Newspaper Page Text
NO. 11.
MILLEDGEVILLE, GA. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 32, 1831.
WHOLE NUMBER G3.
f EDITED BY
J. G. POLHILL St, J. A. CUTriBEItT.
l»OIiITICAI«
PROM THE ATHENIAN, OF SEPT. 13.
By the request of a friend who happens unfortu
nately to lie an opponent of Mr. Gilmer, we insert
the following commnnication:
A Review of ihe Objections urged against the Hon.
Wihon Lumpkin as a Candidate for Governor—
Submitted to the candid and unprejudiced Citi-
zensof Georgia.
We have waited thus long, in order to ascertain
whether nnv objections would he offered against
Mr. Lumpkin, worthy of serious consideration.—
We find, however, that we have delayed our re
marks in vain. Not the shadow of any valid ob
jection lias been made known—In the place of argu-
tnust be i'.ulslikhe«l SIXTY DAYS before the day of pale. These 1 i. „„ _,i
Riles must be rmde at the court-house door between the hour* of 10 gJimMKS against him, TV e Iiavt heard milCil \ itll-
in the niominK and 4 in the afternoon. Ke sale from *iay to day is peralion, much aspersion, and some untangiblc in
sinuations against his character.
hre* months at ie.i^t ^ ^ ur endeavor, as well to expose the un-
Shentt’s Sales under executions repaaarly granted by the courts, derluinded sophistry of his opponents, as to set
^JISSMt.TOStS'SSSr. ; Mr - 1 *»* <>*■ »<; Governor,
jnust be advertised, generally, ten i>avs before the any of nie. in a proper light Itcfore the people: and if we can
All orders for Advertisements will be punctually attended to. haven nafient hrnrinrr wp Dt-ili wo lr» flip rrorwt
*.• All letters directed to this OfliC, or the Editors niuet be jiost-j P! 5 ]" , a ‘“*fe *' c W 111 pro > U TO uie gOOtl
fiatd, to entitle them to attention. j people of Georgia, that Mr. Lumpkin has never
^i ii i« i i n , dur j n g the whole of his political life, changed the
I first time in liis political principles, and secondly
that his claims for the office for which lie stands as
W oil 1 iSSy rZIi-JSTiI I e candidate, arc as strong as any other candidates,
f? A October, closing on Mouday morninc I these two positions he proven, audit wdl he
thereafter. All Preachers a ad laymen, j seen at once, that notwithstanding, the great bng-
together with all friendly to the cause of Zion, are most j bear which editors, office hunters, &.C. have raised
All ADVKKTISE.Vik.NTr> publiflied at tiie usual rates.
r>. v Eatb Citation by the Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary that
H|i|ilicati<>n has been unde tor Ecttere of Administration, mut be
(iid)lhihed THIRTY DAYS at least.
Notice bv Executors and Administrator* for Debtors and Credi
tors to render in their accounts, must be published elX VEEJ S.
Sales of Nodroes by Executors and Administrator* must l e ad
vertised SIXTY DAYS before the day of sale.
Sales of personal property (except negroes) of testate ar.d )n*es
tite estates bv Executors and Administrators, must be advertised
rOKTY DAY'S.
Applications by Executors. Administrators and Guardians to the
Cjutrt ot Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be pubhsned 1OCH
D10.N J • IS.
Applications by Executors and Administrators Rr Letter: Dirmii-
sory. must be published SIX MONTHS.
. Applications for Foreclosure cf Mortgages on real estate must be
tfdv ertised once a month for SIX MONT IIS.
Sales of real estate by Executors, Administrators and Guardians,
mst be publikhed SIXTY DAY'S before the day of sale. These
ties must be made at the court-house door between the hours of 10
fit the morning and 4 In the afternoon. No sale from day to day is
Valid, uuless so expressed in the advertisement.
Orders of Court of Ordinary, (accompanied with a copy cf the
bond, or agreement) to make titles to laud, must be advertised
WST'
A CAMP MEETING
^ ^S, r Il.1. commence nearCovington, j,
o.ffp^.ionatelj’-invited to attend. This notice should he j about Tcct.'pwm and C/arfcw;n, isaliidle fudge. The
the more particularly attended to hy our reforming breth- difference hclwcen Air. Lumpkin and Mr. Gilmer,
ror. throughout. the country, as the time has boon chang- rnnst be a mere choice among men, and not prim
Vd, but IS now recalled, and the meeting «ands over for cip|e . That on aI , nalional measures, it is known
K ll i,L upjWimn:ca • Itl i ehn i fofthe ^jdiwclisi Protean! ^ e J r opinions harmonize, that the only difference
Quarterly Meeting Confirmee. that does tir can exist between them, is only on
N. B. Editors throughout the State will pie a sc give
this notice r few insertions, that our distant Reforming
Brethren may attend. Sept 15
<#;>
On\ It, WOOTAN respectfully tenders himself
to the.citizens of Baldwin county as a cr;.did ate for
1 lie Clerkship of tlie Superior Court at the ensuing elec
tion io Joni* irv' r.cxi. Ang 4
T b are authorized to announce Mr. IJsWIS J. W.
KRA.ATZ a candidate tc;r Clerk of the Inferior
of Baldwin county. Aug 4
j[tu are au'horized to announce Mr. RANSOM
II. SMITH a candidate for Clerk cf tire Inferi
or CoW- 't of Baldwin county, at the next election. Aug 4
II are requested to announce the name of VY IL
HAM D. SCOQGIN, Esq. ns a candidate for
iff of Baldwin counly, at the next election for coun-
ty officers. Nov 6
are ' iioris.fi toannouuce BARRADELL P.
STUBB-, K*q. «b a candidate for Tax Codec.
>y Baldwin rsunty, at the next Hcctifen. June
J £ are authorized to announce JAMES Cl>NE,
Esq. ns a candidate for Tax Collector of Eald-
n county, at the election in January next.
August 25 7
r II are authorized to announce Vv r . C. POVN bbL,
Esq. a canaidnte tor Receiver of Tax Returns
lwin, at the electii.n in January next. Jniy 23
J ALTER S. JKNiiLNS, Esq. ta a candidate
for Receiver of lax Returns for Baldwin c.oun
Scjvf 15 '
in Bn
fv in January n< xr.
MASOi\SC HALL.
a xnsr.iimsE or ioa soz.xa.rs
"«'«/ ILL be paid for a Flan or a Masonic Hail to
V v be erected in the town of Millcdgcvillc. The
building to be fire-proof—three stories high, the base-
ruent storv'to !>e of stone, the o f her stern's of brick—to
be placed on uCorner fot tVoming sc'Uh aud tceei. Base-
•ni< nt s’ory to be occupied for stores—cost not to exceed
t* 15,000.
The jdans to be directed to the Scercan’ of the Board
/if Commissioners of the Milledgeville. Masonic Hail Lof-
iery, on or before ihe 1st day ol Novcrn’ocrnci-^
° ‘ R. A. GREENE, Secrctarj’.
Miillcdgeville, Pept. G, 1331.
p. P. Brick can L; purchased for $1 50 per 1GC0—and
rtnnft for 33 Oh per perch of 25 feet.
' *,• Tim New-York (i-urier fz Enquirer, A:iyu*Tfl Courier, and
4'l.arlcston Courier, will Rive the aoove three iiikcruonn andfor-
Ward tlu'ir arcouji’s-tor payment. R. A. Glttr.NK,
• fScpt b 3 if feeowary.
NOTICE.
TJTft ERSOXS having accoimts against the. .VillefgeriUe
Jb. Mawnie Hall Ltrltery, will please present them for
uavmcnt, within ten days fremthis date.
' i»y oixlcr, R* A. GREENE,
Secretary to Coianussimicrs.
MilledgcvlUe, August 4, .1831. 4 ^
'■“MBS. FLOlTItSOY,
( Widow of Win. JJ. Flournoy.)
ug a' -VS f aken a SCHOOL ROOM at Airs. VifKEr.s
Ifa a nearly opposite Mr. HrMrtnuES, where she wii
twich a select number, not. exceeding fifteen, the follow-
rm branches of Female Education, at the annexed pri-
^Itending, Writing, Englhh Grammar, and
Plain Work, - - -
jG-cograghy, History, Astronomy,Tvatural
Philosophy, Belles Leltres and Oriia-
mental Work, - *
Drawing and Painting,
Embroidery, - - - - -
French Language, (five lessons per week,)
Music, (five lessons per week,)
Use. of the Piano for Practicing, -
As the nuist. devoted attention will be p*d to the con
duct neatness, Ac.. ;>s well as mental improvement of
'those pupils confided to her, parents and guardians are
iqnested to visit the iiciiool tvvic •» a mouth txud judge oi
Oravvford, or his change of support from oDe repub
lican to another.
1 he next charge carries villi it more unfairness,,
if any thing, than the one which has just been an
swered, viz: “2 'hat in 1806, he teas in favor of large
reserves; but that now he is opposed to them;" that
as Mr. Gilmer is in favor ol reserving the gold
mines, he is doing no more than what Mr. L. ap
proved of in 1806. Never was any thing more so
phistical. Let us impress it upon the reader, that
the situation of the affairs of the state, were very
different in 1806, to what they were in 1830. In
1806, Mr. Lumpkin and Mr. Crawford were both
in the Legislature. A large tract of land had just
been acquired a few months liefore, from the Creek
Indians. It was the first land the Legislature had
attempted to dispose of, subsequent to the Yazoo
I' raiul. To avoid any possibility of a similar spec
ulation; a proposition was made to give it to the
people directly by lottery; this was going into the
opposite extreme. The state was largely in debt
at the time, and this debt was to be paid lor out of
It is not wonderful, that a great many lauyers
in the State, should be found opposed to Air. Lump-
Jdn» who is afarmer. It is known that lawyers mo
nopolize most of the political offices, and they look t
upon the Governor’s appointment as belonging to ' ever he*oi
them by succession. It hag been filled by lawyers j happiness
for the last 10 or 12 years, and they determine, if; ’ 1 *
they can help it, that no one shall be elected to
that place, unless he be a lawyer.
Air. Lumpkin is measurably a self made man;
Mr. Gilmer on the contrary, has had wealth, and
an aristocratic family at his back, which enabled
him to study Greek and Latin; While Mr. L. may
have been holding the plough handles in the day,
and reading by fire light at night. Mr. G. may
have been killing on his sofa, reading novels, and
plays. In favor of Mr. G. all the aristocracy of
the state will unite. In favor of Mr. L. all the
the Journal’s ruie* that our Siaic conn...^ u; v .
of five hundred thousand free and ii.dcptum i.i .-.o-
vercigns,cncUaf whom has the consti.u i.-yjt
to nullify or throw off the laws of our State v.rZu-
or she thinks or sa^s intorcat, snhuv end
require it, and without conse.Uu.g iiisor
her neighbor, lias the additional right toi.suu.Hi &
new government!! What a glorious set ot poten
tate* the people of Georgia must be, if me Jol ;l&1
be correct in its fundamental principles.
Governor Troup has however too much respect
for Lis own reputation as a man of talents,- u> be
caught in so stupid a predicament. He knbw3 well
tliat to admit the exceptions made by the Journal,
would be virtually abandoning the position he has
chosen, that the States are separately sovereign and
independent; for no Power can be deemed sovereign
or independent that has relinquised the right ol ut—
plain democrats will rally. Considering Mr. L’s. elaring war, making peace, keeping an nrn.y or na-
opport unities, and the stock of practical and polit- vy, imposing imposts, entering into treaties, r.atu-
ical, general and minute information lie has acquir
ed, it is prodigious. Few men understand the
ralizing aliens, Sic. which from the very essence of
sovereignty and independence. Did the Journal
understand its words, it would at once comprehend
that he denies the exceptions. Had he admitted
them, he would never have said of South Carolina,
as^many republicans did, and yet consistently be in
favor of lotierying off’ the balance of the territory
at this time, in as much as the state has given to the
people the most fertile portion of it, by lottery'; it
would be unjust, to withhold draws from other citi
zens who are entitled, after so many fortunes have
been drawn in lands in Jones, Jasper, and Morgan,
„ counties worth more than many gold mines. If
matters of State policy, on which subjects the : Mr. Lumpkin had succeeded in the first lottery of
soundest republicans and patriots may very rea- ' making reserves, no body would have had a right
sonably split, without losing sight of principle; j to have complained of injustice, as they would now
^ Before we touqh unon the apparent objections ■ have a right to do, if the gold mines were reserved
that have been urged against Mr. Lumpkin, with 1 ,ri . .... , ■
some degree of seeming plausibility, we will give a
short sketch of Mr. L’s early political outset in
this acquired territory, or by direct taxation.— practical operations of government better than Mr,
Some, and we lielieve Mr. Crawford, with may ol’iL. In such a man’s hands the helm of the state
his friends, were against the lottery altogether, and j will be perfectly safe. What we have stated, has
preferred that the land should be sold. Mr. Lump- i been done vve trust, in a spirit of moderation* and] (to use the verbiage of that print) “that the pco-
kin, seeing that the lottery would succeed, was in | of truth; this we thought due to Mr. Lumpkin and I pie of a sovereign State can change their govern-
fitvor of making sufficient reserves to cnableThe i the public, at the hands of—JUSTICE. j rnent at pleasure, whenever their safety, interest
state, without too heavy a taxation, to meet its | DO” Those papers in the state, which have pub-! anf l happiness require it.”—Tliat, in the traaslation
contracts. Indeed, as it was the first lottery ever j fished any of the objections answered above, will °i b’ s letter, he meant the constitutional right, is
attempted in the state, he might have opposed it, j do the writer a favor, and Air. Lumpkin an act of i not to lie questioned: for as the people oi every
life. He, rs well as Mr Gilmer, was raised in
Georgia. They were both brought up iu Oglc-
Ihorpe county. When Air. Lumpkin was a little
turned of 21 years of age, lie was brought out by
his fellow-citizens as a candidate for the Legisla
ture.—The Hon, W m. II. Crawford was a can
didate at the same time. They were both elected
—Such was, however, Air. Lumplcin’s character
fi/r honesty and integrity of character, which he has
ever since boring with those who personally know
him, and are unprejudiced, that he’ received a ma
jority of 200 votes over Air. Crawford. They
iKith took their Keats in the Legislature at Louis
ville together. Mr. Lumpkin was then the friend
of Mr. Crawford, and so were all liis family, as they
had licen of a Jackson, a Baldwin, and others. It
was A!r. Lumpkin’s father v.dio co-cperated as a
member of the Legislature with Gov. James Jack-
son, in burning the records of the Yazoo specula
tion, and had trained his son to the same profes
sions of political faith, the same enmity to corrup
tion wherever seen. It was not long after Air.
Lumpkin took his scat in the Legislature before he
observed that Air. Crawford acted towards Wui
with the most distant coolness. This deportment
gradually increased, till it became oppressive and
repulsive. Ma Crawford’s more devoted friends,
soon -afterwards seemed drawn to the same hue ol
conduct. This feeling increased among them, till
it ended in. an united and strong effort in the coun
ty, to put him.down. At first the thing appeared
very unaccountable to Air. L. He was conscious
that so far from having given Air. Crawford any
tust cause of offence that he had been his warm
triend. The solution of the whole affair, however,
was evident, Mr Ciawlora was at the time of
$3 per qr.
5
r>
4
r,
2
requested l
their improvement.
Milledgeviile, August 1st, 1831.
4—if
I1TIIHKRT & POIiUlLL
H
Flint Circuit
u f
I]
'AVE opened their LATf OtFICE at the Com
missioner’s Hall in the market-house, Milledge-
viUe, Georgia. One of them is always to be found there
ready to attend to professional calls.
They will practice in the following Counties and Cir
cuits : . '
f BALDWIN,
_ , —J JONES,
Ocmulgce Circuit..—..... j PUTNAM,
WILKINSON..
BIBB,
MONROE,
IIENRY.
w** Circml...._..:.TALBOT.
§outhern Circuit < TELFAIR, Ac.
MidiUe Circuit WASHINGTON.
Atilledgeville, June 23,1831
” " liXYV.
H ARGROVE & WALTHALL are practicing Law
in connection. They-SI atMnltho Courts n. the
Routing cotmt.es. XURM^^WAIVTHALL.
Covington, Newton co. June 23, 1831, 50 tt
^ItfOTICE TO DEBTORS Sc CREDITORS*
IN All those haring demands against the estate ot
William Griffin, late of Twiggs county, deceased, will
present them to me for settlement within the time pre
scribed by law—and those indebted to said estate, will
’W* P»^immedU.ely MnN El>or .
Ift' 6t.-,
his election perhaps justly considered an eminent
lawyer, and an ambition had then germinated, that
was to admit of no rival. To be outpolled for the
Legislature by a mere stripling, a youthful farmer
boy, must have been considered as some cuase of
mortification. And whether this be the real cause
or not, it is certain that Mr. Crawford nor his im
mediate friends, have never since treated Air. L.
with that courtesy they did before. It was not
wonderful, therefore, when General Jackson’s
name was^first announced as a candidate for the
Presidency of the U, S. tliat Mr. Lumpkin should
immediately become his warm, devoted and uni
form-supporter, even in opposition to Mr. Craw
ford. "Was it a change in principle to support
General Jackson ? Is he not as republican and as
constitutional, as Air. Crawford? Could it be re
quired or expected, for Mr. Lumpkin to support a
man whose friends were persecuting him, even to
political extermination? Air. Crawford has said
“that in the United States it may lie laid down as
an axiom, that if any man changes his political o-
pinions alter ho is thirty years of age, he docs it
from selfish or dishonest motives.” It this be true,
Air. C. will perceive that the ruIcwouHfni]r;cct ma
ny of his own friends to the imputation of dishon
esty and selfishness. For it is known that many
who were once called federalist, changed to his sup
porters. Air. Crawford himself is said to have
changed-his opinions on the. United States Bank,
and other questions since he was thirty years old.
How true it is we leave his friends to answer.
While we admit that Air. Crawford has exercised
most extraordinary talents, and in a way he hon
estly believed for the good of the country, yet we
lielieve his warmest friends, it candid, will agree
with us, in saying that few men possess more un
compromising prejudices, and that his intoleration
towards a man he once dislikes, often prevents him
from doing an individual justice, and hence the
charge ofapostacy against Mr. Lumpkin.
As this charge' has before and since liecn fre
quently brought against Air. Lumpkin, we,
here boldly defy any man on earth, to lay theii fin
ger on any one act ol Air. L’s political life, that
proves him guilty ofapostacy to pure and unde
filed republican principles? In what, we will ask,
lias he a poetized ? When or how did he change his
republican principles? We pronounoe that he nev
er has. no do we believe he ever will. Every time
he has been a member of Congress, he has unifor-
merly voted with the republican party, against
national internal improvements, against the tariff,
and against every measure tliat was calculated to
infringe on state rights. On every question that
came°up in whicli principle was involved, he was
found voting with George M. Troup and other
republicans.
It is known that there are two leading parties in
the United States. One is in favor of a splendid
central government, founded on the abridgement
of State'rights—the other is in favor of the preser
vation of State rights, with their present attributes
of separate and distinct sovereignties. It is need
less to add that those in favor of the first measure
are styled federalists; those who <»o for the latter,
are called republicans, among whom Mr. L. has,
durino- all his political life been found; and those
who assert that he has ever deserted its support,
must knowingly utter that which is false. The
whole cause of this charge has arisen from his
friendship to Gccarxl Jackson in preference to Mr,
To prove that the state was in debt, when the first
lottery bill was passed, we will here give the fourth
section of the bill.
“Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, Sfc. that the
f ractUmal parts of Surveys, xrhich may be erected by
the natural or artificial boundaries of said tei'rito-
ry shall be set apart, for the redemption of the
public debt, under the direction of a future legista
ture.” This bill passed, and was approved by John
Milledge, as Governor, on J une 26th, 1806. Even
suppose, Air. Lumpkin Irad succeeded in securing
liberal reserves, which lie deemed necessary to pay
the public deb’t, don’t every body see the state
would have been benefitted, and no one’s right in
fringed, as it was to be the first, lottery.
But the case stands very differently with Mr.
Gilmer. The state is now, not only out of debtj
hut has large sums of money in the trCflSurv. Se
veral rich laud lotteries have taken place, by which
many citizens have made fortunes in them, while
others have never drawn a foot of land. And yet,
forsooth, because gold is discovered, they must be
denied draws. And for why reader !fo pav the
public debt ? No! To make rail roads? No! 'Then
pray for what reason ? Because wealth soon ac
quired, bv people who have so little sense as
who have draws, tnat you wiit either fool it away,
or it will corrupt your manners and spoil vour mor
als !!! Oh ! absurdity of absurdities ! ! ! !
Many Troup men can he found, who were in
IS06, in favor of a public sale of the domain of the
state; but who arc now, in favor of a continuation
of the lottery; yet the most honest of these men, we
suppose, if a candidate like Mr. Lumpkin, would
be charged with inconsistency? Let this charge
acainst Mr. L. be no more repeated.
It has been asked whether Mr. L. was friendly
to Mr. Calhoun? We answer that he respects Mr.
Calhoun for his great talents and able services to
liis country, and will not believe him a Jackass, be
cause some have seen fit to call him by so hard a
name, but he is not for Air. Calhoun for President,
in opposition to Gen. Jackson. Nothing can be
more inconceivably ridiculous, than the plea set up
hv the Troup people, to he the exclusive friends bf
Gen. Jackson, and nothing can be more frivolous
and unfounded than the charge made against Mr.
Lumpkin, of being oppposed to Gen. Jackson.
Every tyro in politics, knows the tune perfectly
well, when ?*lr. Lumpkin was proscribed and suf
fered political martyrdom, for no other reason on
earth, than for his friendship to Gen. Jackson; and
he is now charged of being against him. Oh!
shame ! shame ! upon such false subterfuges. Eve
ry one knows the time when many violent Troup
men, were abusing general Jackson in the bitterest j
terms, and held up his character in blackness and
ridicule before the people of Georgia, and pros
cribed all his friends; and yet “ Oh mirabile dictufi
they are liis only tree friends. Were ever any
From the Columbus Democrat.
justice, by publishing this article also. country, how dependent soever that country may
be, possess the natural right, no reference would
have been made to sovereignty, unless the consti-
h , />. , i . tutional right had been implied: & to have acknow-
always affords us pleasure to receive evidence i , edgcd ,^delegation of sovereign attr bates 'a the
mat an individual is less culpable than circumstan- Gt , nera! Government, would have be.n a denial of
oes bespoke him. It is always painful o entertain the constitutional right in the States*
injurious opinions of any one, especially of one to j But it is no won: f er that the j ourna j, in at tempt-
wiiom our Inends arc warmly attached. It was j in to rcconci | e with truth and reason Troup’s dan-
therelore with much satisfaction that we received ; fc rous and dari doctrine 8l>ouid undt , ^ Joad
the following explanation, which shows tliat Air.; mystificati0n and contradiction, go to the wad.
Lumpkin is much less of a JN ulhfier, than tve had a j F rom the dav on which the Federal ConMiti-tfon
right from Ins own unexplained votes, to pronounce was adopted ; the States became one nation, a wii
v in ‘i!>^ 16 f X n aCt ^ ° in the surn of nations—which precludes the vc-iv
the Federal Union which will be found below, I r
shows that his ’
section of the
contrary.
Mr. Lumpkin possesses claims for the office of
Governor, which are greatly beyond what is allow
ed hitn by even moderate men. life has ever been
distinguished for great industry, sobriety, and Chris
tian benevolence; his talenis are of a highly useful
and practical order; he is in favor of education,
both general and central, and works of practical
internal improvement. As a member of Congress,
he was ever faithful and true to bis post, and serv
ed the state with fidelity, honor and usefulness.—
Before and aficrhc went to Washington, he made
himself well acquainted with the Indian relations of
the Government, in all their bearings, and especial
ly with those relative to the interest of Georgia,
ile succeeded at first in getting an appropriation
of 1500 dollars to employ an agent to view the
country West of the Mississippi, to ascertain its fit
ness as a residence for the Indians. This agent re
ported favorably, which greatly promoted Ihe mea
sure, which resulted in an appropriation of 500,000
dollars to effect the entire removal of all tlie tribes,
East of the Mississippi. Being a useful member of
the commit tee on Indian affairs, and holding a rela
tion towards the President, that the other delega
tion did not, he was enabled to effect much on this
important question. However great the talents
and exertions of the other members were, still Gen.
Jackson knew Mr. L. bad then been his uniform
and steadfast friend, while others had not, and
must therefore have been on greater terms of confi
dence with him lhan the re3t. During the whole
time that Cobb, Forsyth, and many other men of
d istinguished talents, were members of Congress,
they had not been able to effect any thing scarcely
on this question, in favor of the state; and the hue
and cry of persecu tion was heard against tlie Gen
eral Government. Yet it so happened, that when
Gen. Jackson and Mr. Lumpkin were thrown to
gether at Washington, having previously corres
ponded on the Indian question, and agreed m their
opinions, a great deal more was accomplished
than had been done liefore. We do not give, by
any means, Air. Lumpkin all the credit in this mat -
ter—other men, it is true were efficient aiders in
the business; but then wh*t we affirm, is that Mr.
L. exercised an influence in the caso greatly l>e-
yoml what even many of his friend* have supposed*
hostility to that section, or to the Union, but mere
ly for the purpose of giving the friends of that re
port an opportunity of discussing its merits in com
mittee Ol the whole. Now what n pity it id that
Air. Lumpkin could not have told his friends so at
once, and thus have secured himself from their cen
sure, and preserved their support! A word of ex
planation might have prevented much mischief.
We cannot help remarking therefore, that an open,
ingenuous course, is much better than an ambigu
ous, mysterious line of policy. Let the people
have the truth without artifice or disguise,and then
they can judge fairly and discreetly. It would al
so have fleen much more satisfactory to us, had
Air. Lumpkin freely stated what part of the 25th
section it is that lie Considers so clearly unconstitu
tional, and which he wishes repealed. We say a-
gain, we like no shuffling, no double-dealing, let
candidates deal fairly with the people; ana then
they may expect confidence in return.
Extract of a Letter from Wilson Lumpkin (o the
Jbanors oj the f ederal Union.
“At the last session of Congress, the majority of
tlie Judiciary Committee reported a bill to repeal
the 25th section of tlie Judicary act accompanied
by a labored report. The minority of the committee
submitted a counterreport—both of which reports I
pros mie you have seen. After the bill had its first
reading, the question occured; shall the bill be read
a second time and referred to a committee of the
whole House for discussion. It wa3 determined bv
yeas and nays, in the negative, by a large majority,
which amounted to a rejection of tlie bill, without
discussion. Aly vote you will find recorded with
the minority—not because I was in favor of the
bill, repealing the whole of the 25th section* A
part of that section is unquestionably, constitutional,
right and proper—yea, indispensable to the exis
tence of the General Government* But I consid
er a part of the section, a direct and palpable vio
lation of tlie Constitution, and consequently, that
it ought to be repealed. Aly vote was not in fa
vor cf Ihe bill reported; but against a course which
put the bill beyond the power of consideration or
modification. * I wished to repeal that part of the
section which I deemed to be unconstitutional aud
retain the rest.”
From further extracts from the same correspon
dence, it w r ili be seen that Mr. Lumpkin is against
a reserve of the gold mines, and in favor of free
schools. So for so good. Let every one have cre
dit for that wherein he deserves it, and heal no
morp than liis due proportion of censure. In these
matters Air. Lumpkin has come out, though at a
late dav, on the side of the people. And we have
no doubt* that if their cause should finally prevail,
he will be found with them altogether.
Further Extracts from his Letters,
“I am utterly opposed to reserving the gold mines
for public use.* I have always considered that re
commendation not only unwise, but impracticable:
Indeed I am a less in favor of all reservations than
formerly.”
“Common education is and ever lias been the
hobby of my heart.”
From tV Macon Telegraph.
To the deforce of Troup’s letter to the South
Carolina Nullifiers, the Georgia Journal of tlie 1st
instant devotes nearly two columns. It is profuse
in abuse, but contradictory, vague and erratic in
argument. Our business is with its effort at ratio
cination.
“Governor Troup, (says tliat print) with the
most distinguished and patriotic citizens of the
country, and the best and most enlightened expo
sitors of the' federal and State constitutions, main
tain, [?} that the States are free, sovereign and in
dependent, EXCEPT in such specific powers xrhich
have been delegated by those [?] States to thefederal
goiumment.”
This exjiosition is certainly not in harmony with
the views of tlie Ex-Governor as delineated in liis
letter to the Nullifiers. In that production, he
makes no exception to the absolute freedom, inde
pendence and sovereignty of a State* but asserts,
as a solemn truth, that whatever a State may re
solve in convention shall be right, and none (not
God himself] will have the right to question it.—
Hence the exposition of the Journal is in direct
conflict Tvith Troup’s own statement, and has been
selected for the express purpose of misleading the
Uninformed and bewildering persons not convers
ant with the technicalities of law and politics.—
We will illustrate, and show what absurdities are
involved in the Journal’s exposition. That “the
States are free, sovereign and independent, except
in such specific powers which have been delegated
by those [the] States to the federal government”—
in merely a clumsy and mystical wny of expressing
the sentiment, that States, having reserved rights,
are free, sovereign and independent. Reserved
rights arc put by the Journal for the bone, muscle
and spirit, of freedom sovereignty and indepen-
tion and the acts of Congress passed in vmic
thereof being the “supreme law of the land,” to
which every State and every citizen of a Si.. e
owes oljcdience. It is therefore deceptive ana v.n^
true to assert that any State separately is sovereign
and independent, unless we reverse tlie meaning of
the words, and admit that every man, woman and
child is an independent sovereign on account ofrhis
or her reserved rights, in which, having no superior,
he or she may, by an attenuated license, be said to
be sovereign, and for which, relying on no other
hurnao being, be Galled independent- The State?,
having each relinquished the very essence of sove
reignty and independence, can, while the present
system continues, be sovereign and independent
only jointly. Hence no State may constitutional
ly nullify an act of Congress or secede from the
Union. The ballot-box, Supreme Court, and a-
mendment to the Constitution are the only consti
tutional remedies for inexpedient, unjust or oppres
sive laws enacted by Conpeaai when these re
medies fail, redress can only be obtained bv the bay
onet, the natural right of revolution, mhe^stm
all people. It Was this terribie but sometimes in
dispensable antidote, that Troup recommended in
its wildest latitude as a constitutional measure: and
all the prosing and evasions of the Journal can r.ei-
their disguise its character nor alter the fact. In
deed, that paper, in the following passage, uncon
sciously Surrenders the defence without condilion :
“should the ambition and avarice of a majority of
the States make a curse of the federal government,
the State of South Carolina can, if she chooses,
[and liasthephysical power] change their [her] own
government, and throw off the government of «
the Union, in the same manner that the JSmericcn
colonies threw off the government cfGrtat Britain.''
The world knows that the patriots ol ‘76 never
pretend that their struggle was a constitutional
measure—they were above subterfuge—:ho ca |j_
ed it what it was, revolution, and mver dreamed
or wished that it would go by another rar e.
It would puzzle a man of .plain understand!! g
unacquainted with tlie habits of the Journal, to
conjecture what motive that print can have for vol
unteering in the defence of a principle and surren
dering the point before it closes the argumt nt. It
is obviously evincive ol random ignorance ,®ad
short-sighted presumption. But the dc- rml is
partly excusable* It nas for some tunc past been
toiled in its buccaneering attempts against so:; nd
principles and patriotic men, and been confined to
a narrow channel and shoal \vater—been literally
under blockade. It is, therefore* not surprising
that, in the hope of getting once more tc sea, it
should at all times advance to within distant shot,
but on finding tlie passe* guarded, and the shot
entering its hull, it should hastily haul off', and al
low its position to be taken by its enemy.—Such
policy may always be expected in a pirate, who
knows that it is better to sink, than strike and be
run up to the yard-arm*
To prove the expediency and correctness of Go
vernor Gilmer ’* recommendation as to Indian tes
timony, the Georgia Journal of the 1st instant gn cs
the following extract of‘a letter from Wiley Thomp
son, member to Congress* dated Elberton, April
25, 1829:
“On thv point, the President suggested to me
tliat it would be good policy to admit tlieir compe
tency by legislative enactments, and guard against
the evil which might result from sue*i admissions,
by questioning thCit credibility as witnesses in ju
dicial proceedinars. He said he had no doubt of
their emigration and that such a coarse would leave
them without cause of complaint.”
Both by the words and tenot- of the alxnre, it ft
evident that General Jackson never intended that
an Indian should give testimony against a white
man. He thought it would be wise policy to ad
mit, by law* the Indian’s competency, but to des
troy it bv questioning his credibility in judicial pro*
ceedings—to convince him that even the Legisla
ture could not nut him on an equality with the
whites, and thus fret and harrass him into his true
interest, emigration from the State. The very coi>-
veitie of this is Gilmer’s design* He deems the
competency of the Indian to give testimony in cash
es in which whites are parties a measure which
justice demands for our red population—a measure
to reconcile the savage to a permanent residence
in Georgia, to open to him all the doora of office,
to effect an amalgamation of colors, and to place
the lives and property of thFwhites at tlie meref
of a relentless and exasperated barbarian who would
swear any thing tor a bottle of whiskey! What a
glorious Bishop of Chin pa fills our Executive chair!
and what a zealous Indianite advocate has the Jour*
nol become! Their argument however is not entV
tied to tho praise of originality. It ft no more theq
a second edition of William H. Crawford’s Indian
Report of 1816—-probably owing its re publication to
a letter written by Mr. Buchanan of Peanevivantii
donee*! Now, as not only every freeman but slav I to a dignitary of Georgia. If wrong in our
also in Georgia has n^ert’ed right?; it follow* t*M<fncc; the ~
Govt*rwr c?m cerrvU