Newspaper Page Text
~— ; intfmv Hr Finding the two settees punctual to their rendez-
foi lowing gentlemen. • . .» vous off Lemnos, Kauaris immediately went on
Baber, John Bones, Dt. A. Cmini o > board, and there being no signs ol the other boat
John Dent, Dr. L Garvin, Dr. J* T * * ' with tlie crew of the saccoleva, lie sent tiie settee
Whorter, Rev. Mr. Olio, Dr. ft. \\ llltams, Dr. appointed as her escort to look out to windward ol
T. Honey, James Harper, A. B. Longstrect, Tenedos, while be bore up tow ards the N.L. end
Dr. L. A. Dugas, N. Delaigle, Dr. J. A. Eve,. of the island, to be ready in case the boat should
eminent.
By what tenure does the Secretary of the j. l . ecU H1S . Uie , , u , S t
ni>»\ woeu lie reqiir
POETRY.
OLD WINTER IS CO.tHNS.—3? ilcan Moore.
Old Winter is coming again—alack!
How icy and cold is he!
II * earns not a pin for a shivering back- -
He's a saucy old chap to whit.) aril black—
11 i whistles his chilis with a wonderful knack:,
Tor lie comes from a cold count roe!
A witty old follow tills Winter is—
A mighty odd follow for glee!
lie cracks his jokes on the pretty sweet Miss—
The wrinkled old maiden, unlit to kiss—
And freezes the dew of their lips—for this
Is tho way with old fellows like he!
Oil Winter’s a fro!i ksom i blade, I wot—
lie is wild in his humor, and free!
Ile'il whistle along for the ‘want of his though’,'
And set all the warmth of oar furs at nought,
And rumj tho Iac ,- s by pretty girls bought;
for a liolicksouu fellow is no!
Old Winter is blowing his gusts along,
And rwrrily shaking the tree!
From morning till night he will sing his «oug—
Now moaning and short—now howling an 1 long:
His voice is loud, for his lungs are strong—
A m rry old fellow is he!
Old -Vinter's a wicked old chap, J wc-a—
As wicked ns ever you see!
He withers the flowers, so fresh and green--
And bites th ■ pert nose of lit; Miss of sixteen,
As she trippingly walks i;i maidenly sheen!
A wicked old fellow is he!
Old Winter’s a tough old fellow for blows,
As tough as ever yon see!
lie will trip up our trailer* and rend our cloth s,
And still m our limbs, from our lingers to to s—
11c minds not the cries of his friends or his foes—
A tough old fellow is lie!
A cunning old fellow is Winter, they say,
A cunning old fellow is he!
lie peeps in the crevices day by day,
To see how we're passing our time away.
And mark all our uoiugs, from grave to guy—
I’m afraid he is peeping a: me!
J*aISCKJL L A * EOUS.
I/OOOC
iut."
KANARIS, A MODERN GREEK HERO.—
The following account of an exploit of inis disim-
•juished nova! unices, is given by an intelligent ob
server of the recent war between the Greeks and t
Turks, and who evinces no partiality lor the char
acter of the former:
About midnight they saw Tenedos; and a few
minutes afterwards observed three Turkish fri
gates under easy sail standing oil on th larboard
tack. These our hero passed astern ol' unper-
ceived, by hugging the shore close on board. To
tlie northward of Scorpmut a long shoal runs off,
which obliged him to keep a greater offing; and as
he drew out from under the land, the frigates tack
ed, and one ol them set her Ibrcsail as if to chase
him. But tins was only an inference; tor the Turks,
ignorant of what was being walled against them
in the darkness, took no oilier notice of them. In
u letv minutes more, Kauaris discovered the lights
of the flag-ship; and in about a quarter of an hour
plainly distinguished three huge bne-of-battie ships
riding towards the main land, with their heads to
the westward, and the wind on the larboard beam,
owing to a strong current setting to windward
through the roadstead out ol the Dardanelles.—
The frigates and sioaii craft were lying more in
shore, near the Troid, relying on the look-out
squadron for protection.
The saccoleva being still astern, and Kanaris
perceiving that the ship with the lights a boa id
(which lie therefore tonic to be the flag) lay to lee
ward of the nearest hne-ol-battle ship, and that to
get at her he must pass within nail of the latter,
lie decided on assigning the nearest siiip, as the
least difficult, to the saccnlova, in order that he
might not be accused of acting unfairly, and inai,
by n it lighting his own vessel firm, his companion
might havea better chance of succeeding. Besides
which, he drily observed, the first in command was
always his quarry.
Having ihus decided, he stood direct lor his un-
fcuspeclmg prey. Fortun.iieiy the first siiip paid
no attention to him, though he passed so near as to
hear the voices of her crew: hu» instantly after
wards he was haded by the second, who,on even
ing no answer, fired two shot at turn, one of wnich
went through Use head of his mainsail, and a third
«hot was fired from the other ship at the saccoleva.
To prevent the chauce of cutting away Ins runn
ing gear, Kan.n is racked the halliards ami ties alolt,
and in this manner, with full way on him, and a
fresh breeze, going six or seven knots, i.e ran his
vessel on board, stem on to the larboard bow of
his antagonist, under the fureehains, his bowsprit
luckly going in to one of the ports. It was his ori
ginal intent toil to have steered lor her spritsaii-
vard, but observing her lying broadside on, he was
afraid the fire would-be too much ahead, and there
fore steered a course lor her foremast. As he drew
near her, he perceived a multitude of people on her p a, 1 l Ul ’
poop, ali in fright and confusion, calling aloud to bony to t le.
their prophet, and exclaiming, “She is a fire-slup! lVJ. ! ! 1 t 1 ‘ 1 fi n,l<) i l! '
a pirate! an infidei! Fire away! sink her!” with '-biu.era ut t
other cries of terror. A great many of them nt the
same time leaped into a boat astern; but when once
Kanaris was alongside, no effort was made, nor
even a musket fired at him.
Just as he was approaching his object, Kanaris
pent his men into the boat on the larboard side of
the brig, sitting himself on the larboard gunwale,
from whence lie conned, as she was steered to her
destined position: and when thoroughly grappled
fast, lighted the train from tiie boat, and hailed the
Turk—“We are no Austrians—(a report having
reached him that he wore Austrian colours at
Kcio)—nor pirates, but true Tsaruotesand the same
that burnt your cupudan Pasha at Sc in/” The
flames flew lore and aft in an instant, and the bree-»
being very fresh,they communicated almost as ra
pidly with tire Turk, whence the most dreadful
shrieks and yells were now proceeding from people
who were shortly silent for ever.
The same instant lira! his own vessel was kin
dled, Kanaris had the mortification of perceiving
that the saccoleva was very improperly fired. Be
ing lighted too soon, as nt Scio in the instance of
the Hydriot, ihe vessel did not get a thorough hold,
and broke adrift without accomplishing her object.
This was just what he anticipated, and to prevent
the probability of which he had so nobly resigned
ills own claim to Captain Brastanos. No sooner
bad he shoved oil Ins boat, than ho observed a
Turkish Frigate steering directly towards him, and
to avoid her he stood close in to the town of Tene
dos where sire lost sight of him under the land,
which he kepi close on board, pulling head lo wind,
and when clear of the south point of the island,
tossed up his mast and made sail for Lemnos,
where, with the assistance of their oars and a good
breeze, they, arrived by eight o’clock. When a-
breast of the eastern point, about haifan houralier
»!“ had quitted the fire-ship, he observed the line-
< if-battle ship entirely in flames; her three masts, as
ire said, burning “like three candles.” The other
ships of the fleet were firing guns, and, in ihe
greatest confusion, falling on board of each other,
some with their cables cut, others with their sails
loose, and some apparently on the shoal. There
being a swell on, and a fresh breeze, much distress
and mischief must have ensued. The light of the
brilliant flames enabled him clearly to distinguish
the different objects. It was about three o’clock
on Sunday morning of the 10th when he laid his
desolating brig alongside.
of their enemy, whose frigates, with common at
tention ought to have caught them. The whole
of this enterprise was so ably and suddenly exe
cuted, that not the most trilling casualty occured
to ihe Greeks, and every man returned to Psara
without a hair oi his head singed. Contrary winds
t detained the settees at S. Giorgio di Skyrus three
i days, where thev were received vvitn the greatest
j jov and hospitality by their countrymen. The
! next evening Brastanos reached Psara, and tiie
following morning Kanaris returned into port, uit-
i der a salute from every gun in tiie island. On
landin'’’, he was met bv a procession, which con
ducted him to the church, where a public and sol
emn thanksgiving wasnficrcd up to the Most High,
tor the success which had attended their hero s un-
j dertaking.
Kanaris afterwards attempted to set a Turkish
1 ship on fire in the day-time, and while under sail;
: but ins vessel lulling astern, lie missed his aim, and
was obliged to retreat witii the utmost precipitation
to effect Tus escape, two of his men being kilied,
J and himself wounded in the hand,
j In lSdd, the capture of Penra by the Turkish
1 Admiral, and its recapture by the Psumote sailors,
i gave ample employment to the energies ol Kanaris,
I vvho was at every post where he could be servicea
ble. In August of the same year, the Ottoman
j forces having made a descent on Sainos, a Greek
i squadron, under the command ol Giorgius iuk-
i tonri, advanced to relieve that important island,
j when several skirmishes took phee. On the morn-
i tog of the 1 Gth, the Pasha stood out with twenly-
i two ships and vessels, ami Taktonri me; him with
sixteen under his own ll ig, and some vessels com
manded by Kanaris, who had a sort ol roving com
mission. An obstinate combat ensued, in which
our herb tried all Ins art to hook an enemy, without
being able to close. The Turks were, Irowever,
thrown into disorder and retreated. But on the
folio ring morning the;, again approached under a
leading hreeze, on which the Greek admiral order
ed ail his tire-ships to make sail, under the escort
of the different ships of war, and there was every
appearance of both sides fighting 10 extremity.
At 10 a. m., the brulot of Captain .Demetrius
Zapli approached a heavy frigate and grappled
with her, but by the freshness of the hreeze and
the assistance of some galleys, she escaped the im
pending danger. Though this attempt was un
successful, it afforded the during Kauaris an oppor
tunity of coming up with tlie same iiigate, and lie
succeeded by 11 o’clock in grappling her whilst un
der lull sail. In an awfully short space ol' time she
was all in flames; and the devouring element pene
trating quickly to the magazine, she blew up with
a horrid crash, not only launching her own 600 men
into eternity, but proving lival lo several vessels
inshore of her. On ibis brilliant occasion, Kana
ris lost only two of his crew.
Kanaris is a modest man, of plain manners, and
great apparent sincerity, requiring to be draicn oat
before tiie foregoing particulars could be elicited
from him. He is the master of a merchant vessel,
and occasionally acts as pilot to foreign vessels, a
duly lbr which lie is admirable calculated, from his
perfect knowledge of the Archipelago. He is poor,
but contented, being happy that he lives as respec
tably as any of his relations, and that lie lias not
lost ground since lie began the world. He lias a
wile and two children; the former takes a pride in
her husband’s career, and in the young Constantine
they fondly predict an ornament to the islands.—
When requested to sit for his potrait, (now in our
,>»•
Duelling, while the commuuitj, and too often men nor oiiicers m any oiner department ui t.iCgov-
professing to be religious, among others, hold a re
fusal to stain the hands with blood, and to pollute
the soul with murder, tube infamous; while tie wiio
has violated the highest laws of both God and man
is honored and ciieered with popular applause.
“Indeed, it may be said, in many cases, that tiie
direct parties lo Duels 3re less criminal than society
at large. Is not the right of society to punish
much abated by the consideration that those whom
it accuses of a violation of its peace and order,
have been driven to the ofl’ence by its otvn voice?
That by an officious intermeddling, when parties
would willingly compromise, and often by imperti
nent criticisms upon the adjustment ot differences,
it has, as it were, made them mere instruments, to
do the awful work of* shedding human blood, and
destroying human file? What an use for society
to make of tiie love of character, a principle so ex
alted in itself, and so useful to society, it rightly
directe
“The spirit of murder is really in the community
itself, in the present state of public opinion; for no
one is more emphatically a murderer, than he who is
never content, but when he, by Ins censures or his
counsels, is propelling his iellow creatures to ns
commission.
“A sounder state of opinion than exists is indis
pensable lo the extirpation of Duelling. \\ hen
iliis snail have been brought about, in some degree,
the enemies of that practice may, wnii hopefu
prospects, concert its destruction. They may then
bn g their humane piojects together, compare
them,and elaborate at) efficacious remedy, ihe
more enemies to the practice that are stirred up,
the more judgments will b ■ engaged in devising
one: ami a remedy, which, in tiie present state ol
me inspection ol also endeavored
from
picture very ugly to be like him, “unless the artist
could catch him setting fire to tiie trail:
■ain ot a bru
To Ihe Editors of ihe Charleston Courier:
Sir—i tane ihe liberty of enclosing to you, a copy
of a communication, received by the Baptist State
Convention, at its last session, from Chancellor
Johnson. You wiii perceive, on perusing it, that
me Cmmeelior requests the attention of tiie Con
vention to the subject of Duelling, and to the adap
tion of means, which he thinks, promises much to-
ards the abolition of the practice. The Conven
tion concurred with the Chancellor in the views
which lie expressed, and unanimously resolved to
comply with his requests, which are as follows,
viz:
1. That your Ministers he requested to set apart
days and deliver addresses, ns above indicated; that
i>, as indicated i:i the above mentioned communi
cation.
2. That you request the heads of Churches of
other denominations to concur with you.
H. That, (if in your judgment it he expedient)
you call upon the Judicial Officers to charge the
Grand Juries upon the subject.
1 now take the liberty, sirs, in compliance with
tfie desire of the Convention, to request the favor
of you, to give publicity in your paper to the com
munication of the Chancellor, and to tins letter;
that by this means, I may particularly, as the or
gan of the Convention, express tiie desire of that
Ministers of the Baptist and olher*de-
of Christians, and also to the Judicial
tiie State, in relation to the use of the
means proposed by the Chancellor, for suppressing
the practice of Duelling. And 1 do thus, in the
name of the Convention, request the concurrence
of the Ministers of the Gospel of all denomina
tions, and of the Judicial Oiiicers of the State, in
the earnest and diligent use of the means proposed
by the Chancellor.
I am, sirs, vour’s, verv respectfully,
WILLIAM B. JOHNSON,
President of the Stale Convention, of the
Baalist Denomination in S. Carolina.
Newberry, N >v. 4, 1833.
To the Stale Convention of Ihe Baptist Denomina
tion in South Carolina:
‘•T dimm it iimu-e.essai’y <o n(K*|' an.,- npolo-»y to «
body associated for the promotion of the best in
terests >1 man, here and hereafter, for inviting their
attention to a subject of the highest importance to
every member of (he human family.
“ The occurrences of the last year or two bear
evidence to the alarming fact, that the murderous
practice ol Duelling, the blighting effects of which,
upon lire morals, the peace and happiness of indi
viduals, families and society at large, it is surely
needless to depict—so far from being on the tie -
dine, as good men had begun to hope, is taking
deeper and deeper root, and spreading with a ter
rific vigor, wider and wider.
“All who have observed this, and all must have
observed it, can have but one desire; and that is,
that ;1 it he possible, this practice, shocking both
to the Christian and philanthropist, may be ar
rested.
“Asa parent, and as a public magistrate, I have
reflected much, and anxiously, upon the means by
which tiiis may most probably and most effectually
be accomplished.
“All must agree, that all means, however wisely
contrived, must fail, if they include not a rectifica
tion of public opinion. So efficacious is opinion,
that laws are seldom required to punish what it
censures; but il required, then it forms the most
poweifill assistant to their due, and complete exe
cution. But, on the other hand, no laws-can be
executed when it stands opposed to them.
“A practice, to be put down, must not only be
generally reprobated, but society must be brought t«
countenance and sustain those, who, through a
sense of right, resist temptations to indulge in it.
“It is in vain to hope, that men of acute sensi
bility, uninfluenced by religion, will abstain from
opinion might prove abortive, might, in a sounder
suite of’ the public feeiing, prove completely effica
cious.
“It lias occurred to me, that as means to attain
ends so desirable, "the follo wing promise loo mucii
to be left without trial:
“Let the Church do its office. Let the Conven
tions, Associations, Conferences, Presbyteries, and
Synods, of the different orders ot religious men
enjoin it upon their Ministers to set apart several
days m each year, and by fervent addresses, in
voke the community tosaluta y reform. Let the
Judiciary call the attention of the Grand Juries to
the ubject. Let society be awakened, and let the
whole communnity be thus armed and prepared to
march upon the malefactors, who are disturbing
iis peace and destroying the happiness of its mem
bers
“When this is done, a general Convention of the
friends of humanity may meet with some prospect
of devising a remedy, to be carried out by Legis
lative action,or by voluntary Associations, or both
“I am so impressed with this, that 1 cannot tin-
bear to request your serious consideration of it, and
to request
1st. That vour Ministers be requested to set
apari days, and deliver addresses, as above indi
cated.
' 2d. That you request the heads of Churches of
otlierdeiiominaiions, to concur with you.
3d Thaq (if*in your judgment it be expedient)
you call upon the Judicial Oflicers to charge the
Grand Juries upon I lie subject.
“You will please excuse the imperfection of the
foregoing suggestions. Haste forbids my revision
of them.
“Most respect fullv,
JOB JOHNSTON.”
P. S.—Editors favorable to the object above, are
requested to give the communications a place in
their columns.
Hid
in ordering the removal of the public^
horn ihe Bank ot tire United Slates, had
"! r "»»«rv
POLITICAL.
THE DEPOSI TES.-r-Extracts from the
Speech of Mr. Polk, in the House of Representa
tives, in reply to Mr. M Dujjie.
The gentleman from South Carolina (said Mr.
F.) openeu ins argument oy assuming mat tiie
public deposites had been unlawfully removed
from the Bank of the United States; that the
President is, by reason thereof, an usurper, and
a tyrant; and he informed us, that this was the
great constitutional question we were about to
examine. Yet, sir, the gentleman did not think
it proper to furnisli us with any of tho argument
by which lie maintains these propositions, but
seemed to regard them as self-evident. It
true the gentleman was unmeasured in the vio
fence of his charges against the President. He
told us that he had trampled the Constitution in
tho dust, and he seemed to be as much enraged
on the occasion as the Dutch bully he spoke of
was with the lottery wheel, and ready to strike
the administration into smashes; and with about
as much reason. The political wheel had turn
ed out badly for the gentleman. But if, per-
chance, it took another turn; if a star should b
in the ascendent from a new quarter; if he should
draw the prize; in a word, why, then, sir, it
would be “as fair a thing as ever was.”
It sis easy, ir, to say hard tilings. It is for
tunate, however, for the Chief Magistrate of tiiis
country, that his character is placed at such an
elevation that it requires no aid from the Repre
sentatives of the people on this floor to sustain it
when assailed. lie is above the reach and pow
er of any remarks made here.
But, sir, it sis said that tho President is an
usurper, a tyrant. This argument supposes
that the Secretary of the Treasury is responsi
ble to Congress, and not to the President for the
manner in which he discharges the duties of his
office. Now, sir, I undertake to affirm that the
Secretary of i lie Treasury is not only not inde
pendent of the President of the United States—
but, if Congress were to pass a law to make him
so, they would exceed their power and the law
would be void and of no effect. The Secreta
ry is not only not independent of the Executive,
but it is not in the power of Congress to make
him so. By whom is the Secretary of the Trea
sury appointed? The law creates the olfico; but
the appointment to it is made by the President
ol the United States, with the consent of the
Senate. I beg pardon, sir, for entering upon a
question here which has for forty of fifty years
been considered a settled question. Does the
gentleman mean—do those who think with him
mean, that the President has not the power of
removing from office the Secretary of the Trea
sury ? By whom is he appointed ? By the Presi
dent of the United States, with the advice* and
consent of the Senate. The President, says the
Constitution, “shall nominate, and, by and with
‘the advice and consent of the Senate, shall ap
•point ambassadors, other public ministers, and
‘consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all
‘other officers of the United States, whose ap
pointments are not herein otherwise provided
‘for, and which shall be established bv law.
-But tho Congress may, by law, vest the appoint
ment of such inferior officers as they think prop,
‘er, in the President alone, in the courts of law,
‘or in the heads of departments.” The Heads
of Departments, therefore, arenot “inferior offi
cers,” and the power of appointment is not, and
cannot be, in the President alone, or in the
cqurts of law, much less in Congress. Further,
Congress cannot by law acquire the power of
controlling the appointment of Heads of Depart
ments. Under another clause of the Constitu
tion, Congress may indeed appoint their own
officers, but they have no power over even the
manner of appointment of any other tlmn infe-
Treasury, when appointed by t ie President, nold
his office? Aitliougii there is uo express clause
in the Constitution authorizing his removal from
office at the pleasure of the President, yet the
power to remove him flows from the nature of
the Constitution. He holds his power durante
bene plac 'do—during the pleasure of the Presi
dent. Tiie Judges of tiie Courts of the Unit
ed States hold their offices, indeed, during good
behaviour, or for life; but 1 deny that any other
officer of the government holds his office by a
similar tenure. Tiie President and the Vice
President of the United States hold their office
cacli for a term of years. The period of ser
vice of other oiiicers is not limited by the Con
stitution; but accoiding to the practice of the
Government in the time of the contemporaries
of the Coastitution and ever since, they iiave
been considered to hold their offices at pleasure.
If it were not so, indeed, what would be tiie con
sequence? If the Secretary of the Treasury
couid be mad.? independent of too President,
still there must be a power somewhere to re
move him. If not he must hold iiis office du
ring life, which 1 have already shown, is incon
sistent with tiie Constitution.
* * * .* *
Yet still it is maintained that tiie Legislature,
jealous of uniting the money power with oilier Ex
ecutive powers, wisely and purposely withheld h
fro in the President. Tiie great constitutional
question is, as to the power of the President to re
move the .-secretary ol tiie Treasury from office.
I can conceive ol none other. The President, ve
it a ve been told, isa usurper and tyrant, yet tie it.is
done only wiiat his predecessors Iiave done - be to re
him, and for which lie is responsible to the coun
try. Sir, I have made some research as toilie
opinions and conduct of ihose who framed our Con
stitution, and who certainly understood cell tin
powers therein given to the President. During
the debates on tiie organization of the Executive
Departments of the Government, this very ques
tion of th - power to remove from office came under
discuss,on. The question was, whether such
power should be exercised at all; if so, whether
by the Excutive alone, or by the Executive in con
junction with the Senate? One portion of the
members of the Convention contended, that it
ought to require the same advice and consent to
remove an officer that it did to appoint one. Well,
sir, look now at the views given on this subject at
that early day. I reler the House to Lloyd’s De
bates of the Convention, on the form of the Ex
ecu live Department; and I will rake the liberty of
reading from the speech of Mr. Madison
“It is one of me most prominent features of the
Constitution, a principle that pervades the whole
system, that there should be the highest possible
degree of responsibility in all the executive officers
thereof; any ttiing, therefore, vviticn tends to lessen
this responsibility, is contrary to its spirit and in
tention; and unless it is saddled upon us expressly
hv the letter of iliat work, I shall oppose the ad
mission of it into any act of the Legislature. Now,
if the Heads of the Exec iuve Departments are
subjected to removal by tiie President alone, we
have in him security for the good behavior of the
officer. If lie Joes not conform to the judgment
of th President in doing the Executive duties of
his office, he can be displaced: tiiis makes him re
sponsible to ihe great Excutive power; and makes
the President resjionsible to the public for the con
duct of the person he has nominated and appoin
ted to aid him m ill : administration of bis depart
ment.”
In the same debate, I will refer to tiie speech of
Mr. Sedgwick, who said—“Suppose, sir, a an
becomes insane bv the visitation of God. and is
itKeiy iu rumour amors, are the hands of Govern
ment lo be confined lrom warding oil the evii? Sup
pose a person in office, not possessing the talents
he was judged to have at the time of the appoint
ment, is the error not to be corrected? Suppose
lie acquires vicious habits, an incurable indolence,
or total n -gleet of the duties of his office, which
forbude mischief to the public welfare, is there no
wav to arrest the threatened danger? Suppose Ire
becomes odious and unpopular by reason of the
measures which he pursues, and this he may do
without committing any positive offm’e against
the law, must he preserve his office in despite of
the puoiic will? Suppose him grasping at his own
aggrandizement, and the elevation of his connec
tions, by every means short of the treason defined
by tiie Constitution, hurrying your affairs to ihe
precipice of destruction, endangering vour domes
tic tranquility, plundering you of the means of de
fence, and alienating t he a flee* ions of your allies,
and promoting the spirit of disc »rd, is there no way
suddenly to seize the worthless wretch, and lair
inm from the pinnacle of power? Musi the lardy
tedious, desultory road, by way of impeachment
be ti a veiled to overtake lire ntan who ha rely-con
fining himself within the letter of tho law, is em
ployed in drawing oil the vital principle of the
Government.”
Mr. Madison says, again, “it is evident the in
tendon ol the Constitution that the first Magis
trate should he responsible f r the Executive De
partment; so far, therefore, as we do not mike the
officers who are to aid him in the duties of that
Department responsi tie to him, he is not responsi
tne to Ins country.”
And again, “the question now resolves itself in
to tiiis, is the power of displacing, an .Executive
power? i conceive that if any power whatsoever
is in its nature Executive, it is the power of ap
pointing, overseeing, and controlling those who
execute ihe laws.”
• Thus you see, sir, that all the inferior officers
tire so many instruments in the hand of the Exec
utive. If there is any question as lo the power o
the Executive, in overseeing and controlling those
who execute the laws, here you have Mr. Madi
son’s views on that subject. I will take the liberty
of jading some other passages from the same do
bate, in relation lo the self-same objections which
have been urged here and elsewhere to the esu-
tiun of this power
Mr. Vining says, “I. take it that the best prin
ciple is, that ite who is responsible lor tiie conduct
of the officer, ought to iiave the power of remov
ing him; by adhering to this principle we shall be
led to make a rignt decision on the point in debate.
Perhaps it might be equally right that the respon
sible person should have the appointment of those
who are to aid him. But tiiis case isqnalified by
an express stipulation in the Constitution, and
therefore most be submit ted to. Yet, nevertheless,
the responsibility is kept up; (lie President takes
the lead in the business; he nominates; wherefore
fie becomes answerable (hr the otiio ‘r. But whose
officer is he? Not the Senate’s; for they have no
Executive business to perform. Tiie Executive
duties are all vested in the President.” So, Isa v.
iie is not the officer of Congress—and more, that
Congress could not make him so, because thev
Iiave no Executive duties to perform. I read from
Fisher Ames:
The superintending power possessed by the
President, will, perhaps, enable him to discover a
base intention before it is ripe for execution. It
may happen that (lie Treasurer may be disposed
to betray the public chest to the enemy, and so in
jure the Government beyond the possibility of re
paration; should the President be restrained from
removing so dangerous an officer, until the slow
formality of an impeachment was complied with,
witen the nature of the case rendered the applica
tion of a sudden aad decisive remedy indispensi-
ble?”
Mr. Lawrence, in his speech, says: “In the
Constitution the heads of departments are consid
ered as the mere assistant of the President, in the
performance of his executive duties. He has the
*«upti iiueutlcnet, me Cou.roi, u
j tnetr conduct; he has an intimate con ieciio-i who usage, that the present S
I them; they must receive from .urn ins orders and
mswer Ins inquiries in writ
it. Small the person having
these superior powers to govern, with such advan- _ ui
lages of discovering and defeating me oase in ten- conferred upon him bv law, andwfoelTp 1 '™"' 6 ^
tionsof his officers, their delinquencies, their deiec- ces.surs had used in like manner, arid q. ?
live abilities, or their negligence, he restrained assigned to this House, good and stitSciJn
\ tdF* miEt IlSP- ti):
nun^ tini
ers to govern, with such advan- i exerted a power over the funds of'• ,l?u
, u *d done i„
was novei or unprecedented
the Gw
from applying these advantages to the most use
ful, nay, in some cases the only useful purpose
which can be answered by them?
“It appears to me tpat the pmve- can be safely
lo t-red here. But it lias been said by some gen
tlemen, that if it is lodged here it will he subject j
to abuse; that there may he a change of oflicers, I
and a complete revolution throughout the witole
executive department, upon tiie election of every
new President. I admit this may be the case, and
contend that ii should he the case if tiie President
thinks it necessary. I contend that every Presi
dent ought to have those men about him in whom
he can place the most confidence, provided the
Senate approve his choice. B<u we are not from
hence to infer that changes will he made in a wan
ton manner, and from capricious motives."
Now, sir, on the other side of the question—
what w’as said by Mr. Jackson? “But lei me as|<
gentlemen, if it is possible to place tneir officers in
such a situation as to deprive them of their inde
pen iency and firmness; f>r I apprehend it is not
intended lo stop with toe S cretarv of foreign
aflitirs. Let if he remembered that the Constitu
tion gives tiie President ihe command of the mili
tary. If you give him complete power over the
man with tne strong box, lie will have tiie liberties
of America under ins thumb. Ii is easy to see ihe
evil which may result. If tie wants to establish an
arbitrary authority, and finds the Secretary oi fi
nance not inclined to second his endeavors, he has
nothing more to do than to remove him, and get
one appointed of principles more congenial with
his own. Then, says he, I It ve got the army, let
me have but the money, and I vviil establish mv
throne upon the ruins of your visuumrv Republic.”
leal! the House to some further views on ihe
same side ot’ the question, still stronger than these,
and strictly analogous to tne course of argument
of those gentlemen who deny a power in the Pres
ident to reiflove t Secretary.
M . Madison says. “Vest this power in the
Senate jointly vvitn the President, and you abolish
at once tout grea: principle of unity and responsi
bility in the Executive Depa tment, wlttco was m-
tended for the security of liberty and the public
good. If ihe President should possess alone the
power of removal from office, tnose who are em
ployed in the execution of Ihe law will he in tiitur
proper situation, and tlie chain of dependence be
preserved; the lowest officers, toe middle grad’-,
and tiie highest, vvtil depend, as they ought, <>tt the
President, and tiie President on tiie community.
T ie chain ol dependence, thcrelwre, terminates in
tne supreme hotly, namely, in Use people; who will
possess besides, in aid ol their original power, the
decisive engine of impeachment.”
Mr. Gerry opposed these vie as:
“But wttai cousetf ience may result from giving
the President tiie absolute control over ait officers?
Among tiie rest, 1 presume, lie is to iiave an un
to: so doing.
I shat! now, with
11 ffasoc
. it be
tne Charter of ji,
•wise, an-
not have bere
ttc.i a course?—
hat brevity I may, proceed,
examine the reasons adduced by him : 0 „m /
with the objections which have been urw.q fl, :
sue.i an exercise of power.
Tiie first objection we have beard is or a nom-h
character, and is one which, at first view in
seem to have something in ig that is, that’ tl,.-^!
moval was ordered within only sixty da\s front
meeting of Congress. Why, it is'asked ( t ; d i“
the Secretary wait? Why did lie iint’s'.-h r .r,,‘°''
question of this moment to the Renreaent tim*. '!
the People? This seems specious: But "''
remembered, that Cnngiv.
Bank, had divested itself of j)| charge <>! i| ie a.
posites, or control over them, and haif vested ’! t>
elusive!v in the S cretarv of the Treasure-'V’ ’
j here lore, had ibis body been in session at the tic ,
ii would have had no power to interim- as to jt'
Place where tiie public m meys should be depositm
Why, then, ought the Secretary to have waiflgO
Aud for what? To send a letter to this H
ask our advice? Sir, would lie
laughed to scorn, had he taken
Would i not have been said—-why, here is a in.-
financial officer of the Government who ibr.fp
fake the lesponsilffihy which the law devotv. *««>,.
him, and who applies to others to stand bef'ort k
as his shield while in the discharge of his tluivr—
j Sir, it would j istiv have been salt!. But, had!
done so, the deposites could not iiave been reinn-..
until tie decided to give the order, iiis rca-r
for removing them tire required bv the charter
be given to tiiis ouse, no; before,’but -> '
to their removal. Well,sir, and what would ha
been said, h d lie removed tie* deposites three
iter Congress hail adjourned at the Iasi
W ty, then we shot Id have Inn told that lie on
waited till th- Representatives of the People. 1 ,:
turned their back, and this woo d have l.ynis
with stili more reason than tlte other.
Suppose again that he had waited until il.n
days alter Congress hail assembled. 'Flu: pop,;
argument 'hen would have been (ihoagh ti..
would have been nothing in it) that here wc lug.
mere Secretary, in the very face of the Pn
Representatives, \enluriitg, without thru cm.;
I rence or advice, upon tiiis high handed mease
| ibr such it would have be» n called. So that,
to the time i>! th .
ged witii equal if t:
oilier period been
tctuaily chosen lor:
me selected was a 1
ot,|i 's repieseiitatii;
seems to me, objections as
movai might iiave been in
with greater force n id any
lected than tint woieh \vn -
removal. I think that the ti
tunate one: it enabled me Ft
to consider tie* suhj rt, and to giv*. at least •
exp" ssioas of their »v:i! to those whom thev she.
send here. Here a re Representatives from r .
tions of tne Union, who have ti > v an opporm:,.
of
pu
bringing with them some expressions of
»iic sentiment on the rneasim
So much
limned control over tiie officers of the Treasury. 1 ! this objection, which, to a merely .casual ohsrr
thiuk if this be the case, \a>u may as Weil give linn at j a P ,eai Uivo more myri! g.mit re
once the appropriation of the revenue; for, oft contains. _
j Country Money.—The brokers advanced
| rate of discount m Country Bank notes yc.-trt
i toone per cent, on Eastern ami Je. o v Tank ,
wuatuseisit to make la son tuts head, when tiie
Tresident, by a took at tne officer, can make il ms in
terest to break them? V\ e may exj»eci to see in
stitutions arising under tiie control of the revenue,
and not of the iaiv.”
Can any tiling he more analogous to the argu
ments we now hear? Bat, sir, lei me trespass s.>
far as to read one more extract, m which the tost
bodiugsof danger wmchleave been expressed dur
ing tiie debate are summed up by Mr. Scott:
“I iiave listened to tne arguments in support ol
this motion these tiiree days with great attention,
liiij li.Uih, IVIKII Witmii luijoliiv-r, they C-msMt III
this, the ratsiugol a great number of frightful pic
tures, which, at first siglu, appear very terrible,
but, when they are attentively contemplated, they
appear lo be tne vagaries of a disordered imagina
tion. Let us examine one or two of these fright
ful pictures, merely as a sample of the whole set,
and see what they amount to. The most frightful
ot all that have been brought into view is, that the
Treasurer must be tne mere creature ol tlte Presi
dent, and confor to all his directions, or lie arbi
trarily removes him from office, aim lays lus hands
violently upon the money chest; then, having tne
sword and the purse, you see the President boldly
advancing, suppoited by the army and navy, and
ihe money chest in the hack ground, engaging the
liberties of the people; armed with all this omnipo
tence of powei* the protector rushed onward witii
irresistible impetuoHty; so sudden and fatal is the
stroke, that the expiring genius of America lias
family tune faintly to say—farewell, Libeity. Tims
despotism rdes triumphant and freedom and hap
piness are trampled in ihe dust Strange, tiiai aii
tiiis should arise from the Executive M i gist rate’s
having the power of removal. But gentlemen te I
us, that if we keep the Treasurer out of the power
ot the President, tie cannot injure us; that, being
thus independent, your strong box will he wed
guarded, ami tne President.cannot gei your money,
unless lie steal it, and, if he steals it, and the Trea
surer sees him, he will tell; this ivill lead to an im
peachment, and we shall get rid of the cause of
our apprehensions. But the Constitution says,
that no money snail he taken out of ilv Treasury
but by appropriations: this alone, i think, a suffi
cient answer to all that lias been said, end will serve
to soften down the harsh features which flic terri
ble picture I have just n «w mentioned displayed.—
I sav, sir, our money may be in the Treasury by
millions, and, without specia appropriation by the
Legislature, the President and Treasurer, either of
both together, cannot touen a farthing of it. miles?
they steal it. Tiiis being Ihe case, I see as *itt!•
security to the Treasury in the independenc o
t tiis officer, as danger arising from Iiis dependence,
without a single exception; for if the President,
with a strong army at Iiis hack, comes v iolently t
lay hold of tlte money chest, tins officer stands hut
a very poor security against such ;i power. I think
tlu* President, supported with the army and navv,
making a descent upon your Treasury, would bt
very apt lo carry a way the money, and the Trea
surer too, if he stood in his wav.”
'Here, sir, issummed iij> the whole argument ad
vanced at that day against tlte power which has
been exercised by tiie President on the present oc
casion.
“In the Constitution (said Mr. Ames,) the Presi
dent is required to see tlte laws faithfully executed.
He cannot do this without he has a control over of
ficers appointed to aid him in the performance of
Iiis duty. 'Take this power out of his hands, and
you virtually strip him of his authority; you virtu
ally destroy his responsibility, the great seen itv
which this Constitution holds out lo the people of
America.”
I take it, sit, the only power the President has ex
ercised is one not only clearly conferred on lorn by
the Constitution and hv the act creating the Trea
sury Department, but otic which has been exercis
ed without objection from the verv foundation of
the Government to the present hour. The power
is exercised under Iiis responsibility to the country.
It is not to be exercised capriciously, though it may
be without (lie assignment of any reason. If it is
abused, the corrective is found in the fact that the
Executive power returns every four years to the
hands of the people; and, if that he too long to
wait, the President can be readied by impeach
ment.
per c. nt. on Banks in 1 he Western jwi;
York. With some tiie rate tv. -d igl rr
The Brokets tell us, there is no j.i<iT.t!
these rates wiii continue mote than t. <>
When I had the honor to address Ibis" House,
two days ago, I endeavored to establish, by argu
ment and from authority, the position, that in re
moving tlte late Secretary of the Treasury, the
President of the United States had exercised only
the ordinary power conferred on him by the Con
stitution, and fully sanctioned by precedent; and I
t vv<
Ni
MH'
tlia
three days. Tiie Branch, the Pels, end all;
Banks, discounted liberally y< sterdav, and the p ■
erai appealance ol money affairs was easier. 1
expected that after tlte returns an made on
first ol January, ihe Banks wiii he able to mij
at least :ii! pressing wa is. \Ye have Ibr ours !.
ii ■ doubt lhat within sixty' day s t.he money mar!
vviil he quiie easy , an that u ithm six inund.s it t
be more nbutniai.tlv supplied ti a < ver before,
must be so. There never was before more iimi::
nor so much wealth as now. Specie is comiig
from all quarters. The engagements e! .'fond.:;
are greaiiy reduced. Every tiling vviil cor,spin
create a small demand, and an abundant snjipiy.-
i'he prospects far business were never better t!
Ibr 'the ensuing spring. The attempt v. hirli !• ’•
been made hv the politicians and parly neuspapo
within the last week, to get tip an agitation re
panic for the purpose of breaking doun cieiiit.
one of the most flagitious attacks which was ev-
f made on any mercantile cnnimnniU. But it T
spent its force and failed of producing tin dm:
winch was designed.”
Specie.—Such is ihe abundance of specie t,
within a few days, large quant'.;a s «.| S; o i.'l, i
dollars have been carried to me Banks mid exrli; tv
ed tor paper money. Tin ; e dol.ars une 1
months ago at a premium ol tour and fivt percen
American gold, v. hie It is usually four ti five p
cent, above l>«i- nt the brokers, is now vturli. t
premium at all. A g- tidetean of our acquaintin'
who was returning from Canada a tew day*
with three thousand dollais in American halve,
was g irl to give them and a premium lorcotukr
Bank notes, and c mid not get rid of the whole i;s
til he arrived in New York and carried them'
the Bank. Good bibs on England wi re sold\u
I ml ay tit $4 56 the p uni surfing, a lower prk
titan has been paid since the Bank of Etiglan.t tv
sinned specie pay moms. In fact, Ihe country v.;
never so rich be!‘ore in money and cash iuttcis as a
this moment. And as to a general suspension r
specie payment, it .s ji st as impossible as it vvaui-
be to persuade die waters of tht Hudson to turt
back in their channel. In fact, nofnid; can hr pri
on red to carry c j>ecie out of \\ a I street. Ever;
body brings it in. The scarcity is no of speeir
but of bank roves; and it is the notes only ut tv-
are wanted. Tne cry that a suspension of spec:
payments was at nand,is effectual y silenced. L
agitation newspapers dare no i ore to ivrvat i'--
JVew York Journal of Commerce.
The embrace of the Nationals and Mullijief.f
The harmonious concert with uhic!, ail the Ny
fiers co-operafp with the troops of their “go at all.'
of the West,” shows what absolute property
Messrs. Glav and Calhoun have in the politicians*
their respective parties. Oi' all tilings in the won.,
the bank was considered by the self sty ltd *‘S ,a
Right party” the most obnoxious. It ivasdenoui-'-'
ed by them as unconstitutional—as consolidate-'
in ail its tendencies—as being the great iever ol to
American System—and was held in strli grea”
abhorrence as operating in secrecy upon t h« cu|od:
of men, corrupting all the free principles of A
Government, while it extended this immense p 1 ’.
ticai influence to sustain the cause of the champ 1 " 1
of the tariff and* internal improvements. f |it ' sC
men stili claim the same principles, and yet in “
body devote themselves, in absolute subserviency
to ail tin* schemes whicn Mr. Clay and the Baj 1 '
party have devised to perpetuate the power ol t L
Bank.
To see every Nimifier and tverv National -w-
pubiicnn, without a solitary exception, concuitn-y
... every vote which marks die division "t p arIlt *
in the House, proves the perfect partnership "lac* 1
is lirfnned bei ween Messrs. Clay and Calhoun. - r ;
M’Duffit, hut a lew years ago charg'd hispiescn
allies in a body, with “carrying on a system "i
gislative piracy,” denounced them as degrading
Government “into a disgraceful confederacy
sea robbers and outlaws.” Ami now, he ani * 1 ,
ailed
le-
wnole party, to a man, have joined the party ca^
by him a confederacy of “robltersand out la us,
all their measures. ,
Mr. Clay on his part once hinted to Haynt t
the schemes against the tariff li tre no benit t f
smuggling, now he most cordially receives the |]1 -
lifiers as auxiliaries. -i;
Wha; ate the principles f men worth, 'y
make them the subject of political barter.