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snsit wiutou* POLITICAL. Answers received by the Richmond Committee <tf Correspondence on the subject of Nullification. Albemarle County, Virginia, Sept. 4; 1832. Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your circular of the 2Dth ait. bearing the Augusta post mark of the 24th. You ask me at the instance of a public meeting of my felipw citizens of Richmond County, to communicate to foem, through you, my sentiments in regard to «A uUifi- cationl and forward me the proceedings of the mee ting, as the best explanation of the nets and motives of those who composed it. Such a request, so urg ed, demands, for mv own credit, an immediate und explicit answer. The election is rapidly approach ing, and any intentional delay or disguise, would bef inconsistent with my habits, aud unworthy of your Representatives. I consider nullification, as a proposed rerredv for the evils ofthc Tariff,,unsound in theory, and un safe in practice. This opinion, probably of little consequence to any one but myself, though uttered frankly, is I hope without any thinge of arrogance or dogmatism. Having answered the question put to me, as one in the catalogue of candidates, I might, if this were an ordinary occasion, be permitted to con clude, with the approved formula, of gratitude and devotion to my generous constituents, and to the personal friends, thro* whom their communication has been made. But the time—the circumstance —the great interests at stake—the danger of the crisis to our country and the cause of freedom—all admonish me not to deal in the common places of holiday ceremony, nr to shelter myself behind -dry and barren generalities. My sentiments are not demanded, on account of any personal suspicion, or the apprehension of pe culiar danger from nullification in Congress. They have becivrequ'Ted most probably from a flatter ing but mistaken estimate of their possible influence with the public: aud as in our day and land, every ■man judges, well, or ill, for himself, you look not for opinions only, but some reasons to support them. Though usually regarding the insignificance o! mere party controversies with contempt, and their intolerance and malignity with disgust; every per sonal wish, and taste and feeling, is lost in a ques tion like the present. Its intrinsic magnitude aud enduring effects no one will deny; aud my views of it, although neither novel or profound, are due to the solicitation of a community among whom the best and longest part of my life has past, in the in terchange of mutual good will, and to you thecom- pa nions of my youth or boyhood. In such an inter course concealments would be pitiful—professions misplaced. Thoughts opened without reserve— emotions the deeper for suppression, may be safe ly commended to the favorable interpretation of men, whose experience of the world, must ere this have taught them, there is always least Heart where there is most tongue. ft is impossible for me to defend, palliate or deny the evils of a protective tariff. At every stage of my political life I have borne testimony against them. But I cannot—dare not say, they are un- induraole—irremediable—or entirely to he imput ed to the grasping avarice ot any portion of our country^. Writing within view ol Monticello, once the home and now the grave of Jefferson, I may not profane the air f breathe with the lan guage of submission. Neither must I bear false witness against my neighbour, for His name re minds me, that some five and twenty years-ago, the Patriarch of American FreeJom, assisted by South ern politicians, laid in the exclusion of all com merce with foreign nations, the foundation of pro tection to domestic manufactures. “ We must bring our works!ops from Europe'."—“ Wc must not consume the ■productions of those who injure and insult us.”—“ Perish Commerce/ let our con stitution live!”—Sncli was the language which for years found an echo in every southern besom, from the Potomac to the Mississippi. Such was the fee ling that bore us through Embargo—Non-Impor tation—War. Need I tell you, gentlemen, that it was southern votes which, in eighteen hundred and sixteen, carried a tariff partly for revenue part ly protective, against the strenuous opposition of the navigating interest ? And must I protest,even t > you, that this recapitulation, is not made to de fend or accuse, the past or the present—to incul pate or exculpate, any man, or party, or people— but .simply because it is the truth. “ The thorns we reap, are .of the tree we planted;” they may not wound us the less; but surely we have no right to impute all the injury to others. I do not say we ought to bear them patiently—or at ail. I will not presume to tell a whole commonwealth what it can o*r cannot bear. But I will recall to the recol lection of ray countrymen, even at the rhkofsorae odium to myself, that the manufacturing states were made such by our legislation. We destroyed their shipping and they turned to manufactures.— Must we 4rstroy their manufactures that they may return to their shipping? It is natural enough that we should seek to re move rsstrictions which are hurtful toour industry: but it is equally natural they should strive to retain what they imagine beneficial to theirs. Considering when—hy whom—aud under what circumstances they were imposed, it is asking too much ofhaman nature, to expect they will be rea dily abandoned. A part of the population on which they were forced, once spoke of seceding from the Union if they were persisted in. But the union has survived their discontent. They converted our lolly to their benefit; and now we meditate se cession unless they will instantly relinquish iheir advantage. Perhaps they have enjoyed it long enough. Perhaps they have more than indemnifi ed themselves for the losses which we made them suffer. Certainly our injustice, if we committed any, cannot justify theirs. Most undoubtedly the interchange of wrong for wrong is impolitic—in human.-—unchristian. Still the practical question r- curs: Must we not suffer something from our ■ wn imprudence? Can wc expect instant conces sion? Shall we not be satisfied to win back again step by -step, aud with the arms of truth and rea son, the groutd which we lost by an abandonment ofboth? But are we to endure forever? What right have we to expect relief from those who are inter ested to oppress us? This is ray answer. Either the theory of free trade is not true; or if time, it must ultimately triumph. If we assume that man cannot distinguish right from wrong, truth from error—is incapable of seif government—will not pursue his own happiness —or can promote it by injustice, onr institutions are a lie, and a federal representative republic, the very midsummer madness of drivelling imbecility Teii tr.e not of constitutional restrictions and con curring majorities! Man’s universel, eternal laws, are those of Reason, or Habit, or Force. All the checks and balances of government, practical ly resolve themselves into these; and every oilier device for bending the will of the greater, to that of the smaller number, however subtle and ingen , ions, is too delicate to be useful. Had habit estab lished nullification as a remedy for federal usur pations, it might be submitted to. just as long as the constitution could remain unaltered, but no lon ger. If it is so hard for a minority to submit, would the hardship be diminished if a* majority had .to bear it? From habit however, nullification has no sanction. Is it an appeal to the Reason of the Tariffs tales? After the obnoxious law has been solemnly annuled as unconstitutional by one mem- ber'of theconfederacy—in an assembly of the whole Collected ^people, unanimous, if you please—and tionalitv of the statute, which yet remains confes- | shaken as much perhaps, by imunal as by edly subjudice, and liable to be confirmed by the ! real injuries. Sharp sayings, at all times, leave requisite majority of slates. Nothing short of an- t behind them bitter recollections; but they are es cient usage or the most explicit sonstitutional pro- pceialiy unseasonable at a crisis like the present, ‘visions, could prevail on the majority, to acquiesce Indulge me with a remark or two on the tone of in such a state of things : and every dispassionate this reply'. It may be thought too mild for the observer will perceive, that in the abscence of temper of the times. Anger will not bear, that his such usage or provisions, attempts would be— antagonist should be only gentiy censured, and ex- must be made, by those administering the govern- hortations to moderate counsels, grate harshly on eminent, to execute in the dissenting state, the same the ears of injured men. Y-et, after all, when delu law which prevailed in all the others. However sions, not heads, raust^ bo broken, the best words conducted, and liovvever opposed, this must end for service, sound the‘least like blows. I admit, in Force—force used to uphold the law, and force it is not enough, that he whom you honor with employed to resist it. I 3'our confidence, should faithfully represent your ' Long then, before the complicated post nullify- rights, your wishes, your interests. There should ing process of revision couldpnss through its laby- be chords in his bosom, responsive to vour every ninth of tribunals—its maze of forms—before three! passion.- But their echoes need riot reach you, to and twenty legislatures could assemble, deliberate, j swell the notes of discord. He who would appease, and decide, the sword, that keen and clear interpre- j if he cannot reconcile, contending parties, must be ter of right and just, would have solved the con-j careful not to augment their mutual prejudices.— stitutional difficulty, and when the snail-paced res-1 He should rather strive to abate their^ respective cript came, it would come to men, clad in energy claims arid animosities. Too many will be found steel, to be burned in derision, by the torch of civil in every country, to flatter and inflame the indig- war> * nations of the Sovereign—whether people or des- Nullification, However qualified, disguised, or pot: Comparativelyfew to argue with the masters explained, has then this attribute of an evil spirit. I of votes or legions. As the apostles of political It is swift of foot only on bad errands. It flies to toleration are scarce, if one should chance to gam scatter discord: it limps to bring peace. Let me the public ear, he ought to improve the occasion, not be misunderstood. In speaking freely, of what to beat down in whatever party may be his hear- I feel strongly, the dangers of the doctrine : it is far ers, that self sufficient obstinacy, which will allow from my intention to imneach the motives ofjts ad- nothing to be fir, or rfoty, or bearable, but what we vocalcs. I have heard it maintained with nrgu- ourselves approve. For the reason then, that if I mentsthe most plausible, and eloquence the most were the representative of a manufacturing state, seductive, bv men whose talents may receive mv addressing at this crisis, implicit believers m.the humble admiration, but to whose unquestionable benificent magic of the restrictive policy, I should patriotism I cannot, without insolence, even offer to attempt to mitigate their fire and confidence—for bear witness. the same reason, appealing to those wfio are con- Inlhe heat of conflict—in the exasperation of vinced of its malignant influence, it is my duty to defeat—the sense of southern wrongs has often soothe if possible their just indignation. Unless overcome my own habitual calmness. And is it this course of conduct is pursued by all who aspire possible for me to deny indulgence to the words or j to be thought honest and patriotic, must not alie- projeef s of fellow combatants embarked in the same Illation spread and become incurable ? cause—contending with the same adversary—men If an opportunity were afforded tne to confine the ouen spiiTiis are liever liiat in an uuwui iuj — —,— --—, If it becomes so, the blame must rest with a por- j not run the risk of being quoted any where, as the tfonof their followers. Nor is it hard to draw the I apologist of Restriction or, Nullification j of era- line. The envious, desperate, or interested are ven acquiescence or frantic opposition. The con- soon knswn. They court every party and betray sequences are obvious, and I am not insensible to all. As for those amiable enthusiasts, bearing in them. No navigator, however skilful, can turn his their veins the blood of liberty’s martyrs, who are sails to every wind at once. I have but one con- indiffereut counsellors, it may be, at the commence- | solation. I have not sought to catch any. Mv ment of a difficulty, but excellent companions to notions being probably in many respects disrelished stand by you in the end, tliev are not. more to be by all parties, will, at least, not draw down on me checked than cherished. Thai they have failed to the suspicion of seeking popularity, the last worst convert me to their favourite faith,'may perhaps ridicule that can befall oue, whose honest ambition be owing to mv phlegm or dullness. Certainly I is much more to ^serve his countrymen than to not to any want ofabilTtvin them, or any prejudice I please them. . ■ in me. Far from reproaching what I believe to I have thus, gentlemen, endeavoured to perform be their errors, Ido not even think it. wonderful, what it is presumed was expected of me, that in honesty seeking n remedy for the disorders communications, it is hard to avoid speaking more of the republick, many should entangle themselves J of otie s self, than is either pleasant or graceful, in refinements that confuse when they do not. con-1 You, I am sure, will be the first to pardon the cgp- Ycttheverv subtlety of the* argument is tism into which you have betrayed me: for tew its great defect. When logic is too acute, the edge know better, hotv humbly I estimate myself and turns. If we want it for common use it must be my opinions. It is useless to wish that more time coarse and stronger. Shall I be cited to shew that I had been allowed me; and vain to regret that. I the tariff is unjust—be told that if unjust we ought cauld not mingle in your deliberations. Could I to resist it—and if resisted, according to my own I have anticipated the state of public feeling in Geor- arguiueut, that resistance must lie effectual. ‘ What gia, the honorable employment which detains me, I said concerns appeals to reason only. When | accepted as it was, not_ merely on the score ol force becomes the arbiter, it is not justice or even courage that decides. My proof is in one word— Poland 1 Were it otherwise, trial by ordeal and judicial combat should be restored,and the victor it* battle would oucc more become right by the judgment of God. Rut what hope have we of redress, if not in nullification ? How can we expect to convince men, rendered deaf hy interest to every remon strance' 1 I answer, the interest against us, is less real than apparent. The gatn of th«r -firmrirTg states by il.« tariff is imaginary. A. European war would, in all probability, dissipate their illusion at once. A constitutional amendment in favor of roads and canals misht dissolve the combination of health, but for the gatification of my colleagues and constituents, must have been refused. Were I now able to support a long journey, I should still feel myself bound to return. But the hope of reach ing home in a condition to engage in an active du ty, is yet more feeble than that of being servicea ble by my presence. Nothing remains tor me then but to recommend vou and our common country, to'the protection of that power without whose aid ail wisdom is but follv 1*' *h a o* i,~- * ; r - u. no wise pass away, her destiny, is my des^ tiny, for good or for evil. „ I am, gentlemen, with great respect, and sincere esteem, vour friend and fellow-citizen, RICHARD HENRY WILDE. To Col. Wm. Cumming, Hon. John P. King, Au- the East and West. It is not impoysable, that in . the disposition of the public lands, means might he I gustin Slaughter, Esq. Augusta, Geo, found, to restore the harmony of out country.— J Even the necessity of exporting an immense and! Greenesboro’, lOih Sept. J8o2. annually increasing surplus of domestic products, | Gentlemen,—On my return home two days ago and of importing lawfully, or illicity, in goods or after an absence of several weeks, I received your in specie, the corresponning millions for which it- is j letter ot 20th ult. in which, as a Commi ttee ap- exchaged must at no distant dav occasion new rc- I pointed by a meeting of the citizens of-Richmond Auctions of our imposts. But before, and above all, J County, you enquire what are my/‘sentiments in regard to nullification.” Recognizing the right of every citizen, to know the opinions of candidates for public office, on all subjects connected with tb stations to which they aspire, I have no hesitation in an answering your equiry, There has never beeen, p> Fays, a political doc trine advanced which has been so variously under stood as nullification. Even those who advocate it most zealously do not agree in their expositions of it. Without examining into the various modi fications under Which this doctrine has been held forth. I regard it, in general terms, as the action of a single state in resisting and arresting the op eration of an act of Congress within its limits, which such state may determine to be uneonstitu tional and oppressive. I cannot more plainly and concisely express ray opinion as to this right, of a shite thus to arrest the if we are right, we have the weapons which sel dom fail. Am I asked when did reason and justise conquer interest and prejudice ? I point to all the triumphs of Truth and Time. To a reform in the English reformation restoring civil privileges to a persecuted sect—to such an extension of the elective franchise, as Chatham dareJ not medi tate, and Fox could not accomplish. To revolu tions less bloody, and codes less barbarous—to the liberty of the press—to our own institutions, the hope and admiration of all that is liberal in Chris tendom—in-a wurd, to the extended and exten ding empire of opinion. We have heard to be sure, that a total, immedi ate, unconditional abandonment of the principle of protection is our right: that we ask nothing more; will take nothiug less, and must not stoop to buy justice. These are lofty and captivating senti- . _ ments; yet a doubt may be indulged, whether they operation of a law of Congress, than by repealing are practical. Justice is a rare commodity, even 1 the views presented in an humble effort which * among friends and neighbors; and though forbid- deemed it my du’y to make, during the late ses den to be sold, he is thought lucky who pa vs dearlvjsion of Congress, in vindication of the course pur- and gets it a Hast, after enduring the oppressors sued by the authorities of Georgia in the enact wrong, the proud man’s contumely, the law’s dc- ment and enforcement of certainlaws for the gov lay, the insolence—and what to some, is worse, the I ernment of that part of the ..state occupied by the fees of office. I Churokees. On that occasion I maintained, “ that If indeed wc aresesolved to yield no pretension— j the federal constitution is a compact between the brook no compromise—if the tariff is really insup- J different states oft his Union as sovereign states; portable, and a nostrum must be found to cure it I that as no common arbiter hap been appointed, now—at once—and forever—secession and not nul- } each state, in the exercise of its inherent aovereign- Ujication, is the melancholy, but appropriate rerae-1 ty, has a right to'judge tor itselfof the infractions dy. I no more approve one than I justify the oth- I of the constitution, and of the mode and measure . er. If heaven hears my prayers, both will be of redress’—and consequently the right to resistor spared me. My life though short, and more for- defend itself against unconstitutional or arbitrary tunate than happy, will be far too long, should I power by the federal government or any of its de- survive to bear part in a civil war, or to witness a partments. That this right is to he exercised un- dissulution of the Union. Yet the last I am per- i der the deepand solemn responsibility of producing suaded would be the least evil. It may be effected disunion or civi! war-that wheti a state has deter- without the guilt of home-shed blood; which is to mined to resist the treasures of the federal govern- me, of itself, a sufficient ground of preference. It is ment (whether it be a law of Congress or a decis- probable that if Georgia or South Carolina, or both I j°n of the supreme Court,) the federal government, should think prope to withdraw, do attempt would [ if it resolves to enforce its measures, acts under the be made to prevent them. They may be allowed to same deep responsibility, in which the people of depart into obscure independence, if they can main- the. other states will participate, unless they instruct tain it; to settle quietly as a petty principality; or their agents (their representatives in Congress) to sink into an appanage of European power, t can- J repeal or desist from the obnoxious measures.— not believe that the secession of the whole South J And finally that if the States assuming this attitude would be seen with equalindifference. Of this our j will not yield, and the federa 1 government per- antagonists suppose there is no danger: and they I sists, there must be a dissolution o? the Union or an hug themselves with the belief, that unless all appeal to the sword.” From this extract jfou will made common cause,the new govermentwillhardly J perceive that in asserting the right, I have adopted be formidable enough for freedom. Without the foe doctrinesalmost the precise language of the Chesapeake it would scarcely have a port into I Virginia and Kentucky resolutions. It is from which a frigate cuuld enter; & New Orleaus would these, and the masterly report of Mr. Madison, in be wanted as an outlet for Mississippi, and the I support of the former, that my opinions, on this until the requisite majority of the other states de cide whether jt is constitutional or not, is the offen sive statute to ifce operative or inoperative on the state Which hasVuiiulled iff To concede its opera tion, would be a Solecism reducing the proposed remedy, to a tnoreVormal method of remonstrance. To suspend its execution, is giving to the dissent of one state, a veto <ni the common legislation of jf»k a- veto assuming jp\ts excreta, the tyicoastitu imaging. questions so serious aril afflicting can be agitated Rights so well defined and so ably defended as in three know the intensity ot our feelings and our suffer- considei a very different question in resis- collection imposes, I I am Opposed ings; our deep; settled; unanimous hostility to to a proceeding of that kind by our state, because the protective system. It mayhe worfla reflecting, I apprehend that it would‘produce a collision nevertheless, how far, at this time, unfounded sus- I with the general government, and perhaps eventu- picions may be thrown upon our motives, by the I ate in civil war and ultimately in disunion con- pendency of a Presidential election—the pledgee sequences which I should feel unwilling to hazard, contemporaneously given to certain candidates, and at least until all other efforts to relieve ourselves the eager discussion of even contingent pretensions, I are exhausted. That the Tariff system is unequal, which four years vet, are wanting to mature. j unjust, unconstitutional, and extremely opftpregs- Iu this allusion however, as in all I liave said or I ive upon the southern states, I have no doubt,— omitted, it is ray earnest desire 1o estrange no ally, I tliat it ought to be resisted by. the people of the to provoke no opponent. More than enough off south, I have uniformly declared; and as the op- >f scoffing ^nd reproach has already past between the I pression is common to the southern people, they - mecibtrs of this Union, its integrity has been I ought, it seems to »*»*» to unite in a comn>..n tance. In what way that resistance should be made would, I conceive, be best determined by united councils—and.therefore I am decidedly in favor of a Convention of the Southern States.— Thisjexpedient I have urged to my fellow citizers on all convenient and proper occasions, and addi tional reflection has but confirmed my convictioris ol its importance. I have no doubt that our adver saries are presuming upon our differences and di visions. The state of parties at the south is as well known to them as to ourselves; and from ihe an gry spirit that marks some of our party contests, they are satisfied that the people of the southern states—nay even of a single state, cannot be united in any effort which may be made for our relief.— If we could undeceive them in. this particular—if we conld but convince them that however divided on other subjects, and however variant our views and opinions on other political matters, that on that of our oppressions and a determination not to sub mit to them, there was but one mind and one spir it, we might flatter ourselves with the hope of producing’an impression on the people of the Tar iff states, which would soon result in a satisfacto ry modification of this odious system. It is for the purpose ofprodiicingthis union and concert among the citizens of our own state, and with the hope ol procuring a southern convention, that I have advocated the contemplated state convention.— And it is in view of the great importance of har mony and zealous co-operation among ourselves, that I have constantly implored mv fellow citizens to“ let our strifes cease”—to discard all bitter and selfish feeling, and to deliberate calmly and dis passionately on this great subject so vitally impor tant to themselves and their posterity. If under the influence of such a spirit all the counties of the state should elect delegates to the proposed con vention, we should obtain a full and fair expression of the views anil feelings of the peolple; and ip whatever measures a majority might determine oh, all would acquiesce. I am aware gentlemen, that l have gone heyonif the scope of your enquiry; but I cannot regard the remarks which I have made as inappropriate; and feeling most sensibly the deep interest which the people of Georgia have in the great subject which for years has agitated thisAvhole country; standing too in the relation to them which I do, I could not forego the opportunity of makingsome suggestions as to the course which we ought to pursue at this interesting crisis. But while I make these sugges tions, I beg leave to repeat what I have frequently stated-, that I am not wedded to my opinions: and that if any meanscan be devised more likely to ef fect the object so desirable to all, and more in ac cordance with the views and feelings of our fellow- citizens, I will most cheerfully yield my opinions, and cordially contribute my feeble efforts to render those means effectual. Yery respectfully yours. THOMAS f. foster. Messrs. Cumming, King and Slaughter. Telfair, Sept. 3, 183-2. Gentlemen r- In reply to your enquiry respec ting my opinions on the doctrine of Nullification, I have the pleasure to state to you, that I recog nize at ail times, the right of the people to be made acquainted with the sentiments of those who are before them lor promotion, especially on so mo mentous a question as that which is the subject of your enquiry. I cheerfully therefore reply to you, that I am de cidedly oppose^ to a Protective Tariff—but am as decidedly opposed to Nullification, or any other Xash measure, that would endanger the Govern ment, or the existence of the Union. I need not eruer info any argument upon the subject.:—These have always been my opinions, and I. hnpo tiioy w ;tl o—j me 03 my grave. If the best and happiest Government, ever yet devised for man, should be subverted, WKere’is the hope of the American? I am, Gentlemen, very respectfully, Your-Fellow Citizen. JNO. COFFEE.* To Col. William Cumming, Jadge J. P. King and Aug. Slaughter, Esq. Committee.—Augusta Georgia. ~ FEDERAL* UNION. MILLEDGEVILLE, SEPT. 87, 1833. POR PRESIDENT, ANDREW JACKSON. CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS. FOR JACKSON AND THE UNION. JOHN COFFEE, of Cherokee, THOMAS W. HARRIS, of Walton, GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham, WILLIAM SCHLEY, of Richmond, DANIEL M. STEWART, of Glywi, JAMES C. TERRELL, of Franklin, JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee. DANIEL NEWNAN, of Henry, 03r JOHN MILTON, Esq. of Columbus ; we are requested to say, is a candidate for Con gress at the election in October next. TKOUP TICKET. HENRY BRANHAM, ef Putnam, AUGUSTIN S. CLAYTON, of Clark, THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Greene, ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe, CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock, SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee, JAMES M. WAYNE, of Chatham, RICHARD H. WILDE, of Richmond. (Kr MIRABEAU B. LAMAR, Esq. we are authorized to say, is a candidate for Congress at the ensuing election. CANDIDATES POR BALDWIN COUNTY. UNION TICKET—opposed to Nullification. FOR 3EXATE. WILLIAM JD. JARRATT. represf.ntati ybr WILLIAM SEARCY, 4SE0RGE W. MURRAY. NULLIFICATION TICKET. JOHN J3. HOWARD, JAMES S. CALHOUN. Wc know H Sc • ,—... ed to this decision—He has said it-—-he hasT it—he has officially,'sworn (o it—and itutrT hazard nothing in the assertion—and this * erous attack—this evil-timed persecution U mends him more strongly to the voters of We hope to see him triumphantly supportd Since w riting the above, we have receive C M ri «K C ^ tailun 4 a from?, Schley to Mr. Shockley. We regret that it is too late to republish it. The drift - Judge’s ideas is somewhat similar to our cir' directly contradicts Mr. Hobby's statement JT expected he would do. He adds the cen \ of Mr. Boisclair, Gen. Clascock, Win. # ? ranee. Esq. and Col. Zdchariah Williax*? tyhich prove that Judge Schley is, and i Q opposed to the decision. Wo are requested to say that the friends of the Union wall support the' name of Benjamin S. Jburdan, or General Mitchell, to run together with Jno. A. Cuthbert for the anti-tariff Con vention. Dt3" We are requested to announce Samuel Rockwell and Wm. H. Ton range E.sq’rs. as candidates before the people of Baldwin for the Anti-tariff Convention. LOTTERY LISTS Wc shall commence publishing the drawings in a Register so soon as the Lottery goes into op eration.—Price FIVE DOLLARS in advance, POLHILL & CUTHBERT, >hoiis WfLL BE SOLD. " © N the fi-at Tuesday in December next., at ths court house door in the town of Milledgcviile, between the usual hours of-sale—Two hundred two and a half acres of land, lying- on the waters of Fishing Creek, in the county of Baldwin—Also, four negroes to-wit: Mourning, a negro woman, and her three children, Ann, LAND AND GOLD LOTTERIES.—By reference to our advertising columns, it will be seen, that our energetic Governor has issued his proclamation, informing the good people Georgia, that the drawing will commence on the 92nd of October. ELECTION RETURNS.—We request our friends tojgive us the earliest authentic accounts of the returns from the various counties. EXECUTOR’S SALE. G eorgia, Baldwin county.—win h c sold bet ween the usual hours of sale, on the first Tuesday in December next, at the Court house door in Mi!ledgevilie, that well known plantation, the property of the estate of John H. Smith, dec’d., lying 8 miles trom Milledgcvdle on the Macon road, including be tween 8 and 900 acres of land, adjoining Bevins, Smith, and others—Sold for a division among the heirs. BENJAMIN L. LESTER, Ex’r. Sept 27 ‘ 12—tds HOT1CB. A MHE Officeof the Piedmont Stage Line, isnowkep at ROBERT McCOMB’9. Hotel, on the West comer of the State House Square, MilledgeViljc. This removal has been occasioned by the refusal of the daily- line, to stop at the same house with the Piedmont line it being considered by the daily line a dangerous and for midable rival. idp" The Stage will call for passenger? at any house in town. Culpepper C. H. 17th May, 1832. Sept 27—12 W ILLIAM SMITH. GEOROIA, Wilkinson county. ^iHADRACH Peason of Capt. Peace’s district, tolls before Shadrach Adams, one of the magistrates in and for said county, one yellow bay horse. Appraised by Peter Pearson and Thomas Bozeman to be worth Twelve dollars. A true extract from the minutes. Foh 94 I9T9 - ‘ ’ VALENTINE A. BRAZZILL, c. i. c. GEORGIA, Wilkinson county. T OIIN BLACBURN of Capt. Smith’s district, tolls before Absalom Jackson, one small bay horse, about four years old, black main and tail, star in his forehead, small snip on on his nose, about 14 hands high. Ap praised by William Jackson, and William Chaonian, to be worth fbrty-five dollars. A true extract from the minutes. January 30th, 1832. * VALENTINE A. BRAZZILL, c. i. c, . SOT1CE. A BOND given to ivlr. Thomas Connally by Daniel Stone, administrator of the estate of John Adams, for one ten acre lot of land whereon the academy spring is of this county. And the subscriber having been the purchaser, when sold at public outcry. And since which time, haying sold said lot of land to Thomas J. Connal 1) , and caused the bond to be made to said Connally, who has since failed and refused to comply with the bar gain between him and myself. This is to notify and for bid all persons from trading for said bond.. And also for said administrator not to execute titles therefor. Decatur county, Ga. Sept. 15, 1832. 12—2t L. J. HILtSURN. 4 DaiXlSTHATOR’S 8UB«Wil! be sold ,-rn Friday the sixteenth day of November next., a' the late residence of Henry Parrish, dec’d. in Lowndes county, a part of the personal property belonging to the estate of said dec’d.—consisting of hogs, sheep, goat?, hqrses, cart, and many other article^ not herein enumera ted. Sold for the benefit of the lieirs and creditors of said dec’d. Term* of sale on the day. NANCY PARRISH, Adm’x. MALCOM McCRANlE, Adm’r. Sept. 27 12—tds GEORGIA, WALTON COUNTY.* W1LLIAM MILTON of the 4I5th district Geor- ^ ” gia Militia, tolls before Berrien Williams^ Esq. one estray yellow bay horse Mule, about 4 feet high, very small—no brands—appraised by Robert H. Wes ton and James Brewer, to thirty five dollars. A true extract from the estray book, 18th Sept. 1832. J. P. LUC'ASpB. Clerk, " c ‘ r 12—3t The Superior Court of Baldwin county is ad journed to the/i/IAmonday in October. \Ve made a typographical error in our former notice of it At a more leisure hour we shall pay our most nts to the pompous .pomposity iloquence and rhapsodical non Macon Messenger. JUDGE SCHLEY.—Some few weeks ago, a Mr. Shockley, of Columbia county, published* an article in the Recorder, under the signature of Walton, charging Judge Schley with supporting the opinion ot the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Worcester against the State of Georgia.✓ On the 6th of this month, we pub lished an extract from a letter written by Jud<re Schley, on the 28th of May last, to Mr. Polhill,Tn which the Judge shews clearly and unequivocally that he considers that- decision erroneous in every respedt. Now, just on tire eve of the election, when Mr, Shockley knows it is too late for Judge Schley to reply to his certificates in time to reach through half the State, he comes out with what he seems to think, conclusive evidence to disprove Judge Schley’s letter. But the poisoned arrow has no point to pie-ce the Judge’s coat of mail. “ He is armed too strong in honesty.” A short story will show that it carries no wound with it. Mr. Shockley’s certificates relate to conversa tions that occurred six months ago, in the bustle of a Superior Court in Columbia. Five certificates from highly respectable gentlemen, state, that they had received vague and indifferent impressions, from conversation, that Judge Schley had enter tained an opinion favorable to that decision. None of them give any words or expressions used by the Judge, and several of them say, that in after conversations with Schley, they found they had misunderstood him. Col. Andrews’ certificate con curs with Judge Schley’s letter to Mr. Polhill, that more time yvas necessary to make up a foil opinion. The decision had just then been published; and after returning home from Columbia court, Judge Schley read it attentively, and entirely condemned it as unsound historically, legally, and constitution allip The only certificate which pretends to make any positive statement of what Judge Schley did say at Columbia, is Mr. Wensley Hobby’s. He is a very zealous and respectable young gentleman ; and it seems he attempted to give the Judge a lecture about his opinion. Every thing the Judge said is as fresh in his recollection, as his charge ^against Col. Williams, of having forced himself upon a meeting in Columbia as its Chairman, contrary to the will of the meeting—which said serious charge is positively and directly disproved by the unequi vocal certificates of ten respectable gentlemen, with some of whom we are personally acquainted.— Making therefore all due allowances for the frailties of our nature and the slipperiness of our memory* we are justified.in the conclusion, that the bewilder ing dreams of Calhounism, and the splendid reve ries of a Southern Confederacy, have nullified Squire Hobby's memory, as much in the charge against Schley, as in that against Col. WiUiams.— In fact, we should sooner lake Judge Schley’s de liberate, written assertions of his own opinions, than the recollection of Mr. Hobby, or any other gentleman, upon this, or any other subject. Judge Schlqy studied this subject maturely in 1830—when taidrew up a solemn and deliberate opinion, and submitted it, under the sanction of his oath of office, to the Legislature of that year. In that report, he says, that Georgia has foil juris diction over all persons within her chartered limits, “ whether white men or red men, or black men.”— Judge Schley is incapable of lying or prevaricating, if doing so would even make him President of the United States, GENERAL NEWNAN.—At the req*. Gen. Newnan, we publish his address to ifo pie of Georgia which we have seen eiieula-. hand bills. Though it seems to he designed thrust at us for having dared to be hone publish it for two reasons—First, that the may not complain of injustice from us—secGmj cause he has been pleased to furnish us with the! best vindication of ourselves. We call tention to a few of the prominent points m hi, dress. ‘ 1st. The General charges ns with “hath,* moved his name from the list of Candidates for f. gress. This is an error. We did not, as edit put the General up, and therefore had no rii take him down. His name is still in our cofuc as a candidate. Bnt if the General mean, il^ have distinguished between himself and the son and Union cand dates on our ticket, he; rect. After having been informed under his signature, that he was a nulhfier, we could nJ ther consistently ur honestly, say to our reaJt- General Newnan is among the Jackson and la men. Surely gentlemen, as independent as General, would not wish to sail under false colors, W T e therefore struck a line, and placed his below the others, where we thought it ought be. Under the same circumstances, we sho treat Genl. Clark, or even Genl. Jackson, in same way. In the 2d. place, he says, “on his return fc Washington, le found many of his old fc alienated from him, and determined to oppose unless he would adopt the creed of the Fed Union.” If a man travel from MitleSgevilk cannot say that Miiledgevifle leaves Atm—Net can Genl. Newnan, with more propriety, sav ins old friends have abandoned him, when it s. that has abandoned them. He therefore has ut himself to complain of on this score. If his d friends cannot conscientiously follow him into ror, if is a high compliment to their honesty, to their requiring him to adopt our creed, it is ground of complaint against either them, ori selves. The do not love our creed, because tb take our paper—but they take our paper, been they love our creed. It is natural that they si regret to see so old and cherished a friend, as Genera!, deserting that creed—and honest to pose him for it. 3J. He says, that “ when he discovered £ state of things, he was disposed to withdraw a mentioned it to General Coffce-’'&.c. fee.— 1 This * a lofty sentiment, and it is to he regretted th: General had not acted upon ii, while the lit of n:i : nafiimity was on him. He could not expect associate candidates to advise his withdraw. This‘was a delicate matter, and peculiarly m himself. He is wrong in his recollection, that i mentioned this inclination to our junior Editoi We both think it would have been much ihe r. and more noble course—and would so have aihv had we been consulted—as it would have saved: and the General, and his old friends, much pain. The General mistook entirely the object of: invitation by one of us to call at our office, br an ordinary act of -unceremonious courtesy:: friendship and designed for nothing eke. T; uncourteous indifference manifested fotnud* shewed the state of his feelings towards o«. \VL he was in constant interview's with our own, as his old opponents, he did not come near’-s,::; treated our politeness with silent contempt. 4th. He'speaks of our “denotiTtcinghim indini■ ly (if not directly) as a disunionist.” We presiia that he means, that we have denounced xuUijh tion, which he has laterly espoused, we have d. nounccd it—still denounce it—and shall comi.-; to denounce it, till we shall discover that it is ti- true faith—which will probably never be. But is unfortunate for the General, that we hudi? nounced the doctrine long, long hrfore he embrs:ri if. We have not charged—but he has—We h pursued our old course—The General has strati off in a dark and dangerous left hand road. 1 have not seen his ignis fatuus, and therefore Ha not followed him. If this be denunciation—bt so—but it has proceeded from the General, an shall shew directly. 5th. The General supposes that we hod hoar- of his abuse-of us, ourparty and our press, he left Milledgeville. This is another mistake-- We heard of it soon after he arrived in Georb- It was founded partly on a letter from one of lit upper counties dated 31st Augt. in which wehafs the following information—“ Against yoursfl-'S individually, the paper, Dr. Fort, and tnanyotte of-our friends he is exceedingly bitter. I barec ! seen a solitary individual with whom he has tc- versed, but what informs me that he is vnmeam in his abuse of you.” So far by information, h* us hear the General’s own acknowledgments. 6th. The General confesses, that he has been i - nouncing our press and some of our party y, more than a year past.” as the worst enefflits' the south. He has not only been doing this mo- than a year past, but while at Mr. Buffingtons.' private with “ a number of” our political op!#’ nents, (Troup men and nullifies) denounced principles and those of some of his old friends'’ worse than those of Niles Register—the vilest®,' ponent of southern rights. Was this generot friendly, consistent, magnanimous, or honoraw Was it such treatment as we had a right to exp from a private and political friend, lor such " were to General Newnan ? After such o broads knowledgment of his inimical feelings and cofldc- towards us, so long continued, how can theGffT al complain that we have indirectly denounced Hit Could he desire and expect the support of tne’H odious to him and so dangerous to the State ? he violated tiie duty-of a friend m not shewing 1 ' those gross errors, which he was revealing enemies ?—Let the General answer these to his insulted constituents, who can now seep has uttered denunciation, he, or they, or otksel^ 7th. The General speaks of the “Clark P- abandoning him at our bidding.” ■ We have bid' man to abandon him—we have advised no J 3 ', abandon him. We do not now reccommend up to do so. They are independent voters, vlw and will do as they please. On this point wj- sure the General and our friends, that we r *. now on hand, several communications u°®. .. warmest of his old friends, the object of to create a direct opposition against him. u ■ them is signed by fifteen of our subscribers r T war ’43 to drop his name, or come out agatf Such were our feelings, that we have de<x . publishing any of them. And when we lew words on the subject, we only went so to vindicate ourselves from a charge of ineon® ^ cy and political dishonesty, under which determined not to labor knowingly. . The 8th and last point that we shall w .jj the very grave charge that we have $ great and efficient co-operation in efleejung ^ justment of our Cherokee relations. J o 1 : can only say that *"lhe General did not c<> n $ to put us in possession of his arduous w that important subject. He held n°p® dence with us oh this, or any other subjt'■» ^ at Washington, except one fetter very ea ..