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\\ Y \ From the Genrct-i • '•institutionalist. A BRIEF SKETCH what we hoped to obiain ! southern labor was n(»t lost, hereafter, What did Yet the the inter- By the act oi duly, 1832, according to a state-j mountains. Fnstead of stimulating at home con- ment lately made from the Register’s Office at; viclion into prejudice, let us reason with our brelh- presente >u1d well possess. Before a decision was J ^ssion of Congress there was a fair development made on the two sets of resolutions, he Would J made of their scheme. It was to make the ncces- coramunicatc it briefly to his fellow citizens, as . diminution of the public revenue, by the re- it might have some influence on the judgment they were about to pronounce. lie was in the House of Representatives in Congress in 1S16, when the present protective system began ; in 18-21, when it was more boldly acted upon ; aqd for sonic time past,since a changeofit had to-cn pressed. Hav ing from its birth to the present hour professed and displayed to the system, an uncompromising hos- tilitv, he was both surprised and mortified at dis covering in a portion of his fellow-citizens, an ap parent eagerness to condemn him, and one of their representatives, as surrendering their opinions, at the late session of Congress, by voting for a reduc tion of duties from twenty-one to fifteen millions of dollars. This mortification arose from the de plorable ignorance displayed by the censurors of the course of their public men. For himself he made no complaint of the injustice of this hasty condemnation. Some time would nccossajilv elapse before it would be necessary for him to ask the people to renew to him their grant of power: the interval was abundantly large to do himself jus tice, by placing before all, a simple statement of facts. It was somewhat different with his absent friend, Mr. Wayne, who was now, under the cir cumstances of peculiar character, asking to be again confided in: A decision must be soon made, and it was manifestly unjust to lay him, without enquiry, under ban, for a single vote on the pas sage of an important hill, lauding others who real ly did not differ with him in opinion, and were not more anxious than he was, thatthcircommon opinion 1 should prevail, n«*3«lin wiches of their oonetituentS be triumphantly fulfilled. It was very probable that this denunciation would reach masses of the community, certainly many individuals, who would know nothing of the vindication of Mr. Wayne, which one of his colleagues, (Mr. Foster,) with his occustomed liberality and spirit, had taken the first occasion to make. That justice might be done, as Lir as he could aid, Mr. Forsyth assured his fellow- citizens who were present,and the assurance might be repeated every where, that Mr. Wayne had displayed during the last session of Congress, as much honest zeal, as much unwearied industry, had used as many and as efficient efforts, in oppo sition to the principle and policy of the protective system, as either of his cfl^agues, ami that his zeal, ability, and efficiency, could be relied upon hereafter., as safely as those of the most favored of them, to neither ol whom, if governed by a pro per feeling, could the distinciinn that had been made, be either grateful or indifferent. The tariff ot 1832, differed essentially from the nets of 183-1 and 1828. The principle of all these ac ' s was the same. All were founded upon the right ot Congress to use the power to collect re- v '.'iue to protect and tester a particular and favor- ' d ‘g inch ol the domestic labour of the nation.— } judgment, Mr. Forsyth said, the act of 1832, M-.v it • precursors, although in a different degree, V-Jf ; . lie per version of a power granted for limited, uefimt?, am! specified purposes, to another not con templated by the framers of the constitution, and was a measure of policy injurious to all sections of tue Lniied States, heneficiafcftio where, except to persons whose capital was invested in manufactur ing establishments. lie was not surprised, while deeply regretting it, that different opinions were entertained on both those points, when lie recol- . lee ted how ol ten the revenue power had been ex ercised to effect other purposes than the collection ol money fi»r public use. It had been used to dis criminate between foreign nations, giving to one advantages in our markets to the injury of others. It had been used to foster, maintain, ami extend our commcdeial marine, by discriminating duties of tonnage on foreign vessels and on goods intro duced in loreign bottoms. In the shape of boun ties and drawbacks, it had been used for the bene fit of pr>r<smc**ng«i«-cd in tlic itohct-lco. Alliln.^. uikA Sures had been approved and supported by south ern politicians. The protective power was believ ed to he fairly given to Congress by some of the framers of the constitution, tine of whom, its elo quent and able defender, had administered the government for many years, and‘enjoyed during Jus whole political life, the undivided confidence of the whole south, (Mr. Madison.) Mr. Forsyth thought that it required no great exercise ofcha.r- i-vto a hmf, that the constitutional opinion oppos ed to his own, was honestly entertained by a great majority of those who acted upon it. So with regard to the policy of the system, misled bv plaus ible reasonings and erroneous'assumptions of fact, by the example and prosperity of other nations, the sources of which were not well understood, it was deeply to he deplored, but not to be wondered a', that some highly gifted public men, nnd too many patriotic citizens in all parts of the country, considered the doctrines of free trade as Utopian and delusive, and the protective policy as the onJv wise, practical course for independent nations.— '1 o those honest and patriotic citizens, were united some who were governed by their pecuniary, and. not a few, by their political interests. The acts of 1821 and 1828 were passed by the union ol all the persons thus described, without regard to southern interests and fcel ngs, on the a vowed assumption that the majority knew our in terests better than we did ourselves, and wiili as much indifference to our feelings as could be de- e uiily displayed. The act oflS32 was founded upon the admission that the former acts bore une qually upon us, and upon the avowed determina tion to modify them to satisfy the south, as far as practicable, c insistently with the adherence to the principle of protection. This determination was honestly acted upon. The modifications made ’were not sufficient, fell short of our just demands, but it was unfair to deny that the majority Con gress intended to satisfy us far as they could safely do it, without abandoning their principles. Could we expect them—could we ask them, to abandon duction of the duties on the unprotected articles only.. On this ground the great champion took his stand, (Mr. Clay:) The legislatures of the tariff’ States instructed their Senators and Representa tives to maintain it. The public Journals, devot ed to the cause, teemed with essays 1o prove that any other course was ruin to the American sys tem Mr. Clay pressed the subject upon the Sen ate, until he was compelled to know that it was the determination of that bodv to modify the du ties upon protected articles. The bill of the com mittee of manufactures, was then suffered to lie quietly on the table—and that scheme failed. The next was to appropriate immediately the proceeds of the public lands among the States, creating the necessity lor continuing to collect greater-duties in proportion to the sums thus to be abstracted from the public treasury. That scheme also failed : the hill for that object although passed through the Senate, failed in the House of Representatives.— By this time the Secretary of the Treasury had presented to the House of Representatives his bill of compromise : such a bill as was to be expected from an intrepid and instructed public officer, who believed in the protective policy, and had support ed in Congress the acts of 1824 and 1823. It was acceptable neither to the southern members nor to the protectionists, and was modified injuriously in the committee of manufactures of the House of Representatives, in a bill reported by Mr. Adams. This modified bill was assailed by the hijjrli tariff party, and various amendments, proposed by Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts. It was said that Mr. Adams liad lieen burnt in effigy bv Jiis constitu ents, for abandoning the protective policy. Mr. Forsyth did not know that such was the fact; cer tain it was, that Mr. Adams deserted his own bill, and advocated the amendments of his higher ton ed colleague. These amendments did not succeed. The bill of the committee of manufactures, not substantially changed, yet injuriously modified, was sent to the Senate. The high Tariff party resorted to a new scheme, or rather a modification of ihat first developed : It was to reduce still farther the duties on unprotected articles, and to make a corresponding increase on the duties o' some of the protected. Woollens, cotton bag ging* and sugar, were the particularly favored ob jects of their care. After a vain effort to restore the .minimum principle in the arrangement of the duties on woollens, they succeeded in inducing the Senate to increase the duties on woollens to 57 Some of the principal items Mr. Forsyth stated On raw wool, there was a reduction of $22,091 On W oolien good, 554,775 On cotton goods, l,2f 0,000 On iron and steel, 123,211 On hats, 83,000 On sail duck, 71,343 On sugar, ' 415,591 On iron and steel wire, 205,<20 On hrmn, 30,782 On indigo, 97,990 On a variety of articles hr would not take the time to enumerate, rising in ail to above three mil lions of dollars. In arranging these reductions, the burdens of the south were intended to be relieved. For this pur pose the duties upon plains, believed to be exclu sively used by our blacks, there was a reduction of $l3i.567. The present duty produced a gross re venue of $144,870 The duty which will be paid next I year, would be, supposing the> 13,303 same importation as in 1530, ; from 50 per cent.; to restore the old duties upon cotton bagging and sugar. The duties on unpro tected articles were further diminished bv almost unanimous vote. In Ihat form the bill was return ed to the House of Representatives. . The House agreed at once to the amendments reducing, and rejected those increasing duties. Committees of ol conference were appointed, and the last project was defeated by the agreement of the conferees to take the bill as it came the second time from the representatives of the people. On the discussion of the report of the conferees, Mr. Clay denounced the arrangement as a sacrifice of the' woollen in terests of the East; as an unwarrantable surren der of the interests of Kentucky and of Louisiana, as one with which he never would be satisfied.— Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster united in reprobating in strong terms the conduct of Mr. Dickerson and Mr. ilkins, members of the committee of con ference, who, the Senate were emphatically inform- ed, represented the iron interest in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. It is true, Mr. Clay, after the Senate adopted the report, claimed, with his ac customed adroitness, on the passage of the bill, the credit of oucecsa, nnd that his newspaper advocates sung notes of triumph on the great victory lie had achieved. The motive could be easily understood. It was not the first time that the vanquished claim ed me honors of victory. It was obvious, irom this short sketch of what occurred, that southern efforts in Congress had not been useless. All had not been accomplished, but something had been done. Wha t had been done, Mr. Forsyth proceed ed to show. The year 1828 was the epoch of Tariff extrava gance. In the interval of the last three years, it has been losing ground. Taking the net duties ol' 1830, as the ground of calculation, there was a re duction made hv the act of May, 1830, estimated at * ' $3,463,000 pn Tea, 1,151,000 Coffee, 1,501,000 Molasses, 358,000 Salt, 32a, 000 Cocoa, 9,000 Repealed duties or. tonage, 119,000 3,403,000 $131,567 With the same object there was a reductim of $80,193, on blankets—affecting principally the coarser and cheaper articles, chiefly used in the southern states. The duty on cotton bagging was reduced from 5 to 3 1-2 cents the square yard, against tltf earn est remonstrances of Mr. Clay, who co»sidered Kentucky as sacrificed hy it, and the reduction of J the duty on hemp, to what he termed the ground less complaints of the south. In the space of three yeais there had been then a reduction of the duties on the protected articles, of between three &. four millions of dollars, in a re duction of little more than $10,000 of revenue de rived from duties on importations. Mr. Forsyth said it was not. designed by these details, to reconcile his assmbled fellow-citizens, to the principle of the aci of 1832, nr to its details.— Fie was not, he repeated, satisfied with either. His purpose was to show the disposition of the majority of the last Congress, and to do justice to the inten tions of those who being with us friendly to Gen. Jackson’s administration, were yet determined to sustain the manufacturing interest. He was most anxious that no unfounded prejudice should be in dulged in Georgia towards manv of the members belonging to that majority, as they had on the Of these, salt and molasses were of the protect ed class. TJic amount of net duties taken off the protect ed class in 1830, were $68^,000.* ♦.Vote.—This estimate is made on the basis of the treasury report to Congress, at the last se-sinn, of the revenue received on customs, betwte uhe. 1-a of January, 1930,and the 1st of January, 1831. That reixirt. differ ed from the Register’s Statement ltU ly publisiu d. The statement relating to the period between 30:h Septem ber, 1829, and 30ih September, l.S^O. The difference in ihe duty on salt and molasses, under the acts of 1828 and 1830, calculated on die imnortations.betv.cin 30th September, 1829, and 30rh September, 1930, is $9;,6,- 121; and the reduction on protected articles since 1828, stand thus; By the art of 1S20, On salt, On molasses 53/ ,40 *> 418,707 the principles? The majority was against us. -toil decided unwisely. In that decision,' however, duties on protected articles were reduced, and .some abandoned, because they were exclusively used in the S rathern States. We ought not to be satisfied with the reduction made, nor with the principle ot the hill. Oar exertions to make new changes, until the act laying duties upon imports is framed tbr revenue alone, and its protection but i icidental, should he, and, he trusted, would be un remitting. Mr. F. saw nothing in the recent ses sion of Congress, to induce him to despair of the efficacy of the ordinary means of correcting errone ous popular opinion, and of changing the course of the General Government, by producing salutary changes in the representation of the people and of the state?; nothing to justify a resort to measures 1 iaug.it with danger to the country, or disgrace to • ourselves. With a free and enlighteneif press; with the force of reason and justice on our side’ and a virtuous people to decide, truth was omni potent; and he was bent againt any movement which menaced disunion; and which could not he persisted in without ruin, or abandoned without disgrace. Mr. F. might l*e deceived by his anx- i »ih desire to see a revolution in pubiic opinion gradually achieved, and believe, without sufficient * vidjnee, that it would he speedily accomplished : such, however, was his opinion. He saw strong hdications of a moral revolution in those parts iff the U. States which might he considered as the Strongholds of the Ultra Tariff Party. In the history of the tariff, at the late session of Congress, favorable evidences of returning reason were to I* seen. All present know that a major ity of The late Congress and of their constituents, were for protecting the manufactures. It was usually supposed, ihat the efforts of southern mem bers had been altogether, fruitless. How did that HiJltcp stand ? v\ o did not gain what we ffesirctk, By the act of 1832-, On w oo’. On woollens, On cottons, On wood and manufac- ) turscs of wood, j On leather and manu- ( failures of do. j On glass-ware, ; 112 22,051 534.755 1,260,291 tal question of our Indian relations stood by us in Congress, and defended us at home, wlien those who were eagar to press us “onward” to violent measures against the tariff, showed us a cold shoulder or a hostile face. There was another class of our fellow-citizens who were in this mat ter treated unfairly. The Eastern people were abused as the authors of this new system, got up to make us their tributaries. The tariff of 1816 was aided by distinguished southern politicians, against the wishes of the East. The protective clause which he, himself, proposed to strike from it, was retained by a majority offour votes, five of the persons forming that majority were from South of the Potomac, and three of them from South Caro lina. In 18-24 all Massachusetts, with the exception of Mr. Bavlies, opposed the system, led on by Mr. Webster, who, in the discussion of the question, made his most happy effort. Of Mr. Bay lies, it was proper to say, that standing alone against us on that question, ofall the representatives of Mas sachusetts, he stood .-.lone also on another, that be tween Georgia and the United States, about the Creeks and Cherokees: and for his part it mli-ht. he Put Mr. Forsyth never could recollect Mr. Ba.vlies’ heresy on the tariff, without remem bering his orthoxodv on the Indian question, to us one of higher interest and then of pressing danger Subsequently indeed all New England was fortto protective paliev, because, as it. was alledged, large capitals naci neen, on me government's anchoring to it, vested in manufacttiaing establishments.— There was another cause, not less powerful, al though not acknowledged, in 1S28, &. at tins time, the political hopes of the leading men in New Eng land were indentinod with the maintenance of the American system, and it would not be abandoned by them while there was a chance of success for its chief supporter. Annihilate these hopes ior their restoration to power under the auspicies of Mr. Clay, and you will go far to re-adjust their errone ous opinions on the constitutionality &, hot bed sys tem for raising manufactures. In the mean time, let the New England opposition members have justice for their early efforts to defeat the acts of 1816 and 1824, and he condemned only for their conduct in 1828 and 1832. But in New England itself there were since 1S28, manifest changes, and ifthe wishes of the dominant party in Maine and New Hampshire, could have been accom plished, the recent alterations of the tariff would have been more extensive and more satisfactory. It was perhaps not known, three senators during the late session, voted in violation of the wishes of their state legislatures, for retaining the highest duties upon protected articles, and that many of the important questions in the Senate were decided a- gainst the south, by a majority varying from one to three. The failure to adjust ihe tariff on correct prin- it, or we abandon the Union we have tbrmed un der the hope it would endure forever. This is nei ther the language to tempt, to convince, nor to persuade. Prove to tJiem that the policy is inju rious to them as it is to us; that we detest it lie- cause it is ruinous not to the south only but to our country, our common country, our whole country; that there is nothing in the condition of the north or south, east nr west, that renders this policy ru inous to one, and wholesome to all or either of the others. It is ruinous every where, those only ex cepted who, engaged in manufacturing, have by the industrious use of a monopolized press, deluded their fellow citizens, into the belief that it is good lor them to he taxed, that manufacturing profits might be enlarged. Shall we indulge angry and resentful feelings, use harsh &, menacing language towards those who are taxed like ourselves, burthened as we arc. and differing with us only in this, that they are only taxed and deluded into the belief that it is a public good? We are taxed, and know that it is a public evil. Was ii ever yet found difficult to satisfy a reasoning and reasonable people, that taxes were burdensome, and should he so levied as to press least upon the labour, and lake least from the profi- itsoftheir industry? When the experiment, to car ry conviction home to the bosoms of our bretheren in the western, in the middle, and in the eastern states, by direct, powerful!’, frequent appeals to the people themselves, has been fairly made and failed, we may despair of redress from Congress. Until then, to urge that there is no hope from Congress, is unworthy of our cause, a confession that it can not be sustained at the great tribunal of public <>- pinion. How little lias been done, may be known from til*? statement of a single fact, not at all cred itable to our southern liberality. A public Journal established in the heart of the infected districts, and conducted with great ability, devoted exclu sively to the cause offr- e trade, has been once or twice on the eve of being abandoned for want of patronage, alums’ starved out bv neglect. Estab lish it on firm foundations, give life and vigour to others of a similar character, spread them gratui- tiously far and wide for the benefit of those whose immediate representatives never favor them with a hue or statement in favour of southern doctrines. Translate them into nil the languages spoken in our country, lor the benefit of every citizen who is ignorant of the English tongue. Make the truth be known every where, and leave it to atchieve its own victory. There were many southern politicians who lonk- ked finvard to the late session of Congress, and taught their constituents to do so, as a peculiarly favorable period for an adjustment of the Tariff on jastprinciples. Mr. Forsyth said lu#had never considered the time as favorable to tbe re-establish- ment of the true svsiem. Tiie extinguishment the public debt being near at hand, a diminution of duties was inevitable; but liovv did the extin guishment of the pubiic debt affect the principle upon which the duties were to he diminished? The acts of 1821 and 1823, were not passed to in crease public revenue more speedily to pay off the public debt. They were passed to protect manu factures. Public opinion on those acts was indeed changing, but not changed. The pendency of FEDERAL UNION. HILLE9GET1LLE, 8IIPT. 13, 1839. FOR PRESIDENT, ANDREW JACKSON. CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS. FOR JACKSON AND THE UNION. JOHN COFFEE, of Cherokee, THOMAS W. HARRIS, ©f Walton, GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham, WILLIAM SCHLEY, of Richmond, DANIEL M. STEWART, of Glynn, JAMES C. TERRELL, of Franklin, JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee. DANIEL NEWNAN, of Henry, Tltorr TICKKT. HENRY BRANHAM, of Putnam, AUGUSTIN S. CLAYTON, of Clark, THOMAS F. FOSTER, of G reene, ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe, CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock, SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee, JAMES M. WAYNE, of Chatham, RICHARD II. WILDE, of Richmond. TO PATRONS AND CORRESPONDENTS. A number of advertisements and communica tions nave been unavoidably postponed. Some of the advertisements came to hand too late. We have delayed such as Will not suffer by delay.— Some already in type have been squeezed out. THE TRUE SPIRIT Ur N laLm, MON.—We gave a brief notice of the meeting in Columbus, in our last pane,-' refer our readers to the article from the' crat, for an account of the disgraceful Cl evinced on that occasion. The nuiiifiers pretend that they arc tj lf friends of the Constitution and the Unicp they are for a liberal adherence to it—that CHOLERA.—The Boards ofllealthof New. ^ ork, Philadelphia & Norfolk have suspended their daily reports, as the pestilence has subsi ded. There are some cases in Baltimore and Washington. We have not heard of its pro gressing further south than Norfolk. ciples, at tbe last session of Congress, was spoken 8,964 11,999 5,177 On iron and steel manufac tures. On clothing ready made, On bats ^ On wire Or umbrellas. On cyphering slate.--, f >n quills, On. lead pencils, On brushes, -2,822,339 On haircloth and Imirscating, On bolting clotlis, On brass in plates, On carpets, On floor-cloths, On oil cloths, On furniture oil cloth. 212,205 On lluor watting, Acc. 11,140 On sail duck, 71,343 ()n cotton bii^ijin^, 10,320 ()n taijrar-', 413,594 (,)n indigo, 97,990 On iron and steel, wire, fucks, brads fvc. | 205,720 (>n window-ulass, On roofing slate,«, On japanned and tin ware, 1,458 12,150 Q. 11,781 SO, and lend ware, ) On lend, bar, sheet and pi*r, 7,130 ( 'it hemp unmanufactured, 30,78-2 On II ix, ditto, 13.16-2 On marble, 433 On copper, vessels, bottom?, See. CCO On paper hangings, 2,381 On earthen and stoneware, 23,370 <Jn arid .k j i:ot enumerate J, 05,960 ! 37,633 . S!,GS9t60(j of by many as conclusive evidence that there was no hope from Congress. No hope from Congress' Mr. F. had all bis hopes fixed on Congress^; not the Congriss whose term of service expires on tbe 4th of March next—from them all had been that probably could be obtained. On the 4th of March next, a new house of representatives begins its term, apportioned under the last census. ° There has been a new adjustment of political power. Bv the 4th of March next, one third of the Senate of the United States would have to 0$ elected Are these events to produce no change on the charac ter of Congress? Who will venture to assert thrt there is in these events no ground for hope? Ifis own confident expectations were founded upon Jiis personal knowledge of the condition of parties in the Senate of the United States, at present the strong hold ol the manufacturing interest. In the west actual changes had been made.— Many of those who still adhered to the system, did so, more from a deference to the supposed opinion of their states, than from any settled conviction of their own of the policy of adhering to it. Tie East was misrepresented by some of the senators from that quarter, and many of those senators for merly confided in implicitly when against the sys tem, are now its advocates, from what would prove to be temporary causes. Have any of those who are giving «p Congress in despair, calculated how small a change in the representations in the two houses, would put down forever the delusive sys tem? Cannot this change be wrought? Have the just, natural and rational means been used to en sure success? Who has gone to the high tariff dis tricts to make converts lo the true political creed : The great southern champions make statements, prepare pamphlets, circulate inflammatory speech es, in the south, where public opinion is already right, neglect the benighted districts, or leave them to the exclusive care of their own agitators. With half of the time that had been employed, half of the industry and talent that had been exercised in pro ducing and maintaining the excitement South of the Potomac, a revolution might be accomplished in New-York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Ohio, without whose aid the high tariff party was in a hopeless minority in the Union and in Confess. The admirable memorial of Mr. Gallatin, the de tailed statements prepared bv Mr. Lee in Boston, had already produced a sensible effect, although confined in circulation. They should lie scattered over the whole country, be sent to even* cottage in the middle States, to every log house bevon if tbe another matter, the Presidential election protruded itself into every political question; o where more intensely than in Congress, were the hopes nru fears it engendered deeply felt; no where was it so essentially an element in the adjustment of every disturbing interest. On the tariff its command m influexce was visible at every turn. The protective eystnn was the ground upon which one party Im pel to succeed. To increase their chances, the t<tme was to stigmatize their oponents as the des troyers of the manufacturing interests. The friends of the administration residing in the states t-irurable to tbe protective system, yet tirmlv ad hering to the present administration, were no doubt deterred Irom large concessions, ov me apprehen sion that the administration would he deemed in their neighborhoods the enemies of the favored policy, and they themselves as sacrificing the known wishes of their constituents, to secure south ern vote for the present chief magistral. Fiom the south one party could gain nothing without sacrificing the hope of success in the eastern, mid dle, and western states. The other could lose no thing by adhering to their former policy, which was approved at home. Under such untoward circumstances, what had been done might be claim ed, if not as a signal triumph, yet as an earnest of future success. New adjustments of the system would inevitably soon occur. The act of 1832 would bring larger revenues than would he wan ted tor the public use. Every occasion might and would he seized,peaceably to accomplish the great purpose. Mr. Forsyth said he w as ready, alone, in conjuction with a portion of his fellow-citizens, with the w hole state, or with the southern states, to execute any and every measure, honorable in it- self, to ensure success in this most righteous cause. No measure was honorable, that put in jeopardy the integrity of the Union ; and had little patience with those whose minatory denunciations seemed to increase as the burdens of the system diminish ed. Mr. Forsyth concluded by saying, that de did not intend to discuss the merits of the two sets ofreso- lutions before the meeting. lie came to express his opinion upon them by his vote as a citizen of Richmond county. In voting for the first, he must deny the justice of the suggestion that had been made, that they displayed a spirit of proscription. Among the class of persons who were called nul- liners, were many for whose character, talent, and information, he had unfeigned respect. Yet be would not consider them at this juncture, as safe depositories of legislative power. Beyond this, the obnoxious resolution did not go. Upon the doctrine of nullification he would not enler; his opinion had been long since formed, frequently ex pressed, and doubtlessly was well known to his constituents. THE CROPS.—There is great disparity in the crops throughout the up country. In some places, an abundance of corn will be made—in others it has been very much curtailed. We hope however, from all that we see and hear, that there will he a plenty of grain made to sup port all clases at living prices. COTTON.—This impartant staple has been subjected to a new disease—the rust. We have undoubted information, that in many places this disease has almost entirely ruined the prospects of the planters. Between Flint River and Chat- tahoochic in the direction of Talbot, Haris Ac, we learn that whole fields are totally destroyed —and that they look as desolate as in mid win ter. In many other sections, the crop is injur ed by rust—and very backward and unpromis ing, where there is no rust. In 'the region of Twiggs count}- arc the best cotton prospects we have seen, or heard from. Pease, potatoes, turnips and the like, will probably be abundant, as the latter rains have visited us. doctrine is the only “ conservative prir.e -i ♦he Constitution—that it is peaceable an!; On the other hand we have said, that tt trine is disorganizing—that its tendency 'C union and civil war—that w-e believe s< ir their leaders looked to the destruction of t! ernment, and the organization of another ", us see on which side the proof lies. ** The nuiiifiers of Columbus obtruded selves into the Union meeting, and voted ; what they profess to lie their own doctor They opposed ond voted down the followin'. :' olution: ‘ c “ “Resolvei, That a strict adherrer.ce to constitution and the Union of these Statesto only palladium of our safety as a nation.’’ 5 So it seems the nuiiifiers neither wn- Constitution, nor our Union. If they . all content with the constitution, they won content with a “strict adherence'' to'it—t,^ opposing the foregoing resolution, it seems',' even a literal adherence to the Cousti* will not satisfy them. It follows, that thp v . entirely opposed to the Constitution, y' will the people of Georgia say to this ? \\ will they think of men who profess so much C for the Constituton, while by their votes • say, we will not have it ?—But these agitators' so pretend that they are the only friends Union, as well as the Constitution—hf,' have opposed and voted down the Union Now in the name of republicanism, v.hat dot!,,' men want ? What do they aim at l They v have neither our glorious' constitution, nor« happy Union.!! But we can say no more. The subject U\ painful for reflection—and the English larigu- too weak, to place such conduct, and sucliY ciples in their proper deformity before the j •' Let the people write condemnation upon th-: that produces fruit so corrupt and poisonuj.-. THE UNION.—If any man could but take, a peep into our editorial desk, he would say with friend Bartlett, of the Telegraph—“ The Union is too firmly rooted m the anections of the peo ple to be easily shaken.” We have filled our large sheet with nothing but good union matters —and we have yet enough on hand for a week or two to come. V» e rejoice at publishing these things— but our friends must have patience." They shall all come out in time. It is duo to the his tory of the times and the patriotism of Georgia, that these tilings should go abroad. The Un ion is safe in Georgia, and nullification dead and buried. NOTICE TO MECHANICS. (SJE A.LED proposals will be received till the first Tues- day in October next, for building a Jail house at 9aundersvil’e, Washington county, Georgia, on the fol lowing plati, &c. Of good heart pine timber, two su- rys high, the first nine feet between the floors, and second eight feet between the floors. The lower room lo have three walls, the outside wall eighteen feet square (in length) and it as well as the in side wall timbers, nine Ly ten inches, and the intermedi ate wall to consist of timbers six inches square, let down on an end, so loose as to drop. The upper story tohave hut one or outside wall, (of timbers as before described, 9 by 19 inches) the first floor of double legs, and second :f one set of logs of similar dimentions (9 by 10 inches) each covered with plank inch and a half thick, six or stven inches wide, as also over head in second story seil- cuv ith similar plank, all well spiked with three inch spices. The door in second story to have a decent plat- foru before it, nnd steps to ascend. T'ue shutter to said door to be double, and well cover 'd with sheet iron, and a good stock lock to each, also a substantial trap door in the centre of second floor pre pared for secure fastening. v To have two small windows in the lower .or m, anti three in the upper, w ell secured with grates or bars of iron. Well raftered and sheeted and covered with heart pine shingles eighteen inches in length—One fourth t i the money paid in advance, and the balance as the work progresses. The work to be executed in a workman like manner. Bidders tire requested to state particularly the shortest time they can accomplish the work, also accompany -heir proposals with the names of their securities and dirce them to the Inferior Court of said comity. T. J. WAIITHEN, j. 1. c. FLOYD, j. 1. c. 8. HARR EL, j. i. c. A. IRWIN, j. 1 c. S. ROBBESON, j. 1. c. Font. 13. 10—3t THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.—It i> a mat ter of the very first importance, that the friends of the Union in every county, should look well to tbe candidates for the next Legislature. While the good man slumbers and sleep's, the enemy mnv. sow tares among the wheat. While we are guard ing against disunion in Congress and in the anti- tariff Convention, let us beware that nullification should not slip into the legislative balls. From the demonstrations of public opinion already given, we sec but litt; prospect of a full representation of the whole people of Georgia in the proposed Con vention. The Convention game was intended to be a deep one. Wehave never thought that it was originally designed for good. It came from the wrong quarter. We have no doubt if was planned at Washington City—that the whole State was immediately to be carried by storm. We have seen Georgians turn out as voluntary Missionaries to propagate the Carolina faith. But our good people were too well established in their patriotic creed, to be carried back into political infidelity. It will be remembered that we fell into the plan of a Convention, that we might meet the cnemv in is own field. But weobserve a irreat reluctance in many strong and enlightened portions of the people to giving in to the views even of a Con vention. Ii is said, and with much force, that when the Convention shall have assembled, public curiosity will look with interest to their proceed ings. Something great will be expected, and from the very expectation of it, the members might tro lengths to which the people are opposed^—and thus an excitemsnt might gradually grow up to a dangerous point. Several intelligent and strong counties have opposed the Convention. Richmond*, Hall, Chatham, Jones, Coweta, Liberty, and (we understand) Talbot have all opposed'it. Bald win only acquiesed, because it had been favored in other quarters. Other counties will oppose it.— They believed a convention ill-timed and inexpe dient, as tending to create an undue excitement. We have before exptessedour opposition to any separate State action, as well as to action upon the acts of any convention, not representing the whole people of ihe State. We see no prospect of a full representation. And the agitators must have made the same observation. The enemy, repulsed from the door, may attempt to climb in at the window. Be ready to push him back. While we are routing his ranks and breaking his forces, before us, in every direction, let us not sutler his reserved corps to come up in the rear and give us a galling fire. Compel every man to pledge himself to the cause of the Union. Chatham and Richmond have driven Daniel and Longstreet from the fie.d. Let other counties fid- low the example. As there is an immense majori ty of Union men throughout the State, let the voice of these men be heard through our Legisla tive proceedings. 0 Should the Convention fail, the tariff question may be urged upon the Legislature. Hence it is of the utmost importance to have sound heads an 1 pure hearts in that body. We urge this precau tion upon our readers as one of the very first con sequence. We deem the above suggestion more important since we have seen the proceedings of a meetim. at Hillsboro’, in Jasper county—which came to hand after wc had written this article. GENERAL NEWNAN.—Thisdistingy ed gentleman has spread his opinions or: “Carolina doctrines” before his eonstitu It is with deep regret that we see in them a. recognition of the dangerous heresy of rv cation—a doctrine which we have condena from the first moment it was advocated. (\ sistency and honesty compel us still to ootidm it, though advocated by General Newnan. is well known, that we have adhered to the (I - eral through good and through evil report. V had seen him treated with great i:f;y And we, together with till his old political fid had exerted every nerve, upon every eery; that offered, to promote airJ to .sustain him. was therefore with the most unfeigned rr: that we witnessed his departure from the trines we and his friends have always prized - highly, and so warmly sap no: ted—just attl nient when their untiring efforts had pk-ec beyond the reach of persecution. We st turning his back upon us with great reluctuu But we should consider ourselves unwortliv' gans of the Union party, could we consult-, approve in one man what we condemn anil® nouncc in others. We should then be supp ing men and not principjes. Wc should her. nir, g vju.suives and our press the more sc;; organs of a party, while we should cense to: the independent and fearless advocates off doctrines, of that party. We have attack ourselves to the party to which we belong, h cause, in our conscientious opinions, their ds- trines will preserve the Union and secure tod States their reserved and constitutional rig!:;. Whenever we cease to be honest in these a;, tachments, wc shall lose respect for ourself'• and cannot expect that we, or our press, willi respected by others. Before we could con?: to he placed in such a predicament, we slice, cheerfully retire from our editorial labor's tot- peaceable pursuit of an honorable profession. It is with great pain that we learn, from sou ces entitled to the fullest credit, that Gtrier Newman has uttered unmeasured dcnuncinty ol ourselves, our press, and many of the Ic ing men of our party-—that he has said to a litical opponent, (who announced it in a pul- speech in Miliedgeville) that the Federal Ur.: was a paper inimical to the interests of the Sou: We consider this a stroke levelled at the wh party, for w-e represent them according to c'- limited abilities. We regret most sincere that General Newnan should have placed hm- self in this hostile attitude against those W have stood by him through all his trials and it Acuities, and who have had no agency in plac::- lum in his present unpleasant predicament. £■' let it be remembered, that when gentle®*' choose to turn their backs upon their part}' when they- denounce the presses of that part' and the leading men of that party-, and the leac- ing doctrines that characterize that party—ri’ they abandon us—We do not abandon then. JUDGE CLAYTON, in his let !cr to the gusta committee, tells the people, if they wis ' have the Tariff nullified, they- must send nullif to Congress. It is very unfortunate for the Ju4'- tiiat he has been tried already,and found want# He had a chance of nullifying a part of the tir- in July, but he did not do it. It seems thntnu erswill not nullify the tariff, when they caof’ peaceably and by a simple vote. And this is*' of the strongest reasons why the Judge should : be sent to Congress. A subscriber has requested us to publish .* .1 * . . * IV Clayton s letter to the Augusta committee, have not room for it at present—Its length f eludes it. Should we find it convenient hereJl- we mav do so. CORRECTION CORRECTED.—The $ con Messenger has attempted to correct an 1 roneous statement respecting the course p urs fi by Judge Lamar at the Miliedgeville Meeting' by stating that “ the resolutions offered and^' cated by the Judge were essentially thesnfU those adopted at the Athens meetm**.” ^ ur f; the Messenger has seen Judge Lamars Prea®,, and Resolutions—Surely it must be known _ Col Rockwell’s substitute comprised the Attj^ Resolutions which Judge Lamar o PP 0S .£j!' there be no more errors on this subject. that Judge Lamar highly disapproves the A. Resolutions, or he would not have submitted o> U And any one who will lake the pains to rea resolutions, will see, at onte, that they are tP sentially the same as the Athens resolutions " very essentially different. m At the suggestion of a friend or two, w e » publish in our next the embodied resoluti ( assed in Milledireville. They are crow this week. ~ . - edr