Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

V « \ * . >j : FEDERAL UNIOft. JSrxszrrsr f-OIiiTiCAL. pire to be Commander-in-chife of the Nullifiers, is not to be wondered at; But, that such men as* and—and many others, who stood high in our es teem, should lb]tow such a leader of’ sedition !— That men who have been the glory ot Carolina, and the pride of our country; that such men should assist in throwing the fire-brands of discord ^ , amoung such comlusuil s, ami talk deliber. t 1 pled on: lor it our laws become disrespected, every j a hout plunging the dagger into the bosom ol our thing dear to us, every enjoyment of* civilized so- I inaterna ] country, is too much! This, if any tiling on earth could do it, this would make the angels 2 'ro.n Poulsoti’s dlmeri'an J)vly Jldetriiaer. NULLIFICATION. If any law or law* of the United States siiould ^become oppressive, which is by no means im possible they must be altered or repealed, not train- •cietv would become insecure, and tnere would be jio confidence between man and man. The Con stitution of the United States is our strong hold, to that we must cling, as to our only sure ark ot political safety. Destroy that, and we are no bet ter otf than tue pretty states of Greece; or the shat- tered, feeble, disjoined remnants ot Rome: liable to be divided, like Poland, amoiiu unfeeling task xnas- ' ders. if we are now better oil than the other parts •of the world, which we certainly are, it must be owing to our Uniox, and to our excellent laws. .Nullify these, and we are no better than so many fiordes oflshmaeiites—“Every man’s hand would be against us,” and our hand would be against ev ery man: for, to suppose that we are by nature any wiser, better, more moral, more religious, or more virtuous than others, would he to suppose an ab surdity. Human nature is the same every where: Laws, customs, and climate only, make the differ ence of character. There is a sin, we are told, which “shall not he forgiven, neither in this World, nor in the world to come.” Rut as to the particular crime that consti tutes this deadly sin, orthodox divines are not ■agreed. And they need not ask me, for I certainly don't know. But there is a political sin, other than liegro slavery, which, unrepenled of, I am at no loss to pronounce unpardonable, at least in this World. I say nothing of the next; I am no judge of the world to come. The sin of fe'utJijication is cal culated to bring more “death into the world, and Wo,” than all the plagues that ever issued from Pandora’s Box. Make void the laws of Congress, and, i#'each as you will war would be the inevita ble c msequence.—Cut the ties asunder that unite This flourishing empire of states, and all manner of evils wouid follow. Death would then, in good earnest, “ride forth on the pale horse,” with war, ft mine, and pestilence in his train: and the bloody Hag of Bellona would be nailed to the stnlf. You, who are nuWfiers, may think light of this: hut, should such a calamity over-take us, which God .forbid, your children would not think light of it: and Ail ihe powers of Europe combined for our de struction, would be less calamitous, and less to be deprecated, than a separation of the Union. If would make a Golgotha of that state which should have the reckless boldness to mak<P the experiment, No, no, Tiie Federal union must he preserved.” Gov. Trove's better to the Ncllifisrs.— At last, after a hmg delay, after time to make a laborious examination of European writers, the Journal has brought forth a most lame and impo tent defence of the letter of this zealous Nullifier.— Thi3 defence consists for the most part, of quota tions from Vattel, and arguments to the same point by the Journal, to prove—what?—that every peo ple have a right to change their government, and tt/form a new one. There was some merit in pro mulgating this doctrine, in the midst of the monar chies of Europe, some generations ago, when Kings claimed to reign by divine right* and their partisans maintained that the people were bound to passive submission. But in this age, and in this country, and in this state, who is so ignorant or in fatuated, as to deny the right of the people to form their own constitutions, and to form and to change their own Governments? Whv does the Journal endeavor to impose on the people, an argument in “ ' ‘ ‘ "" defence of FEDERAL UNION. M1LI.EDGEV1ULE, SEPT. 8, 1831. OCTOBER ELECTION. FOR GOVERNOR, WILSON LLMPKf^. GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. Candidates to represent Baldwin county. FOR THE SENATE, JAMES C. WATSON. FOR THE HOUSE, EZEKIEL E. PARK, WILLIAM W. CARNES. support of this tuism, as H it were a deter. Troup’s letter? The popularity of tins advocate of disunion was fast waning away: and without a successful effort to sustain him, he must sink into general distrust and disgrace, if not into universal abhorrence. This task the Journal, after long preperation, has attempted: but it has sunk under a burthen too lieavv for if. From Troup*•« letter, ti e Journal makes but two rour children’s children, beyond “the lhir.1 and oath generation,” wouid curse your memory with th ir dying breath. O.ir moral, religious, and po litical salvation,-depend on our union. It is a truth no iess true now, than it was in the days of purer F atriotism, that, United we stand. Divided we fall. <>eg of you to read over again Washington’s Fgre- w-di Address; there you find words fitly spoken, ivkich are indeed “like apples of gold in pictures of silver.” How a good man can wish to divide this prosperous country, I cannot conceive; nay a id man cannot'wish it: He would rather con- quotations. The first is as follows: “Whatever the people of South Carolina in Convention shall resolve for tlieir safety, interest, and happiness, will he right, and none will have the right to ques tion it. You can change your own government at pleasure, and therefore you can throw off the go vernment of the Union, whenever the same safety, interest, and happiness shall require it.” Of this quotation, only the latter sentence is aid ed by the argument of the Journal: and what shall we say of the first half of this quotation? The people of South Carolina in convention, might pass resolutions for their own safety, interest,fand hap piness, which should violate the rights of other states. Suppose the people of South Carolina should in convention, determine that it was neces sary to their safety, interest, and happiness, to aban don the Union, and to form an alliance offensive Our correspondent “L.” is informed that and defensive with Great Britain; and anticipating we require a responsible name with hiscommuui- a rupture with the remaining United States, that cation before it can he inserted. they should deem it necessary to their own safety, — —■— interest, and happiness, sieze the exclusive doinin- l*2- We are authorized to announce that Tho- ion of the Savaunah river, to introduce an English mas Haynes, Esq. of Hancock county, is “no ion- fleet into that river, and to station English troops at candidate for the office of Governor.” the forts which command its entrance: and to lay an embargo on the commerce of our principal sea- r Wfi’P'VnV’N PI FfTTflN ww yytoq <tir> I P°rts; according to the doctrine ot I roup, all this G0\ ERNOR S ELEC I ION. \\ ha. was the an j t j ie people of Georgia, whose CRAWFORDS AXIOM.—We should be glad to know, whether Mr. Crawford was not over “30 years of age ’ when he recommended that the white people should intermarry with the Indians, in order to civilize them ? Has he changed this opin ion, and has his axiom been made applicable to him self: or does he still wish our sons to marry squaws, and our daughters, Indian men, to civilize them ? THE TEXT OF THE JOURNAL—Again. —The Text! At the sight of this ominous woid no doubt, the blood of our neighbor of the Journal, runs cold: and he feels a painful sensation, similar to the precursor of an ague and fever. But in performing a public duty, we are sometimes con strained to disregard the feelings of our neighbors. If he knew the charity with which our heart is melt ed, when we dweli on his failings, and the good na ture which we feel, while we rebuke, or laugh at, liis offences, he would not encounter us with his grurn and ferocious looks in our casual meetings in the streets. The Journal, in its Text, solemnly declares, that, “At this crisis we must have men at the head of our federal and state government, who from the time they first entered a political life, have been consistent, undeviating, firm, and rigid, in their principles,”: that is, according to the ideas ex pressed in other parts of the Text, in their republi can principles: and it also assured us, tiiat it would not depart from its Text. Gov. Gilmer has not been, since he first entered a political life, consistent, undeviating, firm, & rigid, in adhering to republican principles. When, in 1825, the people, in the most deliberate, public, and unquestionable manner, by their vote, ex pressed ther wish to choose their own electors of President and Vice-President; Gov. Gilmer, then a member of the Senate, disobeyed the public voice and endeavoured to withhold i’rom the people, an essential right, the right to choose their public offi cers, which they claimed, and without which no people can long preserve their liberty. Gov. Gil- ( ^ Republicanism? And was not your vote then mer, in thus disregarumg the wish, and opposing ^ {bt . re recQrdedj with the Federal minority, burned ger conduct of the’supporters of Gov. Gilmer, when a tew weeks ago, we brought before the people, liis attempt to deprive them of the gold mines? They at first endeavoured to justify the aristocratic policy of his Excellency, and openly avowed their opin- rights are violated, will have no right to question itfVriH have no right even to ask an explanation of these hostile measures. If we did not quote the very words of Troup, the reader might loubt, whether any man had ever uttered a good . . ' ? i V l • / „ „ : u UUUUl, uiiciuci aiiy man *jau i vci uucicu a ion, that the vast wealth of these nines (except, ol niinius to the safety, interest, course, so mnen as mignt lie purloined or emtez- , ; „<• It.,, ,i „ , , . , . „ i and Happiness, of mankind. But the Journal zled by “under-strappers or upper-strappers be- l i ■ ' template such dark designs with prophetic horror. Yet soma* fair characters there be, or at least that ■speak fair, who seem to dweli on this subject with a fond of complacence; a sort of Judas-like apathy, that is appalling. They would fain make us be lieve that tliere is no great evil to he apprehended, ■even though such things should take place. But ■whoever puts confidence in such apostates, will lie deceived. These destroyers of our peace would pursuade with impunity; and that a state mav , "Withdraw its allegiance without much harm.—— ! Thoughtless, deluded men, you sleep on the brink <jf a volcano. Knaves v T ho try to make you con verts to this fake doctrine, know better. They enlist bo ferretted out, and held up to public execra tion. There is an evil Gcniuswho for a long length of years, has “been going to and fro” in our country fi?eking whom he may devour. Ilad he stuck to Lis coal tar and bis coke, he might have acted in ids proper element, and have l*een a useful man.— With his essays on that subject, I have been in structed and edified, and I thank him for his Gas Lights. But, when he turned a political dema gogue, and attempted to instruct*freemen in mat- firs which concern free governments, he was then entirely out of his spore. He talks and acts like one who knows nothing of the subject; or if he .feiiows, would wilfully lead astray. With all his boasted philosophy (and no small share he as- -suied) he proves himself to be a pestilent fellow amoung the people, and a leader of the sect called JX illifiers. lie was an everlasting talker, and some tliirty or forty years ago Jhey attempted to jgag him. Ho was hound hand and foot like the maniac “who had Ids dwelling amofig the tombs.” As a libeller of the Government which gave him protection, he was convicted and mulcted tor his crimes—hut, “though you bray a loo! in the mortar .* 5 ;! a he will not quit his folly.”—jleing a great Jlkhy- j znisf and somewhat of a conjurer, withal, he found wavs and means to clear out. Aryl then lecturing Jike his prototype, on the “Cosmogonv or creation -cf tire World,” showinff how it ha fore reaching die fatel'pool ;t HilledgeviUb) should « ravel - v ‘““"tains, dial Troup is right; that be cause any people have a right to change,.and to be poured into the vaults of the treasury, or of the f ' .[ e - * , • , * « , t, . . i i -r j i .i form their own government they have the right ol Central Bunk. But they I,aye quailed under the 7 . 0 ^ le . Thc = coni . force of truth: they cower, unuer die strongdisap. mon sf = e c0!nm0 ;i ilones ! ty ‘of mankind re probation oi .he people, and t.tey now eat , that tiie . volta at a pos j t i on s0 shocking and outrageous.— question oftl.e disposition of the go.u mines, was mind that was so ahanSoned as to conceive, settled bv the last legislature, and ought not at this \ , . . ^ ’ Ti.o o,.,o,,„4 refits : andso audacious as to express inia idt_a, most lia.c tune to be agitated. The amount ot the argument,:, . i • , . , ° ^ i been strangely mlatuated by ns evil designs i in plain language, is tms, altho Gov. Gilmer has j *=> * - ■* Troup, in his letter, endeavoued to make the Nul opposed the interests of the people yet as his aris- , ifierg $ gouth Carolina believe and feet, that tlieir tocratic jxuicv has been defeated by their irieCf?' 2 ; '■ ; nt p«pqt He policy has been deieatco dv uieir incno^; Jggfety, interest, and happinesss, required that they they ought still to support him. “The principle is j aban j on the Union. Knowing that they the rights of the people, on this great question, abandoned republican principles. More recently by endeavouring to prevent the distribution of the gold mines among the people, by attempting to pour this boundless flood ol’wealth into the treasu ry of the State, or the vaults of the Central Bank, has opposed the equal rights and the private wel- who fare of the people, for the benefit of the few, are sufficiently influential and vvealty to obtain offi ces or appointments, or bank-loans. Gov. Gilmer, in thus opposing the interests of the people on this great question also, abandoned republican princi- ples. Does the Journal intend to be consistent ? If so, it will not continue to support Gov. Gilmer: be cause he has not been consistent, undeviating, firm, and rigid, in adhering to republican principles: be cause he has committed most flagrant and enor mous violations of the wishes, rights, & interests, of the people. The Journal cannot continue to sup port Gov. Gilmer, without departing from its Text, and abandoning the principles which it has so pub licly professed. We admonish our neighbors, that after the severe shocks which the Journal has re cently sustained, it has not now much character to loose : and that unless it preserves some consisten cy, some agreement between its professions and its practice, it will soon be utterly discredited. this, you ought to trust your enemy, until he ha succeeded in ruining you.” Such is the desperate defence of Gov. Gilmer,rto which his friends have been driven by the force of truth:—of plain, simple truth, without any mixture of abuse or vituperation. As the principles of bis Excellency are adverse to the rights of the people, on questions of the deep est interest, does not common prudence require that tliev should withdraw from him, the power of injuring them? Ctit ifo-b'e as is this argument of the supporters of Gov. Gilmer, even this they cannot employ for actments contained in There has been in Tirginia a terrible scene of murder and devastation. Abbut the 20t,h of Au gust, an irruption of fugitive slaves, from the great Dismal Swamp was made into Southampton eoun- Find- his relief. Of the various enactments contained Ui j t ‘ y> a p ( ] of j.fo,' without a trial, and the hill for the disposition of the Cherokee lands, every one will he onen to alteration, modification, or repeal except those which have already been executed: and we believe that none have been exe cuted, hut those which relate to the election, com pensation, .and duties of ihe officers provided for officering the survey and distribution of tiiat territo ry. The p’evasions in relation to the gold mines, tiie gold diggers, the persons entitled to draws, will he fully as open to ihe action of the governor | and legislature at the next as at the last session, j Every alteration in wfech the governor and a ma- 5 jority of the legislature may agree, will no doubt bo ( made. If they shad concur in washing to prevent a tribution of the the law will no them to the State. hat is to p were a’readv exasperated against the government: f- v supposed for the purpose of plunder, of the Union. W to bring them to the ! in S the scattered population defenceless they com- concfuslon, that this government is a detestable j n11 mdiecnrnmate slaughter ofothe white in- despotism, to winch they cannot submit, without' habitants of every ap and sex. Fifty-eight or dishonor, and ruin. Not adverting to any future ; J 11016 persons thus tell victims to the ruthless bsr- acts of oppression threatened by tiie General go- ; an ^tv ol these wretches. They were headed by a fa- vernment, but on account of its laws previously e- ; natic preacher who pretended to be inspired by Je- nacted, and at that moment in operation, he de- j S11S Cnnsq cc thus produced an irresistible influence scribes the government ofthe Union as a curse, re- j ? ver t ie savage minds of these people, l he num- sembling the odious despotisms of Turkey or Per- | ' K r who at any time joined the standard ot this sia : governments in which the tyrant may instant-1 WTetc h, is variously estimated. General Brodnax, ly deprive anv of his subjects, of property, of liber- j whose report comes down to the 27th ult. states • ’ d without the pre— i ^*at “twenty resolute men” could ^ at any time have as a many headed*monster*'re- j destroyed of scattered their greatest force. The erS and entreaties of our peo- i n f^oes on the farms in the countFV, shewed no 'that ik'tens aH fastens on our disposition to unite with them, but in one case uni- i), <iu, ,■ _ f ; ted with their master to resist them. At the date < a fieice an con u i .g _ > -* of this report, forty-eight had been made prisoners, and the rest killed or dispersed. Their leader had aia•: cmicur m wismug to prevent a 1 , . ’ ~ * the n-olti mines among the people, ’ nder the dominion ofexasp< doubt bp so alto red, .os to res. rve ! W'* ll f m to ,« , hslst >' “ nd , . ... i Union—to a catastropne repf te. r.at is to prevent sucii an i . v tence of a crime gardless ot’tiie p pfe: ns a como substance: as _ „ burns only to destroy. W hat is then to be the ef fects of this description ofthe fruits ot the Union? As tar as Troup is believed by the Nullifies, the •dfi ct. must he, to extinguish in their bosoms the last spark of love for the Union, which might yet linger there : to kindle in those bosoms the flames of a most violent hatred tor a Union, Anioso go vernment brings on them, nought but disgrace, and degradation, and poverty, and slavery: and nder the dominion of exasperated passions, to in- violent rupture ofthe . iete with woes unutter able not thus far been taken, hut it is thought cannot escape. Our readers will not peruse this statement with out feeling chilled to the heart. W T c cannot close it without subjoining a single remark. Slavery is one of those evils which must be looked in the face. Nochangecanbemade in our relation to these people suddenly. Ages must pass away and the fanatics, white and black, on this subject, must be numbered wnth the dead, before a change can happen. There can he no fear of an insurrection tvhich shall be {COMMUKICATRD.i TO THE UNION OR CLARK PA^TY. Permit one of your old friends to turn your a.'ruition \o your present condition, and to exhibit to you the doonf which awaits you, if your opponents are successful m .he present political campaign. We pay nearly or quite as much laxes into llic State Treasury as our oppressors showing how it lias “puzzled the .11 o -5 1- * r, .-V t(TT>A 1 1 /-*»! \ ♦ All f llA HA alteration? On this, as on all other great questions, J ” Tothis part 0 f Troup’s letter, the Journal does! general throughout the South. It is impossible! the people can protect Them interests, only by a ! nn( n , lMpn q tn apt , m a ‘ nv And who can ! But let the blood of the people of Soutli-Hampton - - * V 11 './ riv a ' not pretend to spt up any defence pJiilosophers of all ages,” he so wrought on the fine exercise of the right ol e ection. Let them liate the deep enormity of its guilt ? For our-' county, be a warning to us to be o n our guard. Be •feeling that his entranced worshippers cried out - f !ect a governor and a legislature friendly to their j we ab hor this attempt of Troup, to make use ; cause we know that an insurrection, happen when -Wat is Diana ofthe Ephesians!” and they made interest*, and those interests will be preserved and ... - * Jd ' ' him a Ju.fee. Yea verify a Judge ! He who ' cherished. The safety ol the people is, where it ight to he, in their own hands. Is the Troup party identified with Gov. Gilmer? Was a reviler of laws, right or rong/was made a 0,1 Judge of the law. But this exaltation was torn • • , , . Bluett for one of l.is caliber; l.e grcwvain, lie was , D° they enter am the pnoctples avowed m his vain before, tat he Rretv more vain, and from his , message? TV .11 they support the measures recom- Stddy height fell headlong. Ar.d-and-years af- Kv l-» exeellcnev ? !•«**> quest.ons are *r, te was discovered in the Garden of Carolina, lobe answered m the affirmative, then are they seated under the branches of a beatiful magnolia, abandoned some of the most ,n portent •meres,s, Bat his baneful touch transmuted that pride of our »“>' *”ne 'he dearest rights ol the people! 1 hen . - • »»v/ w in u iiijn wi j. i uinnu uoi , J il ofthe passions ofthe Nuihfiere of South Carolina and w,ie y° jt may, will he speedily quelled, let us to produce a hostile severance of the Union. i no * conclude, that our slaves also know this circura do they deserve the great overthrow that awaits them! If they do not entertain the principles avow ed by Gov. Gilmer, if they will not support the measures recommended by him, will they confide the great influence and extraordinary power ofthe executive office to a man from whom thev do wide- forest trees, into a loathsome E'-han Upus, posing the very atmosphere;—and being' skilled in the “■£>ibtleiies wherewith the serpent beguiled Eve,” he had the cunning to worm himself into the good graces—and to lead one half the wise men <?f Goth- era to believe to believe that by liis mystic arts, and the “culling of simples” he had found out a nosti~um for all sores of the body politic, sovereign , ^ venacea, a certain cure for state ‘disorders, espefi- , a^ndencj- ™jcl.ltey »r Jllythc Khg’sliml: strong symptoms of v.hich! of Lumpkin, w.ll be the tnumphol ■tie had discovered many years ago, in the town <rf Brotherly love: and which lie dreaded more than the hydrophobia. Upon this discovery he was unanimously elected to the Empirical Chair. And for titular dignities, was created professor of A1 ly differ. If this question is to lie answered in the affirmative, then also will they deserve to loose an ascendency which they have abused! The success tiie people. In the administration of the Federal Government' stance. No! the ignorance which makes them irn- (aiul also ofthe State Government) there now are, P°tent, conceals that impotence from tlieir eves, there always have l»een, and there always will be i above all, let us understand and feel the dan- faults: and what institution managed'by mere £ er °f fanaticism. There is no limit to its power men, ever has been, or ever will be, free front faults ! over the savage mind. The infatuated leader of arising from frailty ofjudgement, or defect ofprinci- ! Tj,es ' 1 People, proclaiming himself vecegerant of pie. or from undue selfishness or some other evil i Jesus Christ, could urge a handful of followers to passion? But while the Union secures to us bless- 1 attack the United States. No doubt they fully be ings incomparably greater than the evils which it i fieved, his \vas a mission of deliverance, and them- inflicts, we will cling to it, as the anchor of our ■ selv( ^ called us the instruments of vengeance. Nor saletv. As far as mav he in our power, we would - improbable that the leader ol this handofdes- correct its error? or its*vices: but it is tiie Govern- ' peradoes yielding to the suggestions of a distem- ment of our choice: and on it our warmest afi’ec-. Pf red imagination, thought himself the Moses of tions are fixed, our proudest hopes are built.— j his race. We repeat the caution: Beware of a Tear us from this Union and our hopes-of peace, j s P rca d of enthusiasm amongst these people, and liberty, and national independence are utterly blasted.— W m. H. Crawford, vs. John H. Howard.— A question op. two, to the point.—1st. Did not {^ r ‘ Howard maintains, that a single State may, Governor Gilmer recommend that INDIANS h.v legiaiat e enactment, prevent the operation of SHOULD GIVE TESTIMONY AGAINST a law of Con gress. His words are, “Ii is maintain- WHITE MEN? Sec his Message. ; ed by some oTthe republicans, of whom I am one, chemv and other occuit sciences too tedious to} 2nd. I f Indians are allowed to testily against 1 *hat a State has a right to nullify an unconstitution mention. And for years last past has been lectur- white men, under the present state of our Indian ; ac * of Congress,” ing feis observations upon pat sWa colled the JVuUification powder. And all the know ing ones, the chief mounte-banks, agi'ee that it insist be iollowed bv strongcathartic or emetic pills of gun powder if necessary. But why all this ? If any section of our beloved country wide as it is, should have cause to complain, tlieir grievances shall be redressed : But, not by coercion• When they can compel Heaven to give what they de mand, then they may coerce Congress to redress their fancied wrongs.—And appropos, nearer home. If the unite-d brother butchers have cause ofcom- plant against, their disjointed cousin shinners, they alsoshail here redress; but not “by compulsion” no , not by compulsion.—Free citizens here feel in dignant. They, both the skinners of beef, and the. Shinners, shall,'like all the rest of us, share equal handed justice. We will alike he, as the sweet Nightengale sings in the Chesnut bmver, “free to an-.l free to go.” But to return—that such a jlflriariSiis eUara^t^, w!licit is fiction, should Our distinguished fellmv citizen Wilson Lump kin, in relieving his correspondents from the obli gation of secrecy, for the purpose of permitting the closest scrutiny of his political opinions and cord net, has given the strongest evidence, negative though it may be called—of his rectitude and consistency.— From a late Charleston paper we copy the fbl'ow- ingjust tribute to an act which few, if any, of Mr. Lumpkin's opponents would have the courage to imitate. 1 ■ \, e confess this ohalloncre of Mr. Lumpkin has era'- ified us, because it is strong evidence of q 5e utter ab’-o - rence u?ith which the doctrine of Nullification is viewed • n Georgia. It is also pleasing to find a politician ofM*- Lumykin’s stoadiny, so con^ious of the rectitude of h ; course, ai to invite the publication of anv ’bins and eveiv :hing lie has ever written. In the lanf uace of the A • ®Msta pare*.-—we fancy ihc-e are few, too few, pul ,‘U, who world dare to tender die fevxt?iicn vdlujiteci-ed by heta.’ 1 •mnent to resist the of Congress. What kind of resistance can they make which is Constitution al? I know of but one kind, and that is by elections. The people and the States have a right to change the members of the' national Legisiaiure, and in that way, and in that (done, can ti ey effect a change of the ntea- •ures of tlrs government. 11 is true there is another kind 'f resistance which may be made, but it is unbwwn to ■he Constitution. This resistance depends upon physical f >rce; it is an appeal to the sword, and by the sword mus: ha- appeal!;e decided, and not by the provisions of We publish this extract from a speech of Mr. Crawford, not because we entertain any extraor dinary reverence for his opinions, hut because they are entitled to very high consideration from that party, with which Mr. Crawford is connected, a party of winch Mr. Crawford was, for a long series of years, the Magnus Apollo. This opinion was fo d and expressed bv Mr. Crawford, when in i p neridian of life, before the vigor of his intellect -<d ecn impaired by disappointment and disease, iUfei d age Messrs. Editors:—In the Georgia Journal of the 25th instant, 1 have read an address “To the citizens of the United States,” signed “Wm. H. Crawford,” in which the author has ^sed my name in rather an unfriendly and uncourt eous manner, more so, I presume, than lie would have done at a calm and lucid moment. Were this publication limited in its circulation, to the people of Georgia, where Mr. Crawfrid and myself are both fully known, I should not deem it necessary to pay he slightest attention to his denunciations. But the standing which Mr. Crawford once had in the United States, may mislead some portion of the reading public. To the whole of his disparageing charges, I give the most unqualified denial, tie knows them to be false. He knows that I have been an undeviating Republican, throughout my whole life. He knows that I am no “turncoatHe knows my firmness and independence, from mortified experience. He knows that, although in my youth I supported him for various minor offices, I abandoned him against my own popular interest, and contrary to the wishes of many of my personal friends— when 1 believed that the interest of my country required me to do so. He knows tiiat my intimate knowledge of his political course convinced me, that he was utterly un worthy of that public confidence, to which he aspired. Because in my youth I had supported Mr. Crawford for a seat in the Legislature, and other offices, and when he aspired to the Presidency of the United States, I pre- fered Andrew Jackson; Mr. Crawford accuses me of a want of Republicanism—of political apostacy, of making a somerset, &c. Time has been iu Georgia, when Mr. Crawford had the combined means and art to make the majority of the people believe, tiiat Republicanism con sisted in supporting him in all liis ambitious schemes of self aggrandizement; but he has out-lived liis arts—his political juggling is at an end. Tlio people of Georgia are no longer under the dicta- itjsn cf -fer. Thg passports to honor and efis- tles of our country as readily as they do—and in all re-^ jiects perform all the duties of citizenship, with as much, punctuality and fidelity—we number in cur ranks as rua-, liy of the Stock ot' Severn y-six, and we have among us men with as just and lugh claims to patriotism and Re* publicanism, as any men upon earth- Nevertheless, you are all as sedulously excluded frem Office by your cjpusq sors, as though you were a foreign or on inferior peo-j it* Not one cf your friends is in an lifice of ary imp : fu ed at this time—And to add insult to injury, we are gravely 'old that the gowd cf the country requires your exclusion from office. The object of your oppressors cannot be mis* taken. No means will be left untried to fasten more firmly the yoke of oppression upon you. And the ques* tion tor your present determination is, whether you are to be freemen and equal—or whetlier you are to be slave, and inferiors—I hold that one tyranny is as grievous and odious as another—and tiiat the tyranny which your qrv pressors now exercise over you is as much ihe objeci o£ reprobation and as injurious to your rights as any ether— VVliat was it that led to our glorious revolution which r >. suited in our then freedom and independence—Was it int because our fore-fathers were taxed by the crown & Fat*, liamentof Great Britain without being permitted to ex ercise those privileges which were properly held to be long to a tax paying people—I am no advocate for Eisvn- 'on or J-didlificaiion—I am in favor cf political revolution, winch wiil bring us back to the principles which prevail ed in those days, when our fore-fathers had just emerged from bondage—when all men could enjoy their own opin ions without being politically proscribed for it. \Ye have a peaceful mode of effecting this revolution and re dressing our wrongs—and to that as republicans and friends to the Union, let us resort. The “Ballot Box,” is the place where republican freemen settle their differen ces; and if we move with Union and harmony, we can elect men who will give us our rights, without depriiin# our neighbours cf theirs. Our oppressors m mournful and melancholy accents ef fect to deplore the existence of party strife. Who let me ask, is the cause of its existence—V/e have made the most noble and generous advances and what return' ho-S been made for our liberality? It was our suffrages winch placed the present Executive in the station he fill?, and instead of being “the head of the State,” as he had pre* noised to be—no man has been more completely “the head cf a par.-y.” And in extenuation for tins outrage upon the rights and feelings of the men who placed him in of fice, he says, or permits those to say, whom he daily see.-, without contradicting it “that he has given to you as-ma- ■ ny offices and appointments as you lied men who deser ved or merited them.” Yes my friends, your oppressors look upon you with scorn and contempt, and consider you unworthy of trust or confidence. They will court yea and flatter you for your votes—these -obtained and “you may lay upon the dung-hill and rot.” But 1 rejoice that deliverance is at hand. You have as a part of the tax paying community only to will it to be free and equal. Ma ny of the liberal minded who have heretofore supportc-4 your oppressors hr consideration cf the great injustice they have done, you will support them no more. The pcKtf is with you, and p. discreet and prudent course cf policy, will carry you in safety to triumph. Remember that temperance, and moderation, and virtues that cannot be too highly prized. You will occasionally find a man ift the ranks of your oppressors disposed to do you justice. Extend to all such cordially the right hand of friendship and fellowship. There are good and bad men in both parties—and him who believes or affects to believe that all the virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the State, is concentrated in his own parly may Lt justly considered. linciion, are red, or supposed merit, intrinsic worth of character. Tiie people of Georgia do not at present, b«u ra-ve me to have been a Federalist, because l supposed Andrew Jackscn for the Presidency *a preference to Vy liham II. Crawtord. The copy of Crawford’s letter to Mr. Balch, which passed, through iny hands was unexpectedly received by me, without any previous knowledge cf its exieujnce. 1 transmitted it to Mr. Calhoun, with the feeling, and opinions 1 then entertained-; and if I labored under scm« misapprehension in regard to the opinions cf others, I was nut singular in that respect—nor d<> 1 feel that 1 have any cause of shamg, for my feelings then expressed; hey will ccniinue to be creditaofe to me in the estima* iion of every honorable man—although they were w rit* en without the slightest expectation of being laid before .he public. Mr. Crawford is entirely mistaken in regard to my humble pretensions. 1 make no pretensions to the spirit ol prophecy or extraordinary sagacity. I stand amongst :he number, whom Mr. Crawford »eproaches with tiie epithet of ignorance, for having, sustained and supported Gen. John Clark against the oppressions and persecutions of Mr. Crawford and his co-workers. I have never sub mitted to the humiliation, of setting up the political creed of any man—as the unerring standard of orthodoxy. I have a much higher standard. The Constitution of my Countiy, in arriving at a true interpretation of which, I ava.l myself of the lights of those patriots and statesmen, who have sealed their fidelity to their country, by the u*i nor of tlieir whole lives. If I had supported Mr. Crawford for the Presidency, f have no doubt he would still have considered me a j ure Republican—But as I have some doubts upon the subject of his uniform Republicanism, I will, in conclusion, proj pound a few interrogatories to Mr. Crawford, to-wit: Int. 1st. Did you, or did you not, draft and sanction the Augusta Address in the year 1798, expressing “the most unlimited confidence in the firmness, justice and wiss aom” of the administration of John Adams, Sen.? If yea, what w r as your age at drat time ? Int. 2d. Was it not ene of your first acts in the Senate- of the United States in the year 1S07, to vote against th* Embargo, recommended by Mr. Jefferson, to save our immense merclrantile capital from die desolating sweep of the French decrees and British orders m Council ? And was not that measure then considered the touciv ote tb do—we vote nearly or quite ns strong—wc fight-die bat* by Timothy Pickering? Int’y. 3d. When Mr. Jefferson and the 'Republican party determined to abandon the Embargo, and prepare for more decisive measures, weie you not then opposed, to its repeal ? And do you not now think, that the Em bargo w as expedient in its incipient stage, w hen you vo» ted against it? And unwise in its continuance, when you v,;ted for it? Int’y. 4th. Did you, or did you not, about this'timo time sit your eye and affections upon the Presidential Chair, and commence you political courtship with the 1 cuciuifoi S ? lnt’y. 5th. Did you not treat Mr. Madison’s messa ges proposing preparatory measures for War, snteri § yl and admonish the Senate against measures preparatory to war? contending then that the Embargo ought to have been adhered to ? And did you not afterwards, when the war became inevitable, pronounce it werse than ridicu lous, to think of supporting our Commerce by a Navy? h. When the question of the late war camO Int’y. 6t! direct before Congress, (though you finally voted for flic measure,) was not your support, cold, silent, inefficient, and equivocal; during the long and arduous struggle in ibe Senate of the United States] And did you once raise your voice in its support ? 7thTnt’y. Did you not soon af.er tire war was dev dared, take refuge from responsibility at id danger, m a foreign Court, and there remain in undistinguished and unprofitable security, until the storm of war, dangei, tu*. responsibility had subsided ? 8th Int’y. Although you shrunk from the responsi bility cf sustaining the War, were you not found seen af ter tiie return of peace, ambitiously aspiring, by the most censurable means, to that high office, which a grate* ful ] eople had almost unanimously designated as ti.t re ward of the long devoted services of Mr. Monroe? But I forbear pursuing this subject further, and ask Mr. Crawford and his friends, what benefit3 has Geor gia ever derived from the services of Mr. Crawford] Yv hat justice is there, in denouncing every man, who l as too much independence to yield obedience to lira eue.utu* rial mandates of an Aristocratic few. , WILSON LUMPKIN. Monroe, 23th August, 1S31. These editors who have published Mr. Craw-? ford’s address to the citizens ofthe United States',- are requested to publish the foregoing strictureg on tiiat address, and its author. a political bigot, and unworthy of the confidence of any. Yi our oppressors have taken the alarm. They begin to see their cause tottering under them', and their writers be-. tray their desperation. The add but effectual i