed him the weakness of liis system I turned round, and there stood Baron Roths child! He had just entered the Bourse, with one of his nephews on his arm, and he lvas smiling and whispering first to one, and then to the other. He Jold us there was good news Irom Belgium!—that nearly ninety Deputies had signed a proposition in viting Price Leopold to become King!—that the question was sure to be carried!—and that then the funds would go up. This was quite enough for the jobbers, so they set to work for five minutes, and then the Funds rose from 65f. 75c. to 661*. 5c. and then Baron Rothschild left the Bourse. He had just received his courier from Brussels. He had just read the intelligence he communicated, and the thoughtless considered it all “very fine news,” and the Rentiers danced and sung, “peace, peace!” I laughed heartily at their folly, and merely observed, “so you think this is the termination of the Belgian Revolution!” They all said “Oh yes, oh yes!” and and so I laughed on, and went my way. And next day I spoke to an editor of a liberal journal in Pa ris. He had visited the Bourse for the purpose of’ picking up information; and he asked me, “Shall we have peace or war?” I replied, “What does M. Perier say to this question?”—“As lor M. Perier, he says all in the Moniteur, which scarcely any one reads, and no one believes. He tells us that we are to have peace, and that all the other papers are misinformed—utter falsehoods—and are not enti tled to belief; but he had better answer me three questions, of which the first is, what is the state of our negociations with Russia for the cause of Po land—its independence—and its Constitution? 2d. What is state of our negociations with Austria for the cause of Modena, Rome, and Piedmont? and 3d, what is the state of our negociations with Prus sia, England, and the Genuanic Confederations for Belgium? I told him to publish these questions in his Journal, and he promised to do so. But it is of little use—for Casimir Perier will not reply to them. And last of all I conversed with a partizan of M. Casimir Perier. He was 60 years of age—was de lighted that the funds were rising—said that the Ministry was firm and would not last—that he iov- ed liberty as well as any man—but that Franee had too much already—and then he began a long tirade against the lilierty of the press. He sai *• “that Franee wanted an aristocracy, and that Casimir Perier would assure to her this advantage, that Franee wanted peace, and that it was absurd to suppose that, because a few hundred Italians made riots in the Papal States, therefore, we were to march an army thither, and dethrone the Pope. That as to the Belgians, they were never contented, and never would be, and that for his part, if all Bel gium should be drowned, he should not look upon it as a great calamity. He said that the Revolution of July was just, beccuse it was made against ille gal ordinances; and though the punishment inflict- edby the people was,perhaps, excessive,yet it wool be a lesson to kings not to violate the laws. Hi said that Louis Philip was the only man who could have saved France from anarchy and invasion, that if the French were not happy now, they never de served to be, and he hoped never would be.” I asked him what he thought of an hereditary Peer age/ He said, “Let the existing Peerages be he reditary, and those to be created, let them be for life.” I asked him, if he thought the King should have power of creating an unlimited number of Peers; and he said, “Oh, certainly.—Would vo take away an iota of the Roval force?” This man is a great friend of Casimir jPerier, or I should not quote him, and it is thus that these people under stand the Revolution of July. But one day or oth er these men will find out their error; for France will not be tricked out of the principles and the re sults of that revolution. As 1 decended the steps of the Bourse, I met three young men arm in arm, all adorned with the rib band ofthe Decoration of “the Cross of July, 1830.” I knew two of them, and so I inquired whether they had taken the Oath of Allegiance which M. Casimir Perier had required of them? “No, no,” was the answer, “not such fools. We owe allegiance to France, hut not to a dvnastry.” I shook my head, and passed on. Well, well, I thought, I did not expect this last August, but I derived some conso lation from reflecting, that, it is never too late to re trace our steps; and if Casimir Perier will not act with the nation, w T hy the nation will act without Casimir Perier.*** Thus the system of M. Casimir Perrier is oppos ed by the war nartv—bv the moderate and reflect ing patriots of France, who will not that France 'should be “humiliated” by the young and ardent part of our population—by Republicans—Liberals —Constitutionalists—Napoleonists—Carlists, and Ibe Ultra Royalists; and no one approves of the sys tem but the lovers of peace at all hazards. * * * The King of the French is actively engaged in -ecognising the Aristocracy of the Restoration, whilst the King of England is occupied in deliver ing both himself and his people from the trammels of a cruel and oppressive Oligarchy. The latter has a ma jority of 150 in the New House of com mons! We shall see what will be the majority of the former in the Chamber of Deputies! And now* I have before me a letter from Warsaw of the 16 May. It is very short, and I will give you a translation. It runs thus:— Warsaw, May 16.-—My Dear friend.—In vain we have looked for help from France, that France which led us into revolution, and promised us her best aid. In vain do we call to the remembrance of your cruel Government, the wrongs we have suffered, and the ills we have endured. We have appealed to the delicacy, to the honour, and to the gratitude of Franee, but in vain. To England we must now look ; but we have no right to ask her aid on the score of favors we have conferred, or past sendees we have rendered. We saved your country from a Russian invasion last Autumn, by our revolution, and, in return, we cannot even obtain muskets, under the sea! of France, nor re mittances of money. Lord Grey is the distin guished friend of liberty, and he is,surrounded by those who have long fought against the policy of the Holy Alliance, but will they break with Russia for the sake of Poland? If not we must prepare for pillaged cities, murdered families, for crimes un heard of in civilized countries, and for a third inva sion. We shall again drive back these robbers, who would wrest from us new liberty, but our sirength may at last be weakness, and Poland may fall. Exert yourself, then, to the utmost in this holy cause. All goes on well at present. The Ru- sian army does not advance on us. The cholera morbus is not so virulent or destructive as among our enemies. The enthusiasm is increased. The confidence of our troops in their General and their cause is unbounded. The defeat of Dwernicki is compromised. We have received a very i ..por* lant communication from Lithuania, which vott wili read In our Journals. The decree has gone forth, that the rebel provinces of our dear ancieht Poland shall be united to us. All this is encourage ing, and the fundholder with the landholder is jae* paring to make his sacrifices. It is a national con* test, but how small is tiiat nation when opposed to Russia? Yet to submit, would be Vvorse than td be exterminated; and though Warsaw mav by de* stroyed, it will never be occupied by a Russian Army. ; To the French Government then, Poland rxf «>nger looks for assistanc, and her dreams of hop« a e all blighted by the sad realities of cold negii cts and repeated refusals. To Eng 1 ? nd will she look i.ivain? Let Lord Grey’s G "9 rnment arsiver this question in the negative, and England will be mistress of the world. The people are all ready to march with her, and public opinion is all on one side. The millions are for peace, but with honor, liberty, and justice. The units for peace at all hazzards.—Yet again I say, England may save Poland, and yet preserve peace. Your obedient servant, O. P. Q. ARL GREY AND 1m. LORD HIGH CliAN- CELI OR OF ENGLAND. It is a circumstance not perhaps unworthy of re* mark, as one of those strange coincidences wh ich frequently occur in the courseofhuman attains, iliat the only tiro chancellors of England, since Sir Tho mas Moore, in the reign of Henry VIII., who have been raised to that high office from the station of simple barristers at law, without passing through any ol the intermediate or superior grades oi ihe 'profession, have been raised to the woolsack b\ Earl Grey, the present Premier of the British adminis tration. We mean the late Lord Erskiue and the presem Lord Brougham and De Vaux. The for mer, who was alter all a lawyer of very mediocre talents, although, perhaps, the most eloquent advo cate that ever adorned the English bar, was ap pointed in 1806j-during tire short lived Grev and Grenville administration, and resigned with 'them* after a ten months occupancy of office. Lord Brougham has been elevated by the same noble man, and it remains to be seen what will be the du ration of his term. Both of these distinguished men were without equals in the immediate branch of their profession, to which their attention war principally directed, the practice in trie Court of King’s Bench; but. as an Equity Judge in Lincoln’s Inn Hall, Lord Erskine failed in so marked a degree, that his decisions as chancellor, are seldom or n , ver cited as authorities. Lord Brougham, it may be, from the versatility of his talents, the profundity of his genius, and the extent of his researches in iegal science, and its practice generally, will form a bril liant exception in the class of those who have disap pointed public expectation, when transferred fionj the study and practice of the common and statute ! IW , to the exercise of chancery jurisdiction. SUMMARY* Attachment to the Union—extra.—“I believe our oppression to he so sectional in its character, so ir remediable in its nature, so desolating in its eflucttv ;is to justify, under any Government, the last ap peal—an appeal to the God of battles.” The foregoing gem is selected from the oration of Mr. Isaac \V. Hayne, delivered at Columbia •mi the recent anniversary. Comment were super fluous. This oration was deemed so refreshing a .specimen of the feelings of the party; trial a Com mittee of Nullifiers, of which Judge Harper was Chairman, requested and obtaiued a copy tor pub lication. And yet this party is shockingly indig nant at thfe President of tne United States,' tin- pie- ' ruing to laik aboul such a tiling as its w*ant of attachment to tiie Union! Ail is peace, quietness, and reverence for the Uniou among these people, and Mr. M Duffie ridicules the idea of civil war and bloodshed. It. is ali bugbon and scaiecrowl Go on gentlemen.—Camden Journal. We have known for some weeks past, that the anti-masons had addressed a letter to Judge M’Lean of Ohio ; and w*e have good reason to be lieve, for the purpose of ascertaining whether e could consent, if nominated, to ,-t nr as their can didate for President.—Whether this letter was ad dressed to him, “6y authority” or as the mere sug gestion of particular individuals, we pretend not to know, nor do we care. It lias drawn forth from him, however, an answer, winch tiie anti-mr sonic journals will experience no great pluasi re n j.ub- lishing: for their edification and amusement, ever, we take leave to state, that Judge M Lean has explicitly declared that, he would not denounce masonry, if he was certain that such demme • n would elevate him to the Presidency.—Albany Dai* ly Advertiser. Baltimore, July 15.—Spots in the Sun.—Our intelligent correspondent ‘H’ informs us that here are now on the Sun’s disc txcenty distinct spots, dis tributed into three groups, of three, nine, and eiijiit spots each. If the observations of our correspond ent be correct, that these solar phenomena have a connection with the weather, we may expect si me very hot days before the end of the present month. It will be recollected that he predicted in May, the great alternations of heat and cold which have since taken place.— Cour. ty years of age, and has something to lose by an- tion of “What is the right ot a rrince to reign over cause is unbounded. The defeat of Dwernicki is arehy, and something to preserve mid love- He is' a people who will not love, honor, or obey him/’ be- 1 discouraging, but the revolution of Volhynia is not An ox’s gall will set any color—silk, cotton, or woollen; I have seen the colors of calico, which fa ded at one washing, fixed by it. Where one lives near a slaughter house, it is worth while to buv cheap fading goods and set them in this way. The gall can be bought for a few cents. Get out all the liquid and cork it up in a large phial. One large spoonful of this in a gallon of water, is suffi cient. This is likewise excellent for taking out spots from bombasin. bombazet,, &c.; after Seing washed in this, they look about as well as when new. It must be thoroughly stirred into the wa ter, and not put upon the cloth. It is used without soap. After being washed in this, cloth wUch you wish to clean should be washed in warm suds.— Economical Housewife. Bipe Tomato Pickle.—Take ripe tomatos, and pick them with a fork or pointed stick, put them in to any kind of vessel, salt each laverthicklv; let them remain in the salt about 8 days, at the’expiration of the eight days, put them for one night in a ves sel of vinegar and water; then to a peck of tomates and a bottle of good mustard, put half an ounce rf cloves, half an ounce of pepper and a dozen larg onions sliced, pack them in a jar, placing a la ver i f onions and spices between the layers of tomato; , in ten days the pickles will be in good eating or der. * - At this season of the year it may be worth whiV to inform all, who do not already know of the same, that Indigo weed struck plentifully about a harnes t serves to keep horse flies at a distance. Insects ha mi a strong aversion to Ibe smell of that plant.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

The federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1830-1861, August 04, 1831, Image 1