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CftrjfftBfrai gtt;fou<
TO THE PUBLIC.
From ray late connection with the Bank of Ma
con as President, l understand that a portion of the
community are disposed to . indulge in reflections
unfavorable to my character as an upright* * man,
and to attach to me some blame for the unfortun
ate, and to me unexpected failure of that institu
tion.—‘The charges agaiust me so far as I have
l.tard them, are
Inf. That l have spoken favourably of the sol
vency of the Bank and have thereby given a cur
rency to its paper which it might not otherwise have
obtained.
2*1. That I resigned my appointment of President
secretly, thereby continuing to the Bank the in
fluence of my namj after I bad withdrawn from it.
I will take np these charges in their order, and
meet them in a manner which will satisfy every
candid, and unprejudiced mind of the purity of my
motive, and honesty of ray conduct. In the first
place, Indore I consented to become an officer of
the institution, when applied to for that purpose, I
was assured that several of the most responsible
merchants ofMncon, had contracted for the pur
chase oforse thousand shares of the stock of the
Barrie, and that the balance was owned by Dr.
Robert Collins, Robert Coleman. John Martin, and
J. Stone &. Co. of Savannah—Kerr Bovce.'Hcnrv
tV. Conner Co. ami Patterson and Magwood
of Charleston. Having a personal knowledge ol
rlie pecuniary■‘Hrvtimstances of most of the Gen
tlemen represented as the proprietors of the stock,
r.nJ liaving heen informed by two of the Gentlc-
tfJQi who had agreed to become purchasers of the
stock in Mnron that from some examination into
the a.kiirs oi die Bank, they found ii so far as that
yxaniiii Vtion went, in a sound condition, I did nst
hj2*jitntc to accept the appointment of President.—
A short i.’meatier I entered upon the duties of the
Place, the Cashier made an exhibit to me of the
state of the Bank, which proved it to be solvent
and amply a meet all paper in circulation.—
In .a ldition to this the favourable report of the Le-
; slaturc upon the state of the institution, always
made out as I supposed upon oath by the officers
completely vatis;ied me that the Bank of Macon
stood upon a solid basis—In the month-of Februa
ry l)r. Collins informed me he had sold his interest
in the stock to Mr. Ellis and his friends in New-
Vork. 1 ntonce supposed that Mr. Eilis’s friends
in New-York would prefer his presiding over the
Bank and spoke of resigning—but as I very soon
learned that .Mr. Ellis'did not wish me to resign,
I continued to serve as I had previously done,
without having any change produced in my mind
to the solvency of the Bank. During the whole
of the time I served the institution as President,
every demand made upon it was promptly met, and
the Bank continued to meet so far no I know every*
demand after my resignation up to the time, I left'
this placa ibr New York. From these circumstatv
ces 1 had no right to speak otherwise than well of
the condition of the hank. After mv resignation,
and alter sotting out for New York, I told my part
ners that 1 thought every confidence might he
placed in the credit of the Bank, and that it was
s afe to hold it bi!ls.-.-I gave the same information
to on- of ray brothers in business in this place, and
to another in Fbitonton—-these persons might be
presumed to he the last that I would deceive, if I
could be supposed to he governed bv two of the
strongest passions of the human heart, self-in'.crest
and the ties of natural affection—as aditiona!' evi
dence of my implicit faith itrthe soundness of the
institution, I will remark,•that between the 1st day of
December 1331, and the 24th July 1832 (eight
months,) my Bank Book shows that I deposited in
the Baiik of Muon lbr the concern of which I am
a member, in cash and good paper for collection,
toe sum of three hundred and fifty thosnnd dollars,
and that il was not mifreijuently the" case that
tVo.n ten to twenty thousand dollars, were to the
credit of our House in the Bank, from six days ro
two and three weeks at a time.—These deposites
’ . ere not only continued after my resignation, hut
i requested Mr.Laird II. Wiley in whose charge
fltir business was h-.fi before I started to New York,
toy.on tin ue to make all our deposites there—Mr.
YV iley's certificate will prove this. These facts
will I hope satisfy an impartial public that if I spoke
favourably nfthe solvency of the Bank, I spoke no-
thing but my honest opinion, and if I have misled
Others, I was mvself deceived. ,
Ti us brings rue to the second charge, that I se
cretly resigned my appointment as President.—On
the last day ofJune it became indispensibly neces
sary lbr me !o go to the country on business; on
kha* day I made out my resignation—on the 1st day
<e, .July previous to leaving Town for’the country,
"here I was detained about eight days, I handed
th-; letter with ray resignation to Mr. Leroy M.
Y\ iicy,—told him v. hat it contained, and request
ed him to hand it to the Bank, which he done on
the 2.1 day of July with as much publicity ns such
things are usually done—I made no secretof it; it
i * true, 1 did not publish it, but when spoken to in
relation to if, I always stated I had resigned; there
wus no concealment about it. In a conversation
v. ifli Doct. Clopton nine or ten days previous to
• oy starting to Now York, I told him I had resign
ed— I met with Mr. Washburn in the street lie-
tore I left, who told me he had heard if, and asked
me it b. was so; I told him it was; The certificates
o these Gentlemen, Will enable ihe public to judge
v. 'h iher secrecy was enjoined—or not. The rea
son for my resigning when I did, was not induced
by any distrust of the ability of the Bank to meet
its issues without loss to the holders of its bills, but
in compliance wi;h a compact with my partners,
by which I was to attend to that Branch of the bu
siness previously attended to be Leroy M. Wiley
to witgthe purchase of goods, and the time had ar
rived. when it was necessary tor me to start to
New York, in order to be prepared for the business
of the approaching season. I left Macon when I did
lot this purpose alone. If I had Vlieved the Bank
w. n in a failing condition, and had resigned from a
motive of this sort, then it would have become
niy duty 1 h>1!i to mvself and the country, to have
made public not only iny resignation but tliccau-
>;-s of it. but being influenced by no such motive
and having couli lonec in the credit of the institu-
nqn I could nor see the necessity of publishing my
msigrmtton. It was my intention on ray return
from New-York, to have submitted to the public a
complete expose from the Books of the Batik, aud
nought the earliest opportunity to do so, but was
denied'the privilege of doing so, and the reason
assigned by the proprietor was that 41 after its fail
ure,the Bank was under the necessity of refusing
access to its Books from prudential motives alone,
as such an expose it was feared would throw dif-
cnlty in its way, and prevent the collection of its
uebts.” 1 am prepared to anticipate all the blame
that will fall upon me when a complete develope-
ment is made and this I do admit—it is rcraisness;
-#>r this 1 shall always feel the deepest regret;—
and particularly if it shail turn out when a disclo
sure is made, that a fraud lias been practiced upon
the public. Conscious niysell of having been gov
erned by the fiiost upright motives, both towards
the Bank, ami the public, during my connection
with the institution; and desirous of maintaining be
fore the community, the, character of an honest citi
zen I submit this statement, and the certificates of
Gentlemen aceoompanying it. What verdict the
public may award I cannot say, hut be that as il
may* I am sensible that I have incurred no moral,
or equitable responsibility—and 1 have the consola
tion of feeling that I have throughout, acted with
none other than tlie purest of motives. So long as
I live I shall he found at my post, and ready to an
swer to any tribunal of my country—I am prepar
ed to show that the small property of which I am
possessed, is nothing more than the honest fruit of
unceasing toil and labour, for the i.*»$t ten years of
iny life.—I owe just debts, and should it* become
necessary for me to dispose of any part of my pro
perty to meet them promptly, I shall do if, and my
honor is pledged never to ’place the balance be
yond the reach of justice and equity.
ROBERT W. FORT.
P. S. Could I see Mr. Ponce of Augusta, I should
be enabled to obtain his certificate, that in a con
versation with him about the 10th July I told him
I had resigned my appointment of Presidenfcof the
Bank of Macon, aj»d dona it Without concealment,
or placing him underany obligations whatever to
keep it secret- •
Justice to Messrs, J. Stone & Co. Kerr Bovee.
Henry W. Conner &: Co. and Patterson & Mag-
wood, R. Coleman and John Martin, requires —
to say that I have been informed, they sold their
interest in the Bank ufMaeon, sometime before tho
failure ROBERT W. FORT.
Macon Sept. 12. 1332.
I certify, that to the best of my knowledge and
belief, the conduct of R. W. Fort Esq. as Presi
dent of the Bank of Macon, has Been uniformly
correct; that he has in all cases acted with upright
ness of intention, &. has done nothing which should
cast suspicion on his character for integrity during
the time of my connexion with the Bank of Ma
con.
THOMAS M. ELLIS.
After its failure, the Bank was under the neces
sity of refusing access to its Books, from Pruden
tial motives, alone, as such an expose, it was fear
ed, would throw difficulties in its way and prevent
the collections of its debts.
Maron, 1 lfft Sept. 1932.
I resigned the office of Cashier of the Bank of
Macon about the 15ih of Febuory last, and R. W.
Fort. Esq. had acted as President of that institu
tion for several months previous to that time.—
From my situation I had a good opportunity of
judging of his official acts, and I have no hesitancy
in saying, that in all his transactions with the Bank,
he seemed to be actuated by the purest nnd most
honorable motives; and I know of nothing that
ought to render him obnoxious to public censure.
I believe him to be n correct and upright officer and
during that time, the affairs of the Bank were in a
safe, solvent, and good condition.
ROBT. COLLINS.
I do further state, that R. W. Fort never did to
the best of my knowledge have a note, draft, or
any other paper discounted at the Bank.
ROBT. COLLINS.
Macon, Sept. 14/ft 183-2.
I hereby certify, that in a conversation held with
Robt. W. Fort, about the middle of July, after his
return from the up-country, be spoke, of his re
signation as President of the Bank ofMacon, with
out any apparent design of concealment, and then
gave it as his opinion that the Bank would goon
well with its business, and that there was no in
junction of secrecy.
A. CLOPTON.
Maccn, Sept. 14, 1882.
I certity that I became a member of the firm of
Baxter. Fort, and Wiley, on the (first day of July
last, anil that Robert W. Fort did, after resigning
his appointment as President, of the Bank of Ma
con, and before he left Macon for New-York, re
quested me to’continue to make all ourdepositesboth
cash and paper for collection in the Bank of Macon
—and that our House continued to take the No
tes of the Bank ofMacon until its failure.
L. H. WILEY.
I hereby certify, that on orahoutthe 12th of Ju
ly last, and directly after his return from the np-
countrv, where he had been on business. Robert
W. Fort, spoke of his resignation as President of
ihe Bank of Macon, without any apparent design
of concealment;—I then asked his opinion of the
Bank, he told me it was his opinion the Bank was
good, and it was perfectly safe to hold the Bills.—
There was no secrecy enjoined on me not to men
tion the resignation.
WILLIAM FORT.
Macon, Sept. 14, 193-2.
T do hereby certify, that when Mr. Robert V/.
Fort, passed thro’ Milledgeville, on his way to
New-York, I enquired of him, whether we should
continue our deposites with the Macon Bank? His
reply was “Yes, for I conceive it to be entirely
safe.”
I also certify, that an advertisement put in the
Macon Telegraph, that “ Baxter, Fort, & Wiley
would receive Macon Bills for goods, at 95 cents
in the dollar,” was without his knowledge or con
sent; he was then absent from the State, and I had
not received u letter from him, up to that time.
THOS. W, BAXTER.
Macon, Sept. 14th, 1832.
I do certify, that I was appointed Book-keeper
for the Bank of Macon in the month of February
last, and held that appointment until its failure.
Mr. Fort had acted as President of the Bank, for
about four months previous to this time; it was bis
habit to call at the Bank every morning, but from
the pressure of his own business, never remained
long at the Bank—be uniformly manifested a deep
interest in the institution, and on all occasions, an
entire belief in its solvency—a plain and conclusive
evidence to me of his sincerity, was the large de
posit kept almost constantly in the Bank, amounting
frequently to Twenty Thousand Dollars, and re
maining for weeks untouched, to the last day of
Mr. Fort’s stay here; previous to his departure for
New York, this confidence appeared unabated;!
never saw any thing in his manner, nor was there
any thing in his remarks that betrayed in the
slightest degree, a doubt of the solvency of the
Bank.—His only culpabihty in ail that I have ob
served, and all that will, on a fulIdevelopcmeRt of
the affairs of the Bank, fall upon him, consists in
Ool more fully exaraining its condition, nnd keep
ing a register of all that was done. 01 his integ
rity and honor, 1 have no doubt, his whole conduct
there was so eminently distinguished lor rectitude
and exact honesty, lhat 1 think his name should
forever be above reproach so far as relates to the
Bank. J.L. JONES.
I N saying that the Bank of Macon was “safe and
solvent” at the time of n*v resignation as Cashier,
in the certificate which I gave R. W. Fort, Esq. a few
dayswgo, 1 do not wish to be undersio d as attempting
to convey the idea that all the paper in the Bank at lhat
lime was good. There was a considerable amount of
bad ami doubtful debts, principally created by the fail
ures of 1831, among the nsseltsof the Bank at that time.
And further, I do not wish to l>c understood, by any ex
pressions in said certificate, ns intending to convey the
idea that there has been any fraudulent transactions hi
the Bank ufter 1 left it—lbr I have no knowledge of
their business since my resignation.
ROBERT COLLINS.
September 20, 1832.
T
BANK OF MACON.
HE public are requested to susjiend their opinion,
on the subject of the Bank of Macon until the
whole malt or be made the subject of legal or legislative
investigation.
Every fact will then be developed, and the subscriber
pledges himself to give all the facilities in his power to
promote tliat end—he has made no effort to vindicate
iiimsclf from censure, and will not trouble his friends for
testimonials to the integrity of his character ; facts will
speak for themselves—facts must ultimately decide the
case, and then the amount of blame will lie properly ap
portioned amongst the parlies concet nod.
THOMAS M. ELLIS.
iCZr" All papers, that publish Mr. Fort’s statement
will also publish tikis and forward their accounts fo
payment.
BRANCH BANK OF DARIEN, >
JUilledgnilh, 9th Oct. 1832. $
O VE-FOURTH of the principal of all accommo
dation notesdue this Bank will be required at their
renewal, after the 25th insf.
GEORGE W. MURRAY, Cashier.
Oct 11 11—21
WOTICS.—All packages addressed to Hickory
iv Fiat, P. 0. must be sent by the way of Warsaw,
in the Mail going to New Eehota.
- I’Ll M. CONNELL, P. M.
0:ll
, FEDERAL union*
MILLGDGBTILLB, OCT. Il, 1833.
FOB PRBHIDBNT,
ANDREW JACKSON.'
Fan VICK prjwibent,
PHILIP P. BARBOUR.
ELECTORAL TICKET.—We readily a-
dopt, from the Georgia Gazette, the following
ticket for electors of President, and Vice Presi
dent. . It embraces, as far as we can ascertain,
all of those distinguished patriots, who were
nominated at tho December meeting in Milledge-
vilte, oxcept our virtuous and talented friond,
Dr. Charles West, of Liberty, who had previ
ously withdrawn his name.
BOZEMAN ADAIR, of Carroll.
THOS. F. ANDERSON, of Franklin.
JAMES BOZEMAN, of Baldwin.
EDWARD DELONY, of Early.
JOHN HATCHER, of Wilkinson.
PITT MILNER, of Monroe.
WILLIAM PENTECOST, of Jackson.
BlIRWELL POPE, of Oglethorpe.
STEVENS THOMAS, oF Clarke.
ZACH. WILLIAMS, of Columbia.
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
STATE LBGIHLATURE.
The first named gentleman of each county', is the sen
ator.
Baldwin—Boykin, Murray, Calhoun,
Bibb—Eckley, Holt, Groce.
Bryan—Star, Bacon.
Bukoch—Cone, Rawls.
Burke—Harlow, Grubbs. Tuttle, Roberts.
Butts—Cargill, Stark, Mays.
Campbell—Cochran, Sheats, Hinton.
Carroll—Beall, Rogers, Walker.
Chatham—Barnard, Wayne, Flournoy, Harrison.
Cherokee—Scudder, Maloane.
Clarke—Mitchell, Hull, Stroud, Graves.
Columbia—Avery, Crawtbrd, Hamilton, White.
Coweta—Ector, Smith, Wood.
Crmefari—Blackstone, Sims, King*
Decatur—Neal, Clifton, Curry.
IkKalb—Cleveland, Mays, Anderson, King.
Dooly—Graham, Hilliard.
' Early—Smith, Wilson.
. Effingham—Walthour, Black.
Elbert—Oliver, Allen, Blackwell, Harris,
Emanuel—Sheraid, Moore.
Fayette—Birch, Sellars, Edmondson.
Franklin—Freeman, Mitcliell, Ash, Stanford.
Greene—Stocks, King, Cone, Rea.
Gwinnett—Green, Gholson, Ezzard, Martin, Hutchins.
Habersham—Wofford, Shelton, Steelman, Chastain.
Mall—Dunagan, Bates, Bird, Buffington, Wood.
Hancock—Baxter, Haynes, Lewis, Vinson.
Harris—McDougald, Lowe, Dennatd.
Heard—-Wood, Pinckard.
limey—Sellers, Johnston, Smith, Yarncr.
Houston—Cobb, Wiggins, Morgan, Engrain.
./«^rr—^Shorter, Barney, Robertson, Hardman.
Jackson—Singleton, Liddell, Burns, Bowen.
Jefferson—Stapleton, Barr, Hudson.
Jones—Gordon, Day, Phillips, Coxe.
Jt®<rrn«—Kellum, Warren, Blackshcar.
Liberty—Hines, Harden, Her/ington-
Lincoln—Henley, Curry, Lockhart.
Madison—Groves^ k fclnnffl
McIntosh—Wood, King, Young.
Muscogee—Lucas, Thornton, Spivey.
Marion—Temples, Williams.
Jlltrriwether—Ragan, Towles, Ector.
Monroe—Ohappei, Redding, Rutherford, Thtreat.
Morgan—Norbit, Sparks, Floyd, Johnson.
„Vetpton—Baker, Williamson, Neat, Groves.
OgMhorpe—^Collier, Hubbard, Hardeman, Yonge»
fit*—Prior, Blackburn, Adams.
Ptduski—Clayton, Howell, Taylor.
Putnam—Hudson, Turner, Merriwether, Nicholson.
ftphttn—-Farris, Moseley, Kelly*.
Randolph—Henderson, Rivers.
RtakmmA—Mealing, Glasscock, Davies, Rhodes.
Striven—Bryan, Kilties, McCall, j
Stewart—Wiilioms, Jernigan.
Talbot—Towns, Burks, Pace.
Taliaferro—Gresham. Thompson, Jones.
Tattnatl—Surreney, Sharpe.
Troup—West, McCoy, Haralson.
Twiggs—Smith, Solomon, Shine.
Up sen—Turner, Stampor, Fleweliiij.
B'niton—Echols, Lucas, Easley, Pittman,
Warren—Muncrief, Ryan, Jones, Wilson.
Washington—Tennille, Saflfbld, Curry Rutherford.
Wilkes—Willis, Brown, Irwin, Thurmond.
Wilkinson—Hall, Hatcher, Exum.
CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION.—yThc returns
from seventy counties, give the following polls.
Branham, 19,963 Milton, 5,006
Clavton, 25,062 Newnan, 15,431
Coffee, 21,095 'Owens, 20,648
Foster, 24,696 Schley, 21,551
Gamble, 23,632 Stewart, 18,676
Gilmer, ' 25,068 Terrel, 20,534
Harris, 19,475 Watson, 20,146
Haynes, 20,793 Wayne, 32,947
Jones, 21,886 Wilde, 29,868
Lamar, 15,830 |
LOTTERY LISTS
We shall commence publishing the drawings
in a Register so soon as the Lottery goes into op
eration.—Price FIVE DOLLARS in advance.
POLHILL & CUTHBERT.
CHEROKEE~COUNTY.—There is a new
post-office established at Cherokee Court House:
at which William Grisham Esq. has been appoint
ed post-master. Mr. Grisham js also clerk of the
court of ordinary of Cherokee county.
THE VICE-PRESIDENCY.—As a civilian
and statesman, in clear, scrutinizing, discriminat
ing powers of mind, Philip P. Barbour is surpas
sed by none of his cotemporaries : as a pure, dis
interested, and upright patriot, but few men can
be compared with him. He has risen to the high
eminence, on which he now stands, by direct, and
open ; and honorable exertion of hi3 great talents,
at the bar, on the bench, and in congress ; he has
never descended to the low and crooked paths of
intrigue. His character stands in contrast with
that of Martin Van Buren. Although many years
at the bar, or in the senate, the latter never acquir
ed much distinction, in open, and honorable exer
tions of talent; but was always noted for his pro
pensity to intrigue. He has evinced no strong and
steady attachments, or fixed, and virtuous princi
ples : on the contrary, in his temper there is a pli
ancy, and in his whole character, there is a suple-
ncss, winch peculiarly qualify him tor the indirect
winding, the insidious doubfe-dealing, the hollow
pretences, the hypocritical professions of intrigue.
These qualities constitute the basis of his charac
ter ; they have guided and marked him, at every
step of his career ; and by them alone has he ac
quired celebrity. Such a man may not safely be
trusted ; he is ever ready, when tempted by self-
interest, to wage a secret war, against principles,
which he pretends to maintain, aim in opposition to
friends, to whom he professes to be attached.
In addition to these intrinsic, and inherent objec
tions to the character of Van Buren, he is peculiar
ly and deserved ! y odious, aa one of the roost effi
cient champions of tlie unjust, protective tariff of
1824, and of the more exorbitant, protective tar-
iffof 1828.
His partizans exhort us to abandon the candi
date, whom we prefer fpr his virtues, and to unite
with them, in supporting Van Buren; but we can
not consent to be instrumental in delegating a high
political trust, to a man, in tvhom we do not con-
fidt, and who has largely contributed to aggravate
the burthens of a system of unjust taxation. To
j claim of us, such a sacrifice of prudence, and prin
ciple, and love of country, is most unreasonable:
and we cannot unite on Marlin Van Buren, with
out loss of honor and integrity.
On the contrary, our fellow-citizens', who have
heretofore preferred Van Buren, cannot have onr
valid objections to itvtitAg with ns, in support of
Barbour. They cannot deny his talents; and they
freelv admit, that they approve of his character,
of his principles, of his conduct. If thev are sin
cere in deprecating the consequences of division,
then do we most cordially invite them to unite with
us tn supporting Philip P*. Barbour—a patriot with
out reproach. If they reject our invitation, ami
pertinaciously adhere to Van Buren, notwithstand
ing the hazards which they ascrilie to division
among us, we shall be constrained to believe, that
under the false pretext of securing the success of
the Jackson party, by unity of aefion, their real
object is, to advance the election of their favorite
candidate.
We do not pretend to advise nullifiers, or seced-
ers ; but as th'ey are willing to desolate our coun
try, with the most direful calamities, rather than
submit to a protective tariff, let them evince their
sincerity, by opposing the election of Van Buren,
one #f the main pillars of that unjust system.
GEORGIA MESSENGER CORRECTED.
The two successive defeats of the revolutionary
minority in Twiggs, seem to have produced an
unhappy effect on thetemperof the acting editor
of the Messenger. After occupying entire co
lumns in wild, nnd frantic declamation, he still la
ments, that he has not more space, for giving vent
to his tortured feelings,spreading, before the pub
lie eye, tlie wanderings of his disordered fancy. He
reminds us of a little stream, suddenly 6wol’n by n
summer rain; which pours its foam, and mud, and
pebbles, furiously along—most furiously, where it
is most shallow. The traveller maybe splashed,
and soiled a little, in fording it; but he crosses
without serious injury or danger. We amused
ourselves, in our last number, with a light response
to some, of his extravagancies: but the messenger
of the 13th of September contains a misiepresen-
lation, to which we think proper to apply a serious
correction.
At the first anti-tariff meeting in Twiggs, Col.
Robert A. Bell, in an ardent, and eloquent address,
had laboured to convince the assembled citizens,
that they* were oppressed, degraded, and enslaved,
by the federal government, as our fathers had heen
oppressed, degraded, and enslaved, by the English
monarch in 1776, and in impassioned tones, he ex
horted them to rise against their tyrants, in emula
tion of the glorious example of our fathers, who
had burst the chains of the king of England, in
the revolutionary war. It seemed to be the natur
al effect of this speech, to kindle in the hearts of
his hearers, a violent hatred against the federal
government, and a determination to rushinro hos-
tile,and forcible resistance to its authority, leading
directly to revolution. To this inflammatory ad
dress, Capt. John A. Cuthbert, (thus designated bv
name, in the Messenger) replied: and while shew
ing, from the Declaration of Independence, that
the State of Georgia has notliow the same reasons
for rising in revolution against the federal govern
ment, that the colonies had in 1776, for rising in
revolution against the King of Great Britain, he
was interupted by a call to read that clause, which
states, as one of those causes of revolution, the
imposition of taxes on the colonies, without their
consent. After his compliance with this call, the
Messenger represents him as endeavouring to ob
viate its effect, by asking the following question;
“ Suppose the legislature of Georgia were to pass
a tax law, which you (the people of Twiggs,) con
sider unconstitutional and unjust, would you have
A ri&h* to aay to JKe tax gatherer, we will not pay
our taxes ?” From this statement of this ques
tion, the Messenger jumps to the conclusion, that
Gapt. Cuthbert maintains, that the States have
precisely the same relations to the federal govern
ment, that ihe counties have to the state govern
ment: and that consequently, he denies the re
served soverignty of the State. Such an opinion
Capt.Cuthberrexpressly disavows: and he has
never used langtigage intended to convey the .be
lief, that he entertained such an opinion. In the
statement of his argument, the messenger has ex
hibited only a fragment of a detached link in a
chain of reasoning; than which no species of mis
representation is more deceptive and unjust. The
different parts of. his argument, brought together,
and viewed in connection, will present n very' dif
ferent aspect. He maintained ; (and the early
hislorv of our country will justify the position)
that the objection to the conduct of the English
government, proclaimed in-the clause of the De
claration of Independence that has been referred
to, was founded on the fact, that the people of the
colonies were taxed by a parliament, in which
they were not represented ; that they regarded it
as a cardinal principle, that taxation without, rep
resentation, was incompatible with their rights as
freemen; that Georgia has not the same reason
for throwing off the federal government; that 6he
has a full representation in congress; that she is
represented, not only for her freemen, but also for
a large portion of her property: that in apportion
ing representatives to her, three fifths of her slaves
ore compute^ ; that as she had her full vote on
the passage of every law impesing taxes on her,
what had been true of the colonies in 1776, could
not now be affirmed of her—that as she was repre
sented in congress, she was not taxed without her
consent. In order to illustrate these positions, he
remarked, that the county of Twiggs sent repre
sentatives to the legislature of the State; that
those representatives might disapprove, and vote
against, some tax embraced in the general tax-hw*
of ihe State: and he asked, whether such a fact
occurring, would give to the people of Twiggs,
reason to declare, that they were taxed with
out their consent? and to make it a ground
for resisting the tax collector? Capt. Cuthbert
does not pretend to remember the language, whieh
he used, or Ihe different questions which he asked,
on that occasion: hut he is confident; that the sub
stance of the argument which he employed, is cor
rectly exhibited in the foregoing abstract: and he
does not apprehend, that the editor of the Messen
ger will be able, either to refute his' reasoning, or
to discover in it, any principle unfriendly to the re
served rights of the States. The whole.argument
drawn from, the Declaration of Independence, is
conclusive against those rash and healed ap
peals to the spirit of ’76, in connection with bit
ter denunciations of the federal government, by
which intemperate politicians in S. Carolina, and
in Georgia, have endeavoured .to prepare the hearts
and tempers of our people for reyofutiori and dis
union.
Capt. Cutnbert cannot believe, that it was the
intention of tlie editor of the Messenger, to mis
represent him. In a crouded, excited, and some
what tumultuous assembly, small incidents are
frequently misunderstood: and during a public
address, it often happens, that tlie hearer, absorb
ed fora time io pursuing a train of thought in his
own mind, loses entirely a part of- the remarks of
the speaker ; or under the influence of prejudice,
he misunderstands, or from the frailty of memory,
he forgets, what he has distinctly heard.
Amid its turbid floods ofraving declamation
against the political characters of ’tlie editors of
the Federal Union, in the editorials of the Messen
ger, are mingled a few drops of seeming personal
regard for us, in which we would fain hope, that
the writer is sincere; and we think, that w hen the
mortification of disappointment and defeat shall
have passed off, and a season of calm reflection
shall have returned, he will look back with regret
to that unhappy hour, iu which a‘gentleman accus
tomed to the generous courtesies of life, and to
the intellectuarcontestsof the bar,should be so far
misled by the passions, as to act on the belief, that
phrenzied ranting, and immeasurable abuse of his
personal associates, could furnish any evidence of
ability in political controversy. * j
MR. CALHOUN’S LETTER.—The letter
of Mr. Calhoun to Gov. Hamilton, containing his
second attempt to vindicate the doctrines of Nul
lification, is a splendid effort, and is worthy of the
pen of the Vice-President* Il displays admirable
powers of generalization, and professes to breath an
ardent love of liberty, and devotion to the Federal
Union, by which liberty is fortified and strength
ened ; -w*hile it seems to be free from that ferocious
and sanguinary temper, which characterizes the
disciples of his school, in South Carolina, and ;n
Georgia. It describes nullification, as a' peaceful
remedy, and condemns a resort to physical force.
This production is subtil, imposing and eloquent.
But while we admire the powerful talent, which
this letter evinces, some of tlie principles, which il
inculcates,' deserve unqualified reprobation. It
lav's the axe at the root of the lederal govern
ment. Its direct object is, to convince the
people of Carolina, that when the authorities of
that State shall have passed the act of nullifica
tion', every citizen will be bound to resist the au_
tliorities employed by the federal government, in
executing the nullified law. Among other things,
it maintains,in substrvnce, that, a^thc Statesadopt.
ed the federal constitution, in their sovereign char
actcr, there is no direct and immediate connection
between the individual citizens of a state, and the
general government; that as citizens, they owe
no allegiance, or other duty to the government of
the U. States; that in their relations, public and
private, as judgep, jurors, marshals, or in any other
character, they are bound to obey, or to disobey,
the constitution and laws of the tJnited States, as
their own state may direct; that as the States may
nol, in their sovereign character, constitutionally,
be coerced by the federal government, when the
citizens of a nullifying state, resist the laws of the
U. States, the state may rightfully throw, over
them the shield of its protection : that in -such a
case, the federal government cannot rightfully en
force its law against a Gingle individual, or punish
him for his disobedience. Under thjs system, if
wild anarchy can be called system j a majority in
any State, can, at any time,give to its citizens a
licence to violate with* impnriily, the constitution
and laws of the United-States *: and the Federal
Union, unable fto exact obedience to its constitu
tion or laws, from the disobedient citizen, loses the
essentin! attributes of government, and becomes a
mere alliance between foreign (lowers.
Every man of common sense, and common can
dour, must perceive, and acknowledge, that this
chief position of Mr. Calhoun, without which hie
theory has no foundation, is utterly and palpably
erroneous. The adoption of the federal constitution
has established many direct and immediate rela
tions between the federal government and the citi
zens of the States. When the constitution gives*
to Congress authority to enact laws on speci
fied and enumerated subjects, it imposes on the citi
zens a corresponding obligation, to obey all lawsso
enacted. Here is a direct constitutional relation be
tween the federal government, and the citizens of
the States. When the constitution gives to the
the federal judiciary, jurisdiction to decide judi
cial controversies between certain parties, and
on specified subjects, it imposes on the citizens,
a corresponding duty, of obeying its pre
cepts and judgements, within the limits assign
ed. Here is another direct constitutional relation
between the federal government, and the citizens.
When the public officers of the state governments
take an oath to support the constitution and laws
of the U. .States, a direct constitutional relation is
created between them and the federal government.
Every citizen of every state, owes certain duties
‘to the federal government; from whiih he can
never he released, except by a withdrawal from
the Union: and for the violation of whieh, he is
liable to punishment.
Our limits forbid us to go farther into this sub
ject, at present. The vice president’s letter has
strengthened our conviction, that nullification is a
false, ensnaring, delusive, and fatal scheme. Woe!
fo the people of S. Carolina, if they shall be so in
fatuated as to adopt it. Civil war, disuuion, ex
tinction os a nation, and colonial bondage will fill
up the mournful pages of her future history.
MONRQE ANTI TARIFF MEETING.
Whereas g*at commotion and discord have
arrisen from local discriminations, and arrayed
some part of the Southern against the Northern
Stntes, and whereas the South is greatly oppres
sed hy the North, in consequence of the Protec
tive System, and such duties imposed on foreign
importations, as to make the Tariff, unequalf un
just and oppressive upon the Southern States.
Resolved therefore, That the laws enacted for
the purpose of protecting domestic manufactories
do not operate equally upon the rehole of the Uni
ted States : that although the law may be constitu
tional, il is oppressive and unjust, and ought there
fore to he repealed, thereby giving to the whole of
United States, equal rights and equal lares.
Resolved, That the State of Georgia will not re
sort to the force of arms at the present crisis in
the affairs of the United States, but will remon
strate against the existing system, until the public
debt of the Union is finally paid off and discharg
ed ; at which time if the protective System, is not
abandoned hy our Northern Brethren,'Georgia
will cry aloud for immediate relief from the op
pression of the Tariff—leaving it then to the wis
dom ofothe State, what course is most prudent - to
pursue.
Resolved, That in passing these resolutions, it
is the object and true intent of this meeting, to
add force and stability to the American Union, hy
preserving and supporting the purity of the consti
tution of the United States.
Resolved, That we will support Andrew Jafk-
son for the Presidency of the United Stales at the
approaching election, as we we believe his princi
ples are pure, ond his views correct as regards this
all important matter to the Southern States.
Resolved, That we recommend to the State of
Gcorgin,the propriety of electing, delegates from
each county, within the State, to meet at Milledge
ville in Convention on the second Monday in No
vember next, to deliberate upon the proper-courso
that Georgia should pursue in relation to her pre
sent oppressed condition.*
Resolved, That we willjjol support South Car
olina in the odious doctrines of Nullification, but
that we will support the President of the United
States in his assertion, that “ high and sacred du
ties which must and null at allhazzards be perform
ed, present an insurmountable barrier to the suc
cess of any plan of disorganization, by whatever
patriotic names it may be decora ted,“or whatever
high feelings may be arrayed for its support.”
• This resolution was net offered for adoption, as one In sab-
stance, the same had t>een offered hy Mr. Gordon aud adopted.
* FOR THE FEDERAL UXIOX.
When falsehood is spread abroad through the
columns of a newspaper by an editor.it is the priv
ilege of the citizens to counteract the influence of
ihat festering malice, which is so ignoble in the
character el man. It therefore becomes my duty
(as a misrepresented citizen) to expose the false
hoods contained in the late publication of the Ma
con Advertiser, in relation to a public meeting held
in Monroe county, for the purpose of taking into
consideration the mode and measure of redress
against the oppression of tlie Tariff. It is strange,
evert passing stange, that the editor of that paper
should be so deeply interested in the affairs of the
country, as to employ an agent to attend ail these
little county meetings, for the purpose of falsely ta
king down their proceedings. It would appear
from the publication in that paper that the 'meeting
held in this county on tlie 25th inst. was favorable
to the doctrine of Nullification: but what a mis
take 1 Although, there- ere iXuiiy tn this county,
wlio act “ covertly and insidiously” in this matter,
yet the great body of the people are against it.
The preamble and resolutions which were offered
and adopted by this meeting, contained nothing in-
flamatorv, or that recommended Nullification as
the “mode and measure of re'dress yet “there
was something rotten in Denmark.” Their
ments went fujly that far, and urged that nUT'l
upon the people. Now if they did not intend jpi
lification as the mode and measure of re<WI
why did they urge that doctrine upon the a^l
Wage? and if they were opposed to that doe-I
of Disunion, that doctrine of civil *rar
doctrine of Blood, why should they vote doJ/
Resolution that denounced it ? If they beT !■
that the doctrine of Nullification was odious |
that, lhat mode and measure of redress ought Jl, l
to be adopted by the Convention, why did t^ 1
hesitate to give a frank and candid expression J* i
the matter ? No 1 the fact is, the Ruling
of that meeting in truth and in fact were
ers acting under the garb of Republicans, therrfl
attempting to delude and lead astray many h 0 J;|
and unsuspecting citizens. I would here’take I
casion to entreat those who are yet without J j
control of their nefarious designs, to be up, )n ; i ' I
guard, ere they advance too (ar to recede from d l
disgraceful project.
We will now examine the. Resolutions in t!, ,
order, and see in what part they became fo 0 k?L
tionable, as to be voted down by an asscmblac- l
Republicans. * e ~""
The first resolution says, that the Tariff i
not operate eqally upon the whole of the fmul
States. They admit the fact, but reject the reaJ
lution. It further says, that the Tariff may be c , t j
stitutional, but that it is oppressive and unjust jmI
ought to be repealed. They admit all this” ul
say they, those abominable words “ the ^ f
be constitutional!” “ Who in the Southern cou |
try dare doubt upon that subject ? I for one anl
compelled to doubt, and for this reason. T‘,1
viii section of the Constitution of the Unite > I
States says, that Congress shall have power to Ijil
and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises til
i iay the debts, and to provide for the common d, J
fence and general welfare of the United States. |
lam not prepared to bring mv judgmentij
competition with some of the most learned and I
able men of the United States. The President.,|
Webster, a Clay, a Von Buren, a Hay ne, a Mcl)j.. I
fie, nnd a Calhoun, have come in competition, anj I
differred upon this very point; and arc we, at' I
little county meeting, to l»e forced inton decide! I
belief upon that subject ? Now let us proceed to I
examine the 2d resolution, ond see in what part |
it the gall and wormwood was to be found. lj
that, it is said we will not resort to the force A
arms, at the present crisis in the affairs cftiil
United States.' Why did they not adopt that*I
Did they intend to resort to arms, if that should b. I
determined upon by the Convention as tlie
and measure of redress ? I presume they did, t I
they refused any expression to the contiary. T-fce;
appeared to be determined not to give any exprr-
sion which would convey a belief that they won!]
forbear until the public debt of the United Stoics
was paid off. They said, that we were ornunl
down into the dust by the oppression of the Tar
iff—that we were slaves, nnd thnt now was tli
time to act like freemen ; or that ere long chain
of bondage would be riveted upon us. The asscr..
Wage were told, that although we might appeari&
the field of battle, a mere hand-full; yet ihe Cud
of battles Would be with us. Now what does this
mean? Does it appear like peaceable resistant
as they pretend to call it ? But let us look to other
absurdities in their conduct and expressions. Wb
did they reject the fourth resolution ? Because j;
is there said, tliat Gen. Jackson’s pineiples nr
pure and his views correct, as regards this (ill impor
tant matter to the South. They' all pretend to L
sincerely devoted to his re-election; but examiu-
closely into their movements, and in less tiiCH on-
year, a fraud will disclose itself as having beta
practised upon the good people of the Stute. Wfi
any man vote for his re-electien, who does not h
lieve. his principles pure and his views correct •
Every person should answer No 1 The meeting
voted down this resolution, and in the next brent;
hatched .np an unmeaning resolution, which did ik
express their confidence in the purity of his prin
ciples, or the correctness of his views, as relates
the interest 6f the South, and passed tliat hy u
large majority. It was then moved and seconder,
that the resolution, csread, should be adopted, sr.J
published with the proceedings of the .day, vriiid;
motion was lost by the same majority. Thus ro.
they so fully determined not to give any puhlri.
evidence of their preference for their f uvdrite Jed-
son.
From the rejection of the sixth resolution, it tv ’
be seen, that *.he meeting was determined not tj
support Jackson for the Presidency, and that they
intended to further tl\e views of South Carolina h
the doctrine of Nullification. Col. Pettit in fcii
argument endeavored to persuade the nuditory,
that the Author of the resolutions r£ was detenrir.-
cd to go on and join the Yankees and return rii
them tofight the south.” He at one time in imag
ination, had Gen. Beall with his division, parado!
upon the banks of the Savannah,-'holdingn mourn
ful consultation with the South Carolinian’s upoa
the opposite bank. The South Carolinians (ri
said) would say to Gen. Beal, what have you emte
to fight us for ? Our States are sister States—ou?
interests are the same. “ Why have you sought
our blood ?” Gen. Beall would reply : “ I knov
that our States are sisters, and our interests are the
same, and the Georgians love the South Caroli
nians ; but the Commander in Chief of the affli"
and navy of the United States, has issued his ci
der, and I am compelled to obey.” Thus a blood;
conflict ensues between Georgia and South Caro
lina. What a mournful tale was this, to recite be
fore an assemblage to excite their pity and comp:-;
sion, for deluded and misguided South Carolins
(The foregoing statement, I believe to l»e, nearly
word for word, and know it to be in substance, tl:
same.) It will not be difficult for any impartial c!>
server to see the illiberal course that was pursue:
by this meeting. They met for the purpose
carrying every thing by storm. Nothing like rea
son would be attended to, all was uproar from the
commencement, Nullification appeared to fill sc® 1
bosoms, and like infuriated madmen, thev ap
plauded the slightest touch at disunion. But I
was happy to find that the house contained ma£
who loved their country, and were not ready
the bloody conflict* I would as\ the citizens ft
Monroe county, if this meeting did not look mor.
like a press gang, than any thing else that hns ctf '
presented itself to their observation, since the es
tablishment of this Republic. For weeks, fbo?
moving spirits had been active in entreating die.-
satellites to be punctual in attendance at this met
ing, and like good disciples, who were about to re
converted into intelligencers, they obeyed the o
“No nice extreme a “ Nullifier” knows,
But bid him go to Hell, to Hell he goes.”
I am sorry to find that the corrupted o? l!r:
which is the stimulant to all misrepresentation
has not been lost in passing through so many g*?'
orations since the fall of Adam. But true it ^
there are Cains in the world yet. Cain of old m
the audacity to confront God Almighty him 5e *
with a lie in his mouth; and it is not strange *
this time to find a Cain, who from sycepban-
slaveiy, and a little pelfi would trudge through®
whole country and by the wealth oi some up^ 3
and coxcombs be influenced to give circulation^
falsehoods, which are contradictory in themsei' - I
Mr. Cain called on me to get my resolution* I
publication, I in haste copied them, and they ^ I
delivered to him in something like fifteen nun'b-. I
from the time of the application. And \
bis acting impartially in this matter—he nusref 1
sents me in almost every sentence. ^
I will now call the attention of the public to c ^
of those misrepresentations. In the first pl af ,
has published but five resolutions—^ ca T ,a C ta tr
the one which proposed a convention of the »
and then says, “ The resolutions were objects
on* the ground of their opposition to. » ie , fC .
Convention, and their covert hostility to foe jj* ^
tion of President Jackson.” In relation to ^
election of President Jackson, I wiBonly
reader to the fourth resolution, and njy P“ . J
remarks ujkon’that subject^ to prove the •