The federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1830-1861, September 01, 1831, Image 2

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4 ‘ FEDERAL ram Uncut tlint incumbrance.” And again he says, “no doubt is entertained of the right to survey the entire Ciicrokee Territory, if such measure shall l#e considered expedient.” Now, the meaning of all this is neither more or less than a full acknowledge ment of our right to survey and accupy the whole territory. But the gold mines are not to be distri buted among the people, they are to be leased out to.be more profitably worked for the State. This is the policy of Governor Gilmer and his friends, and the mines are to be reserved if they have the power to reserve them. From the foregoing extracts one would naturally conclude, that the Governor was in favor of an entire survey, but read the concluding sentence of the paragraph and you will find him breaking out. It concludes as follows: “ft is also due to our own character that we should have a jealous care, lest we press the necessity of taking possession of the minerals in the Indian lands be yond what the public interest, the preservation and .use of public property, and the enforcement of our laws may require.—Even the measure of survey ing the Cherokee Territory, however necessary lor the proper administration of the laws, securing the public property from trespass, and protecting the Indians is, on account of the sensitive ferlings cf themselves. If they consider themselves, as Gov ernor Gilmer considers them, unwprthv to be trust ed with a little wealth, let (hem support him, let them consent to have the gold mines reserved, and thereby save themselves lrom corruption. But, if (lie people of Georgia are what I lake them to fo’, a bold, honest, enlightened, & virtuous people, they will abandon Governor Gilmer and Ins doctrines, .and sustain their own. But apart lrom the forego- ing arguments upon the subject, the country might j well have supposed that the legislation of Georgia j had settled this question forever.—Particularly as l the last act upon the subject was passed since Goy- J ernor Gilmer came into office and bears his official j signature. On the 24th of December, 1825. in consequence of the prevailing opinion (hat the pre cious metals existed in large quantities in t]ie coun try then recently obtained from the Creek Indians, an act was passed from which I extract the first and second sections, 1st “That all grants, titles, or deeds whatsoever, to be hereaffer issued by this State to any person or persons, partnership, or cor poration, shall bear upon the face of the same a reservation to the State of all mines, ores, minerals, and quarries of gold, silver, lead, or copper* which federal union. KIILLEDGEVILLE, SEPT. 1, 1831. the humane, excited as they have been, by (lie in terested and improper statement-* of political parti sans, upon the subject of our policy towards the Cherokees, so liable to misconstruction, that it would be magnanimously forbearing in the Legis lature, perhaps wise, to delay the adoption of the measure tor the present.” Now in the name of common sense, lor what purpose did he convene f.he Legislature? In the foregoing part of the par agraph he tells the Legislature that they were call ed together to adopt means for the protection of the gold mines,—that they must lie protected, and that it can not be done effectually without a sur vey, that the State possesses the right to survey have or hereafter may be discovered upon any land or lands, which now do or hereafter may b< the property of Georgia, and upon the discovery, of anyone or more of them shall revert accordingly” 2d “That no person or persons whatsoever shall conceal, remove, or carry away, or work any ore, mineral, mine, or metal of gold, silver, lead, or cop per found upon or in any lands winch now are or may hereafter be the property of Georgia; and any person or persons so pile tiding shall, upon convic- of the same before any court having competent jurisdiction thereof, be imprisoned in the peniten tiary lor a term not less than lour nor more than six years, and he further liable for damages to double OCTOBER ELECTION. FOR GOVERNOR, WILSON LUMPKIN. GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. Candidates to represent Baldwin county. FOR THE SENATE, JAMES C. WATSON. FOR THE HOUSE, EZEKIEL E. PARK, WILLIAM W. CARNES. loan to you poor follows—at twvnty-fire and thirty Crawfords “axiom” does not lump (hem all teoetb 0 “State Bights!!”—what! er as “selfish and dishonest” politicians ? ° CORRECTION.—The gentleman who com municated the information respecting the corres- per cent!! “Democratic!!” a perversion of language! ! We wDuld particularly enquire of “the poor old But, Mr. Lumpkin has also been in favor of rc- Recorder,” whether the “Senior” was not over serves, for the purposes ai' free schools. If this Is “thirty years old” in 1S29, when he turned Sara brought as a political sin against Mr. Lumpkin, we Patch’s grand Niagara somerset from radicalism- plead guilty tor him. He has always been an ad-. and Adamsism combined, to Jacksonism? And vocate for free schools. He has, duiing his whole how the old gentleman likes his great triend's nx- political life, been emphatically the man of the peo- iom of“selfishness and dishonesty ?” Whether the pie. He challenges investigation of his whole pub- “cap Jits r” And if a variety of charges increase lie life—but let it be taken together—not garble and the ratio of the rule, how often have his political misrepresent and make up a patch-work exhibi- “selfishness and dishonesty” been multiplied ? tion against him. We thank Mr. Lumpkin and all We should like to know of the Journal, whether those wffio c#-opera(e with liim to promote free Dr. Cooper was not over 30 years old when he schools—yes,Sc many an orphan, thatGilmer thinks abandoned the principles which he advocated in too poor to have a gold mine, will also thank him 1813 for a Taiiffof protection, and became anxious for his exertions in the free school system—by which that South Carolina should nullify the TarifTof he is enabled to obtain such an education as will 1828? And if,'according to Mr. Crawford, this Ls enable him to read the laws of his country and the an evidence of his “selfishness and dishonestyr” messages of our Governor, and know their senti- whether the Journal thinks, as it once said, that ments—by which he will be enabled to transact his Dr. Cooper continues to do “more good to the own business and get along in the world—though^ South, than any man in it?” We only “ask for in- lie is not worthy, according to Gilmer, to have- a formation.” goldmine. At the time alluded to, the free school — had insufficient funds. Since that time, public EDUCATION OF MINISTERS. We owe opinion has undergone a change. The Legis- an apology to our good friend “Baptist” for not puln lature and the people have approved of it.— fishing his second article at an earlier period. L’ut They have approved of the reserves made for as he believes in the “decrees,” he will certainly ex- this noble object. The people themselves have cuse us—and think it was decreed that we should seen and felt and admired the system and its not do it sooner. benefits—though by no means perfect. And We did not expect to get into such a serious (he amount of the ore, mineral, mine, or the entire Territory/from all which premises, lie j metal so concealed, removed, carried away or arrives at the very iogical conclusion, that it would j worked.” On the 3d of December, 1829 the re lic magnanimous and wise to do no such a thing. I pealing act And why? Because the sensitive feelings of some 1 “That from a humane people, had been led astray by the inter- i this act, all the i«_r»ic iw.™ h, ««*« «.»«. ested and improper statements of political parti- i hereby repealed.” And, “That all and every per- { , * h!, ’ » i „„„ c . A , , . sans.—Docs Governor Gilmer, or iny other man : son or persons who have obtained tt grant or | J'"‘“ £ " ™ „ f ''I,™t jT^-t" ,0 ° l i/i Georgia believe the day will ever come, when j grants, issuing under the authority of the before l , t , . 1 , u ' f- j ‘,i/ ! ,/ Vv our motives and actions will 1* fairly and hmiestly i recited act, o? any perse:, or persons who may ' f d ‘ hat “ bbodyhme,” regarded, and represented bv our adversaries?— I hold a legal claim nftitles from said grantor grants:, J * .1 ... 7- ,, \v * uinpkiii, just hc- - 1 - ■ ” fibs and profits <i\ fan Elechm!! rat ' er suspect however. pondence between this place and Charleston, with ^ cnen . ls TIIOU P .... - ... ^ a view to injure Mr. Lumpkin, has requested us to | a ver .V considerable poor school fund. contest with him—and we really feel at a loss how say—that there was a misunderstanding in regard ! Should the people desire to uicrease it there are to manage him—-as he derives his knowledge front to the facts.. The misunderstand in did not arise j ample \aults of the Treasury and the Central his Minister, and his minister says, he is inspired with us. Nevertheless we verv cheerfully correct there are hundreds, of thousands already Now we believe that “all scripture isgiven by mspi- the error. Some conversation passed in refierence j * a,1< ^ continually coming in let them be appro- < ration ot God; ’ and the spirit of God is bestowed to a correspondence between this place and ! P r * a fod to perfect the system. But note the neccs- to enable his ministers, by studj'ing his word, to un- Charleston—■which our informant misunderstood—! sit - Y does not exist for liberal reserves to pay the derstand it aright, and to apply it to the hearts of previous to or about the time Mr. Lumpkin be- \P 11 ^ dehtand establish schools. We have an over- their hearers. If our friend’s minister tell the truth came of too resent this or any other subject , 1A . , lt . t ^ 11 ’ ’’ * J direct inspiration, and not by rending ot Now can we see the necessity of a noth- j i | • I t j itAtui uiibui ciiiy iHiivi miuiv i/(• lie ii«i» inerrioic ’ _ J ....... ^ * r 7 was passed by which it * prouded, promptly requested us to do this act of justice to all j P°f d to reserving the gold mines—and more oppo- God, by di nd immediately after the P as * a £fo <?* | the p ar 'ties, and that the Macon Telegraph may ^ reservations of all kinds, than formerly, his word, lie before recited be, and the same is i j 1 W hy? For the plain reason that the same neccssi- : cr pas.sage If anv one entertains that opinion, he and mvselfi shall have all the interests benefits,,mu, u.v.u.r> , ,, „ ™, . - ...... differ very widely in our estimate of human char- j all ores, mines, and minerals as fully vested in (hem j ® *f Se J rn . r hohuSi” K Tttf 5 * 'Vi ,‘, ten as if no such law had been passed.” Now, it is I ~" ot r ”? and ioblml - but tl >°* " ,at cal1 m t^’ter. I now refer my readers to that portion of the Go- A*?rnor’s message which relates particularly to the distribution of the Cherokee Territory in which he declares, “The great object of the State, in the ap propriation of its lands, is the increase of its popu lation, and the excitement of its people to industry .‘Cnl the accumulation of wealth. The lottery sys tem which has been hitherto adopted, is believed to have been better calculated to attain these ends than tlie disposition by public 3ale. In an unim- pm-’od country, where capital is scarce, interest hi. h and every trade and employment demand labor and wealth, tiic surplus money in the posses- Hion of the people, can lie expended more usefully by them, in improving their lands, and otherwise adding to the riches of the country, than if drawn from them to be placed in the public treasury. It has always been found more difficult to restrain improper expenditures arising from a full treasury, *haa to obtain through the powers wliich belong "to maI * ner lt has lieen extender over the government, the means wliich may be reallv *r\ ee c ™ H 1 lt , r -'V an! m .' v nn y P^ e ' required for public purposes.” After reading this 1S “q e Ly continue, should Mr. required lor public purposes <$xtract, who could believe Governor Gilmer in fa- yor of reserves? After laying down doctrines so sound, and in such perfect accordance with public Opinion, that he would, in the next breath, pro nounce a libel upon (lie morals and gflod sense of the people, and virtually declare them unfit to man- .'ige their own concerns. After telling the people that their surplus money could be expended more usefully Tty them in improving their lands and oth erwise adding to their riches, than if drawn fl ora them and placed in the public treasury, could *my spber man believe, that in the same paragraph, he difficult to imagine by what course of reasoning the mind of his Excellency could have been brought to the conclusion to recommend the reservation of the gold mines, so soon after giving his official as sent to the act repealing the law ot’ 1825. It can not l>e necessary to dwell upon the injustice of re leasing the right of the State to the gold mines in carroll and elsewhere aft:r their existence was known, and to reserve the mines in the Cherokee country. But a word or two upon the subject of an immediate survey and occupancy of the Chero kee lands. To such survey and occupancy it is well known the Governor was opposed at the last session, and if flic writer is well informed, his op position continues. It is not considered necessary to argue the^questian of right, inasmuch as Mr. Gil mer admits it, nor to go generally into the question of expediency. Let us confine, ourselves to the single question of jurisdiction, and ask how, and in the Cher- present state of Gilmer re tain the administration of the government? The jurisdiction of the State now exercised in that coun try is altogether anomalous and inconsistent with the general principles of her government. It is as essentially military as if the country belonged to the autocrat of all the Russias, and how long it shall continue, must be determined by the question of survey and distribution. If that question shall be settled affirmatively by the next legislature, the ordinary civil jurisdiction of the State will be ex tended ns quietly over the Checrokee$ as it exists in the oldest parts ofit. If the survey and distribu so. A WORD TO OTJR FRIENDS—Good news is always welcome to friends. It cheers their spir its, and* helps them along the rugged pathway of political, as well as private life. To our friends therefore, at a distance, who arc every day com forting us with animating accounts, we sav—rre can return the compliment. Our prospects “in these parts,” are higly flattering. In some places, the blunderbuss of Nullification has flashed in the pan—in others (as the sportsman says,) it has hung fire, during the wet weather—while in others, it has gone off, with a roaring noise—killed nolio- dv, but kicked over the man at the butt end. We understand that the “wire grass l*oys” are walking out in their strength, like a buck from a canebrake, in the blue season—“Rotten Borough” la the plain reason that the same neccssi-: cr passage by Paul—“Take the helmet' of salva- tv does not now exist—for the plain reason, that tion, and the sword of the spirit which the-word of the Legislature, to prevent ticomillions, with its ad- God.” Here wc are expressly told that the word ditions since the chartering of the Central Bank— of God, “given by inspiration of God,” “is the (possibly near a million more) lying idle, have re-. sieord ” by wliich his ministers are to combat tbe sorted to the scheme of returning it back into the influence of sin and all the powers of darkness. IF hands of a part—the rich part—of those whojjaid i these passages will not do, we think wc can answer it into the Treasury. Cannot one of the Journals “Baptist” still more conclusivelv. Paul, address- “Fresh men” understand the distinction here drawn? 11 ing Timothy, tells him “’Till I come, give a t- On this subject we will give Mr. Lumpkins own tendance to reading, to exhortation, to*doctrine, language, fully supported bv the above reasoning. 1 Neglect not the gift (hat is in thee.—Meditate in On the 6th of the present month, Mr Lumpkin; these things. Give thyself wholly to them, that wrote us as follows ... f fi.Y profiting (improvement) may appear to all.” “I am utterly opposed to reserving the gold mines Here is plain scripture, commanding ministers (par- for public use. I have always considered that rc- ticularly young ones, like Timothy) to read—to im- commendation not only unwise, but impracticable: \prove their gifts (all the advantages of mind and Indeed I am less in favor of all reservations than for- body, placed in their power by God)—How? Not merly ” • by direct personal inspiration, but bv study—by In the same letter he says—“Common education: meditation—by constant application of mind.—, is and ever has been the hobby of my heart.” | These delightful and profitable instructions, by the Here is a full and perfect statement as to Mr. I cliief of the Apostles, are perfectly useless, if our Lumpkin’s views on these important measures, and ! ministers are all inspired men, deriving all necessa- contrary notwithstanding. The “oakv woods,” all l f a mr * wa T s m tavor ot r around Milledgeville,are shaking the Telegraph’. 1 * {!] lC - ot b section of the Judiciary of the “Big Snake”" of Nullification—pulling out his 5 ] a \ c f* We wall give Mr. Lumpkin sown j. ./I i , • nr* t • ..i 1 mi ° r-. * OT tniS TYlfltlPf filer* ItnriPr /lofn nf flip the reasons why his views in regard to reserves | ry and useful knowledge immediately from Hea- havo undergone a change. j ven. If the Tennessee Teacher had quoted to “The poor old Recorder” too, with its usual dis- j Baptist, those instructions of Paul to Timothy, we regard of fairness, magnanimity and truth, has sta-! think “Baptist” would have “looked beat” himself, ted that Mr. Lumpkin was in favor of repealing j And if he will “read” attentively and “meditate 5 * United \ on what he refers to in Luke xxi, he will find that account. | the passage, lie cites, relcrs to the “answers” the _ , ime paragraph, iiei.. . ,, r . V y , ‘77, Itould advise the legislature to take the money of tlon 1 8,M h uld a S am be successfully resisted, the an- plnce it in the same oma! y ot a military government m one corner of the same people from them and place treasury? Or could it have been believed, that the same Governor who in one breath told the legisla ture, that it had been always found more difficult to restrain improper expenditures arising from a full treasury, than to obtain through the powers fyliirh belong to the government, the means which may be really required for public purposes, could in the next, have advised the same legislature to re serve all the gold for the purpose of tilling the same treasury, and thereby placing it in the power of the government to make all those improper expen ditures which he so much dreaded? Strange and inconsistent'as it is, the thing is nevertheless true, as i will presently shew by further extracts from ibe message. In the sentence following the one last quoted, the Governor tells us, “It is rejmrted that there are val- the Slate, and the ordinary operations of civil gov ernment in the rest, may last until (ime shall end. The Indians have peremptorily refused to treat, (he federal government is at a stand, and Georgia must settle the question for herself, if she expects it to be settled during the existence of the present generation. Is it best to continue the present mil itary government at the cost of twenty or thirty thousand dollars a year, or to reduce that country to the ordinary civil jurisdiction, by settling the white man along side the Indians? The last measure"of Governor Gilmer’s admin istration which I propose to discuss is his support of the Penitentiary system. In spite of public opin ion, he seems determined to sustain it, although it is no extravagant calculation to say that four fifths of the people are opposed to it, and that opposition j not proceeding from momentary excitement, but teelli, and tearing olF his rattles. The General, and the Colonel—aye, the beardless boy of only twenty-fee—not quite old enough for Crawford’s rule of “dishonesty”—and the Captain too, are mailed in panoply complete, and well armed for the battle here in Baldwin—while their antagonists are siezed witlrcertain Nullifying tremblements, and their limbs ready to smite together like Belshaz zar’s knees. Row, friends row—the staunch re publican-built ltoat, Lumpkin, will take you safe through the narrows—and on the first Monday in October,, man her with a full crew—give the pirate nullification, a broad side—“Knock her into the middle of next week”—while the broad pennant waves over yon, with all the twenty-four stars, beaming around the motto—“DONT GIVE UP THE GOLD MINES liable gold mines in the lands to he disposed ot. • f rom mature and deliberate reflection. I will not Piic public interest requires that the lots ol land I speak of the expenditures it has involved, or the eontdin rrstlil llP P!CPiniltP(l 11*0111 (il8» I IhtU ^-.1, h 1 If winch contain gold should be exempted from ois- | httle good, if any, which it, has produced. It is tribution by lottery.” Now according to his doc- j sufficient that it is not. sustained by public opinion, trine that it is naorc difficult to restrain improper j An important question then arises and addresses expenditures arising from a full treasury, than to ; itself to the people of Georgia, but morcparticular- obtain the means wliich may be really required for j jy to the Troup party. Can you sustain your par- public purposes by the ordinary powers ol the gov-, ty and its principles in the person of Mr. Gilmer, ernment, how could the Governor by any rule of when i ie Is running full tilt against the almost uni- foramon sense or good conscience, require tnc re- ted voice of the people upon these great questions? serve of the ' doct w v , upon the country than could be produced by their 1 tain him? Can any man who is entitled to a draw j Gilmer’s recommendation of reserving the gold distribution among the people. Bat hear him a lit- the lottery and opposes reserves, vote for him? mines, for public use, when (he State has increased tie farther. “ The spirit ot speculation which the Q r can those who oppose the penitentiary, sustain' fbpds—ample, that a Central Bank, with two disposition of lands by lottery is calculated to ex- : j ; i m with any show of consistency? I tell the Troup ; millions of capital of public funds, has been char- MR. LUMPKIN—Wc stated some weeks ago, as among the remarkable events of the day, that the enemies of this uniform republican had not been able to bring a single specific charge against him. Since that time, our neighbours have tortured their ingenuity to find something like objections. The Journal has been driven back, a period of twenty- five years, to discover that Mr. Lumpkin, very ear ly in liis political fife, had, on one occasion, voted for large reserves, and fora tax of 10 to 12 1-2 cts. per acre on certain rich lands. Our neighbor could not have reflected on the weakness ofthis attack; for by liis own shewing, the State was then in debt. The seat of Government had recently been chang ed from Louisville to Milledgeville. The State had incurred great expense in erecting the public build ings, and other expenses consequent upon the re moval. It was to pay these heavy debts, no doubt, Mr. Lumpldn co-operated with certain gentlemen in the Legislature, including many of the political friends of the Journal, in sustaining the policy of this tax for the purpose of paying the public debt. This was the express objeet of the proposition made hy Mr. Hall, and sustained by Mr. Lumpkin. So so#n however, as the public debt should have of this matter also, under date of the 6th of this Disciples were to make before “Kings and Rulers” month. We give the whole paragraph from hi3; for Christssakc—and nc t to t he preach ing of tkeges- letter, as follows. J ncl. Timothy was not only a “regenerated” disciple^ “At the last session of Congress, the majority of. out an ordained. Yet Faul docs not teach him to the Judiciary Committee reported a bill to repeal look to n divine inspiration to enable him to preach the 25th section of the Judiciary act, accompanied his word—but to apply himself to all the means al- bv a labored report. The minority of tbe Commit- ready in liis power—to study attentively—to give tee submitted a counter report—both of which re- ; himself up wholly, with all the powers of mind eml ports I presume you have seen. After the bill bad body, to the great work of the Christian ministry - its first reading, the question occurred, shall the bill But let us admit, for argument sake, that the be read a second time and referred to a committee ! minister of our friend Baptist is inspired. Does it of the whole House for discussion. It was deter-j follow that, he ought to use any knowledge, but mined by yeas and nays, in the negative, by a large ; that given by especial inspiration—nr, if you please* majority, which amounted to a rejection of the bill, j friend Baptist, from the word of God? Don’t bv without discussion. My vote you will find recorded ; alarmed, sir, at what you anticipate, we are going with the rqinority—not because I was in favor of j to say. We shall bring scripture for it. We say, the bill, repealing the whole of the 25th section. A, then, that inspired ministers are capable, at certain part of that section is unquestionably, constitution- times and places, of doing more good by l aving a f ood store of human knowledge at their command* Ve will refer to Paul himself. Does not Bantist al, right and proper—yea, indispensable to the ex istence of the General Government. But I consid er a part of the section, a direct and palpable viola tion of the Constitution, and consequently, that it Baptist recollect to what great advantage the learned Paul turned his fine stores of classical learning? Does he ought to be repealed. My vote was not given in i not recollect what a great sermon he preached from of the bill reported—but against a course! a Greek inscriptioiiAupona Grecian altar—-written favor which put the bill beyond the power of eonsidera- \ by Heathens—“To she unknown God?” Dors he tion or modification. I wished to repeal that, part i not recollect that perfect syllogism, bv which he of the section which I deemed to be unconstitutional; proved, from this Heathen inscription that a ere a* and retain the rest.” | ted object, such as “gold and silver,” could not rre- Mr. Lumpkin is above concealment, and above 1 ate any tiling—and therefore, reproach in this matter. He only wished a fair i From which he drew the irresistible hearing, and repeal of the part be deemed uncon- \ that they were ignorant of the stitutionai. General Blair, of South Carolina, vo-; he was “declaring unto them?” Docs he not recoi led in 1 he same way, for the same reason. \ lect what force of argument he added to that noble Mr. Lumpkin’s public acts are before his consti- • sermon hy quoting from Aratus, one of their owu tuents—and he fears no scrutiny. He mu3t be our Greek, Heathen Poets—who sung (bat they were next Governor. ^ j the offspring of the God they were “ignorantly worshiping.'” Does he not recollect what forcible could not be a. Godi i ■ rresistible exclusion; If lie true Go®—whom f i? 5 * ho nnt rprtiU - m ve ot the mines, when, according to his own you expect that men, who are in favor of, and j been paid, the proposed tax was to have ceased, ►trines it would bring down a greater calamity urgent for a survey of our Cherokee land, will sus- ^ s , this pretended to be a parallel case with Air. to the most injurious extent. The community , t j ie party, and if his “friends’ friends” love it for its j unlimited amounts of gold, proposed by Mr. Gil- Would become highly excited by the hope ot ac- principles, they yet have it in their power to pre- mer > to be taken from the people and placed in a (Jiiiring great wealth without labor. ’I lie morals serve it in the person of an individual whose opin-1 Treasury so full, that the State has not known how qf the country would lie in danger of corruption, ions, on all the important topics herein discussed, j 1° dispose of it, except by loaning it out? We do acceptable to the people. He supports the im-! no * wonder that it afiords the Journal no pleasure from the temptation which wouid be held out by are acceptable to the people. * He supports the im-1 not wonder that it afiords the Journal no pleasure Jaw, to tbe commission ot innumerable frauds.— mediate survey and distribution, without reserves, j recur to sucji stale and irrelevant charges—and fteghlar industry and cconouw would be for a time of the Cherokee lands, and is decidedly hostile to I whatever may be our disapprobation of the politi— {suspended by restless idlctuws and imaginary, ns the penitentiary. That man is THOAIAS i cal course of that paper, we must award to its con- tVell as real, and unnecessary expenditures. In HAYNES, of Hancock. But if the Troup party most instances, even the succcs.-lul owners of the jg resolved upon its own ruin, if it is determined tich prizes, would not be really benefited. I rodi- ; to brave public opinion and thus w’ork out its own gality is the usual result of riches, suddenly and ea- destruction, be it so. The sin shall not be at my affv acouircd.” I here close the message with a Poor. ductors too much intelligence, to believe they did not feel some qualms of conscience in resorting to such “sorry tricks.” ° It is somewhere observed, rvith great truth, that a rich treasury and a poor people, make a poor coun low passing remarks, in tlic earnest hope that. I Has it indeed come to this, that no individual of i fry—while a rich community and a poor treasury M...11 nm>n its liL** orrnin. I ask the rw*n- ! cn .1 _ , • •• , -»r 1 u* .1 _• 1.1 • Shall never look upon its like again. I ask the peo- ; the party is lit*) fill the executive office but Mr. £le to ponder it well, to examine for themseiyes ! Gilmer, and that, right or wrong, he is to be thrust fluid determine at once, whether they are capable ! upon us with all his obnoxious principles? I trust qf self government? Whether or not the ware in'jj 0 k I hope better things of the party. Wc pro tend of handling a little Cherokee gold, for fear: f ess to bo republicans, and should bow to public qf its corrupting influence upon their morals? I opinion. If the people arc capable of f elf govern- put the question to every man in the State. Do 1 ment, it is their "province to direct its operations. ^011 believe tnat the possession oi a A^aluable gold j To whom does this government belong? Was it inine would reuder you a more cortupt or unwor-1 instituted bv and for the great body of the people, fb.V citizen than you are without it? Or do you be- j or f or t h e benefit of a few favored individuals?— %ve that a distribution ot the mines among the ! There can be hit one answer. That it is the peo- fieaple would produce more fraud and corruption p| cs government, and when their agents set. up tin P than would result from reserving them? For mv part I consider the difference incalcutebde. In the one case the mines would be private property and /very owner would find it to his interest to manage them to the best advantage. In the other, they would be public property, managed by agents and flub" agents, by over-strappers and under-strappers, the most of whom would deem it God’s service to urloui, embezzle, and swindle tbe State out of the n r°2*c U p tnicle of gold to be found in tbe country however, (piiisideraticys for the their own doctrines and opinions against tbe wishes and instructions of their constituents, it is not only the right, but the imperative duty, of the people to dismis them from their service, and to employ those who are willing to obey them. APPOINTMENT BY THE PlfESIDENT. Aaron \ ail, of Now A ork, to be ‘fri'tory ofLcjrn- n rn the United IUn^dcm of Great Britain and Ireland, :i he place of AVashiiigtoiflrving, Ej.q. w]m has sipiifi- ed t» rutiro from, that farion;— ‘ •Cityt, Jug. make a rich country—because if there is wealth in the hands of the people, the Government can, in all exigencies, command it. It may be said with equal fofee and truth, that a rich treasury and a poor people may very well suita monarchy or aris tocrat—where the nobles may oppress their sub jects and wallow themselves in ease and luxury. But such a state does not suit a republican people, for-ihe very import of the term, republic, implies the wealth and prosperity of dhe people. Yet Go vernor Gilmer, who is pompously ahnounced, as the “Democratic State Right” candidate for Gov ernor, would take from the people what belongs to them,and put it into a Bank, fogo to the wealthy and independent, whose property is free from in cumbrance—while the poor, the great mass of the peoplf—“the industrious, hard-working classes’ — the itidmn and the orphan, shall not touch this pre- cious gold! Oh! No—It will turn your heads, you poor folks! to become so “suddenly 11 rich!! Let your rich neighbor, who already drives his carriage and dvinls his wine, hay«t—It wont turn their heads— or, let the note-shaver, and the usurer; have it, tt) “WE’LL PRINT IT.”—It is pleasant to sec an d beautiful illustrations he draws from the 0!ym- the Journal, once in awhile, “putting out” truth pic games of those Heathen—“laying aside every and sound doctrines. But, mark ye, reader, it is weight, let us run with patience the race”7 Lc. if not editorial. We can very weli afford to copy, the inspired Apostle Paul could turn his human. from the Journal such articles as the “Review of knowledge to such advantage, wtiy cannot our “Mi- Governor ^Gilmer’s Administration, by a Troup spired” Preachers of the present day do the same?--. Man.” Not only can we consent to copy it; hut This is what we understand. Paul to mean, when, we recommend it to the especial attention of all he says, he is “all things to all men ” viz: That lie honest Troup men—we know the Clark men will will do all in his power to win them, by accommo- like it—they always delight m republican doctrines dating himself to their views, their modes ot iliink- —those doctrines, which go to support and defend ing, their systems of learning, their prejudices, and the rights ot the people against amonied aristocracy ■ every thing else, not inconsistent with his Christian —those doctrines which go to preserve wealth and character—that he will use all “God’s good orea C pouer in the hands of the people. We think that tures, ’ of which learning is one—to accomplish gold and gold mines are much more apt to cor- God s glory in the salvation of sinners-—But mind, rupt a few government favorites and turn their friend Baptist, we don’t mean that he will sweae . , - —— 1 —1— telling .c views we have expressed on a part ot the Go-i on history to prove any thing. Yet history is a- \ vernors Message, and that it has extended the j most essential branch of knowledge for a Preacher argument with perspicuity and force, to many; of the Gospel. There are many, very many pas-* | points which we had not taken up—It is remarka- Usages and allusions throughout* bolh the Old and ■ hie that the shrewd editors of the Georgia Journal < New Testaments, which history aids very much in not discover in this Review, rmnthor i ohieidntimr. The study of Jewish history and the did not discover in this Review*, another “modernelucidating. ^ and modest aristarchus”—mere “facts perverted”-! customs of the ancient nations aroimd Jerusalem—' absurdities, contradictions, sapienev, &c. &c. Is j the study of Grecian and Roman antiquities, man* a “ Troup man ?’ W’e presume ners and customs, arc verv important acquirements it because he is argument, and is a clear exhibition of the opinions 1 m this same xxi chapter of Luke have" come to entertained ol Gov. Gilmer, hy an intelligent por- j pass—that the days should come in which not one tion ot the party with which he has long been con- j stone of the Temple should be left upon another necte “* . j that should not be throw*n down—That the “Abom- AXIOMS AND TI7FIP Apnnei'rmv 1 ination of Desolation ’ should be seen standing r CravJL.) A P ^“ C f n0N — " hl ’ re < <•'«!* not-shat fearful sights and great L. YI I XY.t y iald d " wn " 3 » n s >£f»s shroU he seen from heaven- ' ' " Mr. axiom, that in the United States, if a man changes politics after he is 30 years old, he chan ges from selfish, and therefore dishonest motives.” W e would enquire, if Air. Crawford was not o- ver “30 years old” in 1816, when he recommended, as Secretary of the Treasury, an increase of the Tariff? Whether he is still an advocate for a high Tariff ?—or • whether lie has changed since then, and thus become, hy his own axiom, “selfish and dishonest V* We would enquire, whether a majority of the Crawford leaders, were not over “30 years old” in 1829, when they changed their politics from Craw ford and Adams, tq Jackson?. Apd whether Mr. . ....... that those dis ciples which W’ere in the midst of Jerusalem should depart out, &c. The accomplishment of those things are no where afterwards told us in the Scrip ture. They can therefore be only known hy his* tory, or tradition—unless Baptist relies upon inspi ration for a knowledge of them. Yet, if he will read Josephus, he will find that tlie Roman Army has tulfiled these prophecies made by our Saviour—* that the very Walls of Jerusalem—the houses—the “Temple,”—were literally dug up and thrown intft confused heaps of rubbisli—that before this desola tion, the army which had besieged the city, unde? Vespasian, (we think) withdrew, without any visfo Wc cjtutiQ for thp retreat—and the discmle^ of , r