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nut above twenty-two, as l judged, with small
tiny, black, jet-black, mustacnes, and a noble
countenance; tine dark eyes, and curls dark and
clustering.
The officer of my escort answered, ‘A young
Englishman,—enseignc de vasseau.*
I was no such tiling, as a poor middy I>a3 no
cTmimission, but only his rating, which even his cap-
* : .*.in, without a court-martial, can take away at any
time, and turn him before the mast.
At this moment, I heard the clang of a sabre,
runl the jingic ot'spurs on the stairs, and the group
was joined by my captor, Colonel * * *
‘Ah, colonel!’ exclaimed the aides, ina volley,
‘ where the devil have you come from? We thought
you were in Bruxelles at the nearest.’
Tlie colonel put his hand on his lips and smiled,
a id then slapped the young o!li ;er who spoke lirst
with .his glove. ‘Never mind, boys, ( have come
to help you here—you will need help before long;
—but h i -v is ?’ Here ho made a comical con
tortion of his face, and drew his ungloved haul
across his throat. Tltc young officers laughed, and
p tinted u> the door. He moved towards ii, prece
ded by tlie youngest of them, who led tlie way into
a very lofty and handsome room, elegantly furnish
ed, with some fine pictures on tlie wails, a handsome
sideboard of plate, a rich Turkey carpel—an unu
sual thing in "Germany—on the floor, and a richly
gilt pillar, at the end of tlie room farthest from us,
tlie base of which contained a stove, which through
the joints ot the d our of it, appeared to be burning
cheerily.
There were some very handsome sofas and otto
mans scattered through tlie room, and a grand
piano in one corner, the furniture being covered
with yellow, or amber-coloured velvet, with broad
heavy drapperies of gold fringe, like the bullion of
an epaulet. There was a small round table near
tlie stove, on which stood a silver candlestick, with
four branches filled with wax tapers; and buttles
of wine, and glasses. At this table sat ail officer,
apparently about flirty-five years of age. There
was nothing very peculiar in bis appearance; he
was a middle-sized man, well made apparently.—
He sat 0:1 one chair, with his legs sjppurtcd on
another.
His white-topped boots had been taken off, and
replaced by a pair of slipshod slippers; his splashed
white kerseymere pantaloons, seamed with gold,
resting on the unfrayed velvet cushion; bis blue
coat, covered with ricli embroidery at tlie bosom
and collar, was open, and the lappels thrown back,
displaying a richly embroidered crimton velvet
lacing, and an embroidered scarlet waistcoat; a
large solitary star glittered on bis breast, and the
Grand Cross of tlie Legion of Honour sparkled at
liis button-hole; his black neckerchief had been
taken off; and his cocked hat lay beside him on a
sofa, massively laced, the edges richly ornamented
with ostrich down; his head was covered with a
red velvet cap, with a thick gold curd twisted two
or three turns round it, and ending in two large tas
sels of heavy bullion; he wore very large epaulets,
and his sword had been inadvertently, as l conjec
tured, placed on the table, so that the point of the
steel scabbard rested on the ornamental part ol the
metal stove.
His face was good, his hair dark, forehead with
out a winkle, high and massive, eyes bright and
sparkling, nose neither fine nor dumpy—a lair
enough proboscis as noses go.
There was an expression about the upper lip and
mouth that I did not like—a constant nervous sort
of lifting up of the lip ns it were; and as the mus
tache appeared to have been recently shaven off,
there was a white blueness on tlie upper lip, that
contrasted unpleasantly with the dark tinge which
lie had gallantly wrought for on the glowing sands
of Egypt, the bronzing of his general features from
fierce suns and parching winds. His bare neck
and hands were delicately fair, the former firm ami
muscular, the latter slender and tapering, like a
woman’s. lie was reading a gazette, in some
printed paper, when we entered; and although
there was a tolerable clatter ol muskets, sabres,
an l spurs, he never once lifted his eye in the direc
tion where we stood. Opposite this personage, on
a low chair, with his legs crossed, ami eyes fixed on
tlie ashes that were dropping from the stove, with
his brown chink hanging from his shoulders, sat a
short stout personage, a man about thirty years of
age, with very fair fl lxen hair, a (lurid complexion,
a very lair skin, and massive German features.—
The expression ol his face, solar ns such a counte
nance could be said to have any characteristic ex
pression, was that <>f fixed sorrow. Hot before i
could nuke any other observation, the aide-de-
camp approached with a good spice of fear and
trembling, as I could sec.
‘Colonel * • * to wait on your Highness.’
‘Ah!’ sai l the officer to whom lie spoke, ‘ah,
colonel, what do you here? Has the Emperor ad
vanced again?’
‘No,’ said the officer, ‘lie has not advanced; but
the rear-guard were cut off by tlie Prussians, and
the light, with the grenadiers, are no w
in Cuxhaven.’
‘Well,’ replied tlie general, ‘but how came you
% :rv:'
‘Wire, Marshal, we were detached to seize a
dep >t of provisions in a neighbouring village, and
had made preparations to carry them off, when
we were attacked through a gap in the dike, by
some armed boats from an English squadron, am!
Ii earing a distant firing at the very moment, which
1 concluded to be the Prussian advance, 1 conceived
till chance of rejoining the main army tit an end,
and therefore I shared oif in the grain-boats, and
here I am-’
‘Glad to see you, however,’ said the general, ‘but
sorry for lire cause why you are here returned.—
Who have we got here—-.vhat boy is that?’
‘Why,’ responded the colonel, ‘that lad is one
of the British officers of tlie force that attacked us.’
‘Ha,’ slid the general again,—‘how did you cap
ture hint:’
‘The boat (one of four) which lie was in, was
blown to pieces by a six-pound shut. He was the
only otie of the enemy who swam ashore. The
vest, I am inclined to think, were picked up by the
other boats.’
‘So,’grumbled the general, ‘British ships in I He
Elbe?’
The colonel c laiinued. ‘I hope, Marshal, you
will allow him bis parole:—he is, as you see, quite a
child.’
‘Parole!’ replied the Marshal,—‘parole!—such a
mere lad cannot know the value of his promise.’
A sudden fit of rashness came over me. I could
never account for it.
‘He is a mere boy,’ reiterated the Marshal. ‘No,
no—send him to prison;’ and he resumed the study
of the printed paper lie had been reading.
I struck in, impelled by despair, for l knew the
character of the man before whom 1 stood, and 1
remembered tint even a tiger might fie checked by
a bold front—‘I am an Englishman, sir, and incapa
ble of breaking ray plighted word.’
lie laid down the paper he was reading, and
slowly lifted his eyes, ami fastened them on me,—
‘Ha,’said he, ‘ha—so young—so reckless?’
‘Never mind him, Marshal,’ said the colonel.—
‘If you will grant him bis parole, t’<
‘Take it, colonel—take it—take bis parole, not to
go beyond the ditch.’
‘But I decline to give any such promise,’ said I,
with a hardihood which at tlie lime surprised me,
ami lias always done so.
‘Why, my good youth," said the general, in great
surprise, ‘why will you not take advantage of the
offer—a kinder one, let,me tcil you, than I ain in
the habit of making to an enemy?’
‘Simply, sir, because I will eudeavour to escape
oa the very first opportunity.’
‘Hal’ said the Marshal once more, ‘this to rnv
lace? L ifontaine,’—to the aide-de-camp,—‘a file of
soldiers.’ The handsome young officer hesitated
—hung in the wind, as we say, fora moment—
moved, as I imagined, by my extreme youth.—
i his irritated the Marshal—he rose, and stamped
on the floor. The colonel essayed to interfere.—
gentry—santiy—a file of grenadicre-take him
lortli, anu : here tie energetically clutched the to prejudge tiis guilt, or to attack his character
steel hilt of his sword, and instantly dashed it from with defamatory language. Decorum, the be
lli m-‘,ScareM he devil—what is that?’ and straight- coming ornament of every functionary, should be
vvav he be<nn to pirouette on one leg round the ; the distinguishing trait of an American Senator,
* shaking his right hand, and blowing his who combines in ins own office the united dignities
j of the Executive, legislative, and the judicial char-
' acter. In his judical capacity, especially, he should
sacrifice to decorum and propriety, and to shun, as
he would the contagious touch of sin and pesti
leuce, the slightest approach to the character of
prosecutor. lie referred u* British Parliamentary
law, to show that the Lords could not join in an
accusation, because they were to try it; but here
the Senate was sole accuser, and had nothing from
the House of Representatives to join; but made
the accusation out and out, and tried it themselves.
He said the accusation was a double one, for a
high crime and a misdemeanor and the latter a more
flagrant proceeding than the firmer; for it assumed
to know for what cause the President had dismissed
liis late Secretary, and undertook to try the Presi
dent fora thing which was not triable or impeach
able. From the foundation of-the Government it
had been settled that the President’s right to dis
miss liis Secretaries resulted from his constitution
al obligation to see that the laws were faithfully
executed. Many Presidents had dismissed Secre
taries, and this was the first lime that the Senate
had ever undertaken to found an impeachment
upon it, or bad assumed to know the reasons for
which it was done.
Mr. B. said that two other impeachments seem
ed to be going on at the- same time against two
other officers, the Secretary of the Treasury, and
the Treasurer, so that the Senate was brimful of
criminal business. The Treasurer and the Secre
tary of the Treasury were both civil officers, and
were both liable to impeachment for misdemeanors
in office; and great misdemeanors were charged
upon them. They were, in fact, upon trial vvith-
bresaid ganneifis were hung on pegs in i out the formality of a resolution; and if hereafter
impeached by tlie House of Representatives, the
Senate, if they believed what they heard, would
be ready to pronounce judgment, and remove
them from office without delay or further examina
tion.
Mr. B. then addressed himself to tlie Vice Pres
ident (Mr. Van Buren) upon tlie novelty of the
scene which was going on before him, ami the
great change which had taken place sh.ee he serv
ed in the Senate. He commended the peculiar
delicacy and decorum of the Vice President him
self, who, in six years’service, in high party times,
and in a decided opposition, never uttered a word.,
either in open or secret session, which could have
d the feelings of a political adversary it he
had been present and heard it. He extolled the
! decorum of the opposition to President Adams’ ad-
j ministration. If there was one brilliant exception,
i the error was redeemed bv classic wit,and the heroic
j readiness with which a noble heart bared bosom
| to the bullets of those who felt aggrieved. Still
| addressing himself to the Vice President, Mr. B.
said, that if he should receive some hits in the place
where he sat, without the right to reply, he must
find consolation in the case of his most illustrious
predecessor, the great apostle of American liberty
(Mr. Jcffers-m) who often told his friends of the
manner in which he had been cut at, when presi
ding over the Senate, and personally annoyed by
the inferior—no, young and inconsiderate members
of the old federal party.
Mr. B. returned to the point in debate. The
President, he repeated, was on trial lor a high
crime, in seizing tlie public treasure in violation of
the Laws ami the Constitution. Was tlie charge
true? Does the act which he has done, deserve
tlie definition which has been put upon it? He
had made up his own mind that the public de-
nosites ought to be removed from the Bank of the
United States. He communicated that opinion to
the Secretary of the Treasury; the Secretary re
fused to remove them; the President removed him;
and appointed a Secretary, who gave tlie order
which he thought the occasion required. All ibis
he did in virtue of iris constitutional obligation to
sec the laws faithfully executed; and in obedience
10 the same sense of duty which would lead him
to dismiss a Secretary of War, or of tiie Navv, who
would refuse to give an order for troops to march,
or fleets to sail. True, it is made the duty of the
Secretary of the Treasury to direct the removal of
the deposites; but the Constitution makes it tlie
duty of the President to see that the Secretary
performs his duty; ami the Constitution is as much
above law as the President is above the Secretary.
room,
fingers.
Tlie officers in wailing could not stand it any j
longer, and burst into a fii of laughter, in which j
their commanding officer, alter an unavailing at- j
tempt to look serious—I should rather write fierce
—-joined, and there he was, the bloody Davoust
Duke of Auersladt—Prince Eckuiulil—the Ham
burgh Robespierre—the terrible Davoust—dancing
all around the room, in a regular guffiaw, like to
split liis sides. The heated stove had made the
sword, which rested on it, nearly red-lint.
All this while the quiet, plain-looking, hide ™ Rr J
sat still, lie now rose; but I noticed that he had
been fixing liis eyes intently on me. I thought
could perceive a tear glistening in them as he
spoke.
‘Marshal, will you entrust that hoy to me?
‘Poo,’said tlie Prince, still laughing, ‘taU c him
—do what vou will with him;’—men, as if sudden
ly recollecting himself, ‘Bat, Mr. ***, you must be
answerable for him—he must beat baud il l want
him.’
The gentleman who ha 1 so unexpectedly pat-
roni.ed me, rose and said, ‘Marshal, i promise.
‘Very well,’ sai 1 Davoust. ‘Lathntaine, desire
supper to he sent up.’
It was brought in, and my new aHy and I were
shown out.
As we went down stairs, we looked into a room
on (lie ground floor, at tlie door of which were linir
soldiers with fixed bayonets. \\ e iheicsaw, for it
was well lit up, about twenty, or five-ami-twenty
respectable look men, very English in appearance,
all to their long cloaks, an unusual sort of garment
to my eye at that time. The nigiit was very wet,
and the a!
the wall all round the room, which being strongly
heated bv a stove, the moisture rose up in a thick
mist, and made the faces of die burghers indistinct.
They were ail busily engaged talking to each
oilier, some to his neighbour, the others across the
table, hut all with an expression of the most intense
anxiety.
‘Who are these:’ said I to my guide.
‘Aik no questions here,' said lie, ami we passed
on.
I afterwards learned that they were the hostages
seized on lor tlie trilling contribution of fifiy mill
ions of francs, which had been imposed on ihe
doomed city, and that this very night they had been
I had seen them, where they were advertised they
must remain until the money should be forthcom
ing
POLITICAL.
Extract from the speech of Mr. Benton in
the United States’ Senate, on Mr. Clay’s reso
lutions of censure:
Mr. 13. then proceeded lo the order of the day,
the resolutions submitted by a Senator from Ken
tucky (Mr. C-iuy) on the removal of the publicde-
posites from the Bank of the United States, and
asked tor the reading of the resolutions.
The Secretary reads—
]. “Resolved, That, by dismissing the late Sec
retary of the Treasury, because he would not,
contrary to his sense of his own duty, remove the
money of tlie United States in deposite with tlie
Bank of the United States and its Branches, in
conformity with the President’s opinion; and by
appointing liis successor to effect such removal,
which has been done, the President has assumed
the exercise of a power over the Treasury of the
United States, not granted to him by the Consti
tution and laws, and dangerous to the liberties of
the people.
2. Resolved, Tiiat the'reasons assigned by the
Secretary bf tlie Treasury, for the removal of the
money of the United States, deposited in the
Batik of the United States and its Branches,
communicated to Congress on the third day ot’
December, I$3.3, are unsatifactory and insuffici
ent.”
Mr 13. said, that tlie first of these resolutions
contained impeachable matter, and was in fact,
though not in form, a direct impeachment of tlie
President of the United States. He recited the con
stitutional provision, that the President might he
impeached. 1. For treason; 2. For bribery; 3.
I'or high crimes; -1. For niis-lonieoimr., and said
that tlie first resolution charged both a high crime
and a misdemeanor lipon the President: a high
crime in violating the laws and constitution to ob
tain n power over the public treasure to the danger
of the liberties of the people; and a misdemeanor
in di.iinisssing the late Secretary of the Treasury
from office. Mr. B. said that the terms of the
resolution were sufficiently explicit to define a
high crime, within the meaning of the Constitu
tion without having recourse to the arguments
and declarations used by the mover in illustration
of liis meaning; hut if any doubt remained on that
head, it would he removed by the whole tenor of
the argument, and especially that part of it which
compared the President's conduct to that of Cm-
s;tr, i:i seizing the public treasure to aid him in put
ting an end to the liberties of his country; and ev
ery Senator in voting upon it, would vote as direct
ly upon tlie guilt or innocence of the President, as
i! he was responding to the question of guilty or
not guilty, in tlie concluding scene of a tbrmal im
peachment.
We are, then, said Mr. B. trying an impeach
ment* 13ut how? The Constitution gives to the
House of Representatives the sole power to origi
nate impeachments; yet we originate this impeach
ment ourselves. The Constitution gives the ac
cused a right to be present; but he is not here. It
requires the Senate to be sworn as judges; but we
are intso sworn. It requires the Chief Justice of
tlie United States to preside when the President is
tried; but the Chief Justice is not presiding. Il
gives the House of Representatives a right to be
present, and to manage the prosecution; but neith
er tlie House nor its managers are here. It re
quires the forms of criminal justice to be strictly
observed; yet all these lories are .neglected and
violated. It is a proceeding hi which the first
Magistrate of the Republic is to be tried without
being heard, and in which liis accusers are to act
as his judges!
Mr. 13. c.illdtl upon the Senate to consider well
what they did before they proceeded further in the
consideration of this resolu'ion. He called upon
them to consider what was due to the House of
Representatives, whose privilege was invaded, and
who had a right to send a message to the Senate,
complaining of the proceeding, and demanding its
abandonment. He conjured them to consider what
was due to tlie President, who was thus to he tried
in his absence for a most enormous crime: what
was due to the Senate itself in thus combining the
i n co m pa t i ble c! m ra c le rs of a censers a nd jud ges7 and
which vvoul I itself he judged by Europe and
America. He dwelt particularly on the figure
which the Senate would make in going on with tlie
c msideralimi ot this resolution It accused the
President of violating the Constitution, and itself
commuted twenty violations of the same Constitu
tion in making the accusation! Ii accused him of
violating a single law, and itself violated all the
laws of criminal justice in prosecuting him for if.
It charged him with designs dangerous to tlie lib
erties of the citizens, and immediately trampled
upon the rights of all citizens in tlie person of
their Chief Magistrate.
Mr. 13. descanted upon the extraordinary or
ganization of the Senate, and drew ar, argument
from it in favor wl the reserve and decorum of
theii proceedings. Flie Senate were lawgivers,
and ought to respect the laws already made; thev
were the constitutional advisers of ihe President,
and should observe, as nearly as possible Ihe civil
relations which the office of adviser presumes*
they might be his judges, and should be the last
i.u the world to stir up an accusation against him.
Extractfrom the correspondence of the Charleston
Courier.
“The conclusion of Mr. Southard’s speech was
not interior to the commencement. As a whole, it
it has scaicely been surpassed bv any speech
which has yet been delivered on the subject. There
are many who would bear me out if I were to go
vet further, and say it has not been equalled. Mr.
M‘Duffic was more metaphysical—Mr. Polk more
lachrymorc—Mr. Binney more abstract—Mr.Clay
more enthusiastic, and Mr. Benton longer l>v one
day. But the matter of Mr. Southard’s speech,
was judiciously selected, full of strong points, un-
emliarrasetl by complicated phrases and words of
difficult meaning; and his manner was unaffected,
plain, fearless and independent. I have never
seen an audience more attentive throughout, and I
have never seen any body of listeners who more
cheerfully paid their tax of timeand attention, and
went away more gratified with the consideration
which thev obtained in return.”
From the JYcw York Standard.
Jlloney, Market—The scarcity of money in our
market, in my humble opinion, arises from other
causes than those which have been stated in our
public journals and on the floor of Congress: to wit,
the reduction of the Tariff tlie last year—to the
wants of the Government, cash duties, short cre
dits, and the curtailment of discounts by the Bank
of the United States.
The reduction of the Tariff, and cash duties,
has deprived the merchants of a large amount of
capital which was loaned to them on Custom House
bonds, from one year to another on tlie credit of
the government. This capital enabled the impor
ter toextend liis credits to every State in the Union.
The average credits by the old Tariff, was ten
months on European goods, and twelve months to
two years on East India. The amount of mer
chandize bonded in this district, was from fifteen
to twenty millions of dollars for the last two years.
The loss of capital, together with the curtailment
of discounts at the Bank of the United Slates, has
produced the present pressure on the monied mar
ket. The removal of the deposites from one Bank
to another, on which so much stress has been laid,
by ilie Hon. members of the Senate and of the
House ol Representatives, is a secondary consi
deration compared with the withdrawal of the pub
lic credits, and entirely inadequate to produce Ihe
alleged effect. Let Congress alter the Tariff
law so far as to restore the credit system, and the
monied market will be effectually and permanently
relieved.
we see it entire, it shall be too revolting to cor
rect taste to be borne by the public sentiment
of the country.
In 1826, Mr. M‘Duffie declared on the floor
of Congress, that Mr. Clay “had sacrificed his
political animosities and his political principles
his duty to himself and his duty to his (country,
at the unhallowed shrine of ambition.” “Yes,
sir,” he added, “corrupting ambition—-that sin
by which the angels fell.” And yet, in 1833,
he calls Mr. Clay his “great ally of the west.’
In 1826 he did say, on the floor of Congress,
that Mr. Clay had “sold himself in market overt,
and none but a man of the most consummate bold
ness could hold up his head in society after such
a transaction.” But in 1833, he is leagued with
Mr. Clay: “within a month, a little month”—
“(J, most wicked speed, to post with such dex
terity to meretricious bonds,”—they “are mar
ried.” It is no “lawful wedlock.” Let John
Quincy Adams, who is in the house, and who
has lived to witness strange changes, “forbid
the bands.” Let him say,
“It is not, nor it cannot come to good.”
Let him say, “every sentiment of delicacy, and
every principle of honor, concur in its condem
nation.”— Winchester Virginian.
STATE SOV EREIGN L" The proceedings
in tlie Senate of the United States, in the matter
of the contested seat, between Messrs. Robbins
and Potter, of Rhode Island, suggest srtme reflec
tions rather'unfavorable to the new-fangled hypo
thesis of absolute and unqualified sovereignty in
tlie several States. The sovereign Stale of Rhode
Island has thought fit to annul tlie election of one
of its Senators in Congress, and substitute another
in liis place, hot the Senate of the United States,
standing on constitutional ground, refuses to abide
by Ihe decision of Rhode Island, and insists on the
prerogative of determining for ilsell, which of tlie
two claimants is entitled to represent tiiat sovereign
ty. The Constitution of the Senate is one of the
federal features of our system—in tiiat body the
several States of* onr confederate Union appear as
equals, without reference to amount of population
or extent of territory, and it is well likened lo a
Congress of Ambassadors. Now, w ho ever heard
of ap absolute sovereign that could not recal or.
change Ambassadors at wil 1 ? Yet such is the la-1
mentable predicament of the so-styled absolute
sovereignty of Rhode Island—it has no locus peni-
tentiez, after it has once executed its power of ap
pointment—nay it has not even the right of decid
ing whether it has legally or illegally executed the
power, its Legislature ma v enact,and its Conven- j
tion may ordain, but the rights of ihe Senate and
the sovereignty of tlie Union, will prevail against
tlie sovereignty of the Stale.
There are other views growing out of the rela
tion of federal Senators to their respective States,
calculated lo show how baseless is the fabric of un
qualified State Sovereignty. Not only are these
absolute sovereigns compelled to retain their Am
bassadors for tlie period of six years, even against
their will, but those Ambassadors are so wholly in
dependent of the sovereignties they represent, that
they can go counter to the will and fly in the very
face of their constituents, without danger of remo
val, until the regular expiration of their official
term. This stale of tilings actually exists in the
American Senate, at this moment, several Senators
being bitter opponents of an Administration, wiricli
is in high favor with their respective Stales—those
puissant sovereigns, which are powerless either to
control or dismiss from office their public servants.
Again, it is but lair to presume that absolute sov
ereigns, meeting bv their ambassadors, should have
on every question, a consistent, undivided and ef
fective will—hut in the American Senate, there be
ing two Senators from every Slate, w ho vote per
capita, it often happens that one votes one way,
and one another, thus completely neutralizing the
voice of their State. The States, if represented
par£-r»t q '.vprf’ijTHtios. c vo,*«J»v have but
one will. The power ot" their Senators to disagree,
shows conclusively, that although tlie Senate is fed
eral in its mode of appointment, and in ^equaliza
tion of the States, it is wholly national in its mode
of action. So tar are the States from being rep
resented as perfect sovereigns, that nothing is more
common than for one Senator to represent the rna-
joriyand the other the minority ina State, and
sometimes both represent the latter, things which
cannot consist with the hypothesis we are contro
verting. The true theory is tiiat tlie American
Senate, although so constituted as to give equal in
fluence to every State, yet acts on the popular prin
ciple, and wields, with its co-ordinate branch of
the national legislature, a power superior to that
of any individual Stale—the power of the federal
constitution, the supreme law of the land, any tiling
in tlie constitution or laws of any State, to the con
trary notwithstanding.—Charleston Courier.
must be distinctly stated for the consideration >
the President. ..... , . .
2(i. The contract described in the second article
of the above regulations, must lie entered into
subsequent to the location of the reservation.
3d. The form in the fourteenth article will be so
varied as to omit the words “[or were distinctly
acknowledged by him, or were clearly proved to
have been received, ns the case may be]” except in
the cases described in the first article of these sup
plementary regulations, where Ihe Indians arepre-
vented bv disability from personal attendance.
J ‘ LEWIS CASS.
War Department, Dec. 18,1833.
Approved, Dec. 18; 1833.
1 ANDREW JACKSON.
meuts offensive to his political opponents , n a
heaps abuse and insult on a large part of ,1,
American people. Among strangers he mat-
pass as a Southron of rash and fiery valour- b >
those who know his temperament are amused -
seeing him assume the character of a fernri™,
desperado. 0C!0ljS
Il he has heretofore uttered charges a^ain *
the United States’Bank, which he believed tn
be false, how shall he escape the scorn of h 0n
orable men? If he believes those charts to bo
true, and would yet sustain the Bank in its ,j ,°
mand to be the depository of the public treasure
how shall he cloak his faithlessness to his
eountrv? a
.Messrs. Editors.—Amid
“’Tis the star-spangled banner,oh, lone: may it wave
“O’er ihe land of the i'ree ami the home 01' the hrave.”
FEPERAL UNION*
Ilf LLEDG EVIL LE, JANUARY 29. 18J4.
“Rhubarb is rhubarb still.”—Dr. OllapoJ.
It is our business to notify the reader, that a-
mongthe events which have transpired at Wash
ington, during the present session of Congress,
may be noted a most violent philippic uttered
by Mr. M‘Duflie against the President, on the
subject of the deposites of the United States’
Bank. Mr. M‘Duflie is as bitter now against
his former friends, as he was in 1826 against
liis present friends. He is said to have pum
melled, in the violence of his gesticulations, all
the benches, and well nigh some of the mem
bers near to him; and what with the noise and
foam attendant upon his display, a Washington
paper remarks, that he resembled, in no small
degree, a Connecticut washing machine. We
shall publish this speech, upon the principle on
which nhyscians administer poison; unless, when
Greenville, Jan. 4.—Last wepk we published
the Act of tlie Legislature to provide for the Mili
tary Organization of this State, and proposed to
publish some remarks on that measure in today’s
paper.
The first section of this Act vacates the Com
missions of the Major and Brigadier Generals, and
gives the Legislature power to appoint those offi
cers, which it has already done. Il is true that the
election recurs again to the people, but the princi
ple is the same, and the dominant party have gain
ed ail they wished, viz: secured those officers tor
their own party. By tins step tlie Nullifiers have
got rid of the only two Union Generals in tlie Stale,
Blair and Rogers. Is not this one move towards
robbing the people of their elective franchise? Sec
tion sixth provides, that “on the 10'h of April next,
the Commissioners of each and every militia offi
cer of this State,shall be, ami the same are hereby
vacated and ot none effect.” On the 1 till of April
an election takes place ihroughout tbe State for of
ficers to fill tbe places of those who have been
turned out. In ibis District, Union men will be
elected; and if they refuse to accept the office and
take the oath, prescribed, the Colonel must appoint
persons to fill the vacancies thus occasioned; and if
the person appointed refuses to accept the office,
he is to be tried by a court Martial from which
there is no appeal, and fined twenty dollars. An
other section of this warlike Act provides that the
buttons worn upon the unifhrmcofail offiooro, “shall
have the Palmetto Emblem." At a lime of less
excitement than the present, we presume the Pal
inetto button would not be objected to; but at this
lime since this “emblem,” has been adopted as the
insignia of a party, whose sole object seems to be
the dismemberment of this Republic, the Union
party of the mountain Districts will never suffer it
to disgrace their persons, until they have been dri
ven across “the last ditch.” We" have not heard
a Union man speak of this Act, without pronounc
ing it uncalled for, and tyrannical in the highest
degree.—Mountaineer.
GOV. TuOUP'S LETTER.—A letter from
tlie Hon. George M. Troup, addressed to Col.
John H- £L»w«rvl, Iwrnring on t tic I Otll of
February - , 1833, has been published in the South
ern Recorder of the 2‘2il insf., with high eulogy by
‘the editors of that paper. We think that a virtu
ous toneof feeling pervades tins production: but it
is tiir from commanding our admiration by the so
lidity of its arguments, or the justness of its con
clusions; and we do not think that this la ho red
treatise is consistent with itself, or with the opm
ions of Gov. Troup expressed on other occasions
He deals in dogmas which are not supported by
reason; and he suffers himself to be bewildered in
chasing shadows. In examining our complex, but
harmonious system, he does not look at the thing
itsell, at tlie existing reality.; lie does not inquire
how, in fact, the people of eacli State have dis
tributed their natural, inherent powets of self-gov
ernment. He imagines each State to be possessed
of some vague, undefined, indivisible, and inaliena
ble perfection, called ‘‘sovereignty;’’ in virtue of
which the citizen owes to the State a vague, un
alterable, and indivisible subjection, called “allegi
ance.” 13y founding an argument on the use of
these disputed terms, the mind is led away from the
proper subject,—the action and intention of the
people in framing their government; an abstruse
theory is substituted for the simple and naked
truth; and a subject m itself plain and intelligible,
is rendered obscure and incomprehensible.
We heard this letter much talked of about
eleven months ago. If its doctrine be true, whv
hasitsolong been withheld from the public? Why
has this light s > long been hidden under a bushel?
In the ardent controversy which has occupied the
public min !, why were not the opinions of so pop
ular and influential a man as George M. Troup,
made known to the people? The answer is not
difficult or doubtful. The nullifiers were strug
giing to infect the minds of the Troup parly will
the pernicious absurdities of John C. Calhoun
and to seduce them into the support of thiscorrup
aspirant fora Soul Item Presidency: and it was their
policy to conceal from that party, the opinions ol
Gov. Troup on this most important subject. "The
letter before us contains an explicit, and unqualifi
ed condemnation of the doctrines of nullification.
We are not surprized that the nullifiers have sup
pressed this letter so long: weare amazed that thev
venture to publish it even now, at this late period.
We have no doubt that the following passage in
the tetter of Gov. Troup to Col. Howard, contain
ing calm and temperate, but just and severe siric
lures on nullification, lias been the cause of its br
ing withheld from the public eye, until the present
hour.
“I am not certain that you are aware of my early and un
iform disrelish ol tli? doctrine of Nullification, as maintain
ed hy the ruling party in a sister State. My objections to
that doctrine were unconnected with party of any kind, and
were founded on tlie dilliculty of reconciling the peacefulness
and constitutionality which it asserted with that powerful
remedial process, by which tlie wheels of tlie Federal Gov
ernment would be stopped, as well as that resort to construc
tion, (the old Federal sin,) by which alone the doctrine could
be maintained, which has involved us in all our troubles,
and which is equally good at any lime to establish a veto a-
gainst the General Government, a power to protect manufac
tures, or a power to do any thing a majority in Congress
pjenses. It was easy to perceive, that such a remedy might,
by possibility, be peaceful, that depending on th>- other par
ty, but not certainly peaceful. It was more diilicull to see
how it could be constitutional, because as no power was giv
en by the Constitution to the States to resist the laws of the
United Slates, nonesuch could be derived by implication or
construction. The derivation of remedies or powers by
construction being, according to the republican doctrines, in
admissible. Indeed, no Constitution would authorize resist
ance to the laws, without defining explicitly liow, in what
manner, and by whom such resistance could be lawfully
made.”
COMMl'XICATED
, . l ie din rai ^ about
general concerns, it may not be unprofitable to de
vote a short time to the consideration of con
ferns of a domestic character? I am not d' "
posed to be censorious, or to be regarded as'in
tending to impute intentional neglect of duty t "
any of our Town authorities, but 1 would respcc^
fully ask, why is the iaw not enforced, which w™
enacted to regulate our colored population? Tin-
law expressly prohibits any negro from livin'-
apart from Ins or her owner; and yet in the face t ’
t!iis prohibition, negroes are permitted to roarn
about tbe Town in search of work, who hire their
time, or are sheltered by procuring some irrespon
sible individual to “stand for them,” as the phrase
is. In search ofteorfclsaid—that is the ostensible:the
true one is, they search fin plunder, and seek.tooU
tain by stealing tlie high wages exacted bv the •
owners. Besides resorting themselves to’ever:
excess of depravity to raise money to pav their
wages, these negroes corrupt such ns are in rem/-
lar employment hv their vicious example, ar. t j
originate a system of plunder greatly injurious to
the community, which it is difficult to detect, and
more so to prove to conviction. The evil is i n tn.
erable, and should be remedied. Our town coun
cil are clothed with ample powers, audit us ex
pected and hoped that they will promptly exercise
it to purge the town of the nuisance complained of.
It is ridiculous lo suppose that white persons de
pendant upon the charity of their neighbors for
the necessaries of life, are able to hire and pay the
wages of one negro, and still more of a whole
family—where such manifest evasions of the law
present themselves, ihe proper authority should he
interposed. It is evident the owner does not hold
the ostensible hirer responsible, but looks for an<
receives his pay from the negro. But I have sai]
enougfi to call the attention of the proper officers
to this great ami growing evil—let them examin.
into it, and be tio longer governed by a feeling e
indulgence which leaves the property of our citi
zens exposed to depredators having no moral prin
ciplc to restrain their pilfering propensities. A
small degree of energy will cure the disease.
A CITIZEN.
• SUPLEMENTARY REGULATIONS.
In consequence of a representation from one of
the certifying agents, that a construction would be
put upon the above regulations which would inevi
table lead to the committing great frauds upon the
Indians, in consequence of the facility of imposing
on them, and the ease with which declarations or
acknowledgments may be procured: The Presi
dent is desirous of guarding against such a result
as far as in his power, and of securing toevery In
dian Ihe receipt of a just consideration for his pro
perly.
The following additional and explanatory regu
lations are, therefore adopted:
1st. The payments required bv the second ar
ticle of tlie above regulations must be made in tbe
presence of the approving agent except in Ihe
very few cases where the Indian may be prevent
ed by illness or inability from appearing hefore the
agent. But such cases must be proved by the
most unexceptionable evidence, as well as the pay
ments mode under them. And the circumstances
JUDGE CLAYTON.—As Clay and Calhoun
have led on their followers to make the removal
of the deposites the occasion of a violent attack
on the President, we knew very well where to
find Judge Clayton. It was to be expected that
lie would be seen cn this, as on other questions,
ranged among the enemies of Andrew Jackson.
If we had endeavoured to foretell his course, by
referring to opinions which he has heretofore
professed, we must have expressed the belief,
that he would justify the removal of the public
treasure from tho United States’ Bank, and
would oppose its restoration to tnat institution.
But who expects Judge Clayton to be governed
by principle? When has he ever been trammeled
by a regard for consistency? This versatile pol
itician, heretofore notorious for his hostility to
the United States’ Bank, is now an advocate for
the institution which he zealously laboured to
destroy. Two years ago, lie maintained, that
the Bank ought to be deprived of all the privi
leges granted in its charter: now, he insists with
equal zeal, that those ought to be condemned,
by whom it has been disturbed in its use and
abuse of the public treasure. He then believed
the United States’ Bank lo be unconstitutional,
insecure, profligate, and dangerous; now, in his
judgment, it is a safer depository of the public
treasure, than the soundest and strongest banks
reared and fostered, and watched and controlled
by the wisdom of the States. He feels alarm,
he is filled with terror, at the idea of its d- struc-
tion. He asks, “whether it could possibly be
the intention of government to destroy the Bank?
Could they be actuated by a design whose suc
cess must spread ruin through this wide-spread
community? He had no hesitation in saying,
that should this be done, a greater evil could not
be inflicted on the country." Condemned by
himself, and false to his own opinions, of what
confidence is this politician worthy?
He flies from extreme to extreme, with a pre
cipitancy that scorns the suggestions of pru
dence: seemingly callous to public reproach, he
obtrudes his inconsistencies on the public obser
vation, by thrusting himself forward in debate.
We do not call in question, the chivalry of this
flagrant nullifier; but it seems to us, that he takes
a very safe method of acquiring a reputation for
personal courage—the recklessness with which
he prepares to kindle the flames of civil war,
and the forwardness with which, under the pro.
tection of congressional debate, he utters senti-
Tiie Georgia Methodist Conference is new in
session in this place. There are, we understand,
about eighty Ministers in a itendance. Tlie preach
ing thus tar has been characterized by fervor, piety,
ability, and great solemnity. To see so many He
ralds of the Gross gathered together—coming Iron
till sections of the tState, and bringing with them
the “news” ol their last years labors—to wiiiierv
their fraternal friendship, ami their deep sympa
thies for each other’s sufferings—to hear from every
bosom, tlie solemn response of devotion to their Mas
ter’s cause, w hen renewed expressions of self-de
nial and dedication are made—is not only an im
posing spectacle, but is well calculated to impress
every heart with a conviction of the sanctity ot
their calling, die divinity of their religion, ami the
happiness of their future destination. Notwith
standing tiie great inclemency of the weal her, we
are gratified in seeing so many in constant attend
ance on the ministration of ihe word. The inter
est seems to increase, as the session approximates
its close. May good yet be done in the name ot
the Lord.— Washington .Veres, ldhinst
Post ojjices in Georgia.—From an official list of
t he Post offices established, discontinued, and offices
ihe names of which have been changed, since the
1st of July last to 1st of January, 1834, published
in the Washington Globe, we have made tlie Ibi-
lowingabstract concerning Georgia.
Offices established.—Laurel Hill, in Carroll coun-
t; ; Aliis, in Cass; Golden Mounl, in Cherokee; Le
banon and Cobh C. H. in Cobb; Bowery, in Co
lumbia; Hopewell, in Crawford; Cartersville, in
Faycite; Tugalo, in Franklin; Standfast, in Han
cock; Lumpkin C. H. and Auraria, in Lumpkin;
Brooklin, in Madison; Pleasant Valiev, in Murray;
Unionyille, in Monroe; Simstown, in Oglethorpe:
Cedartown, in Paulding; Graham in Pulaski, Reid?-
ville, in Tattnall; Greovervilie and Tired Creek in
Thomas; .Higgsville, in Twiggs; Pistol Creek, iti
\\ ilkes, Coosa, in Union.
Officesi discontinued.—Mulenia and Newton, ia
Baker; V alley town, in Cherokee; Van’s Valley, hi
Cherokee; Crump’s Farm,Dobb’sStore, and King's
Bench, in Franklin; Talking Rock, in Gilmer;
Temperance, in G’reene; Dowdel’s Mills, in Harris;
Hudsonviile, in Jefferson; Colville, in Jones; Sum-
lerville, in Lee; Harbin’s Store, in Lumpkin; Rock
Creek, in Muscogee; Hartford, in Pulaski; Auburn,
in Talbot.
Names of Offices changed.—Two Runs changed
o Gassville, m Cass; Kemps to Fowlton, in Deca
tur; Hollingsworth farm to Halliiigworth,in Haber
sham; Wood’s Store to Corinth, in Heard; W illing-
ham to Fosterville, in Henry; Barnesville to Bos*
ton, in Talbot.—.iugusta Constitutionalist.
CONSTITUTION.
Of the Teachers' Society of the State of Georgia.
Article 1. This Association shall be called ‘The
Teachers' Society and Board of Education cf the
Slate of Georgia."
Art. 2d. Its objects are to promote the diffusion
of knowledge, especially among Teachers; lo^ pro
mote harmony and co-operation in their efforts,
and uniformity in their mode of teaching, and thus
to render them more useful in their profession.
Art. 3d. This Society shall consist of all 'l ,c
Teachers now in the State of Georgia, who may
subscribe to this Constitution; anti of such literary
and scientific gentlemen, as may be elected honor
ary members.
Art. 4th. Each member, on his admission, shad
pay into the Treasury one dollar, and two dollars
annually, to meet the’ expenses of the Society, t°
procure publications, and to diffuse information
the subject of education.
Savannah, January 18.
Cotton The sales of Uplands this week
amount to about 3,000 bales at all prices from ft
to 11?, cents. The principal sales have been in
the neighborhood of 10 cents at which rate a
fair average of the crop can now bo purchased.
The demand continues moderate and there is
but little disposition manifested to speculate at
the-present comparatively low prices. On the
other hand the stock for sale is unusually light
and tlie quantity arriving is small. We quote
9 a 11A cents. In Sea Island but a limited bu
siness doing at all prices within the range of on:
quotations. We quote 18 a 23, and upward
for choice brands.
Rice.—The transactions of the week in this
article have been moderate, the sales amounting
to about 700 casks, principal sales $2 31 a
§2 50. Wc quote 2 a 2£.
Flour.—Plenty and dull at our quotations, 6
a 6«.
Corn.—Is soiling in quantities to suit purcha
sers at G8 a 70 cents.
Freights.—To Liverpool, 9 1G a £p; to Havre,
no vessel.—Georgian.
i
I