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direct vote upon this all-absorbing question.
But a few days ago there seemed to exist a
unanimity of sentiment upon this deeply interest-
ing subject, which had very seldom manifested
itsolf upon any important question which had
come up for consideration before the representa
tives of the people; there was then heard from
nil sides of the house a wish expressed, not only
to put down the abolitionists, bat to do it in the
most effectual possible manner, and the great
point of difficulty was, to determine upon the
mode by qrhich it could be most effectually
dona.
With one of tho modes, Air. Jones said he
ebould be satisfied. Proisptty fa reject these
petitions tis they were presented, bo believed,
would meet the approbation of southern gentle
men; and if they were more deeply interested
than all others, and regarded that mode of dispos.
this assurance of the honorable gentleman could
be realized, but they had only to look to the
past history of their legislation upon that subject,
la be satisfied that the expected consummation,
to which ho looked forward, had existence no
whore, except in tho fertile imagination of
him who conceived it. It would then be seen
that that course had been tried ngain and again;
s:iil these petitions continued to flow in upon
them, and would continue to do so, so long ns
they were received, and referred to committees.
What he enquired, was the object in referring
subjects to a committee? It was to collect infer-
mation.which in tho ordinary course of legisla
tion, coald oot conveniently be collected in
noy other way. flut did this house stand in
need of information upon the subject sought to
bo brought to its notice, by that petition?—
Certainly not. It was well understood that it
that they should sleep the sleep of death. To It was±not that every gentleman residing north should, all the while, have been itself the merest the Mexican flag, a part of the crew r i
Mr. B. it was inconceivable that after that vote,; of that line, would desire to make a speech of wart or wen or huge excresence and disease j Correo has been accused of piracy ~° r ,!le
the house would entertain a proposition to give that character: for he knew that many, a vast; upon that very constitution, over which it as-1 dersigned can assure the honorable secret” W ’e
these petitions a dilfercnt direction. It was proportion of them, almost in the proportion in j sumed boundless jurisdiction. Peace be to its State for the United States that the shin rw.
clear that the reference given to this petition which the votes of the house had been given, he j ashes however. General Jackson has lost a
was by mistake and surprise; and when the 1 believed would deprecate such a result. But j faithful servant in it; and there should be weep.
house should be able to vote upon it, then the! they would be so misinterpreted and misquoted ing, or oaths at least at Washington, over this
ingof them as effectual to the accomplishment ofi was a subject to which public attention had been
tho great object they had in view, and the poo-j long turned, with the most intense interest, that
pie of the east and of the north really intended, j from the river St. Lawrence to the Gulf of
in good filial, to co-operate with them, (as he | Mexico, the best talents of the country had been
believed they did,) he could perceive no good j almost everywhere engaged in its consideration,
reason why the proposition to reject should not j and in communicating information' to the people,
bo sustained. j So soon as the excitement over the country
It had been Said, that gentlemen from the i commenced, meeting after meeting was called
south were over sensitive, and disposed to act j in the southern States, in almost every town and
with too much precipitation on this subject. It
had also been contended, that this course of pro.
ecoding was calculated to abridge the great right
of petition; andothors there were, who thought
tho only proper course was to refer them to a
couuty; discussion after discussion was had be
fore the people, resolution after resolution adopt
ed, until, like a wave from the ocean, it swept
over the whole southern country. It resulted
in strong appeals to our brethren of the north,
committee. The intimation that this was a sub- ! to slop forth, and uid its in putting down these
joct upon which tho people of the south were base attempts upon our rights, our property, and
sensitive, was just. The fact could not be dis- j our lives. And it was with mingled emotions
guised, t fiat tiicre existed throughout the slave- j of pride and of pleasure, he referred to the fact,
holding States an excitement Which had never j that these appeals wore not made in vain; they’
keen witnessed at any former period of their j too culled the people together, meetings were
history; and strangely indeed must he be consti- j hold throughout the whole eastern and northern
fitted, who could look upon the conduct of the j countries; and the measures adopted by those
abolitionists, and witness the scenes to which it j meetings for a time gave quiet and to soir.o ex-
had given rise in the south, and not to have his | tent, allayed tho excitement in the south; and
sensibility wrought up to the very highest pi^ch. it was for gentlemen from the north, to say,
Was it not known to every gentleman upon this j whether we may still rely upon their assurances,
floor, that numerous abolition societies had been
formed in tho eastern and northern States,
frowned upon, indignantly frowned upon, he
believed, by the intelligent, the well-informed,
and respectable portions of these communities?
But Jcoyld they «hut their eyes to the fact, that
these societies existed; tiiat they had. gone
by heartily co-operating with us in putting
this subject to rest by a direct and decisive vote
upon tho question.
Mr. Joncssaidit must be obvious, that there
could bo no need of further information upon the
subject, to enable gentlemen to vote understand-
inglv upon it. Why then send it to a coinmit-
Wus it believed that the report of a com
on to collect large sums of money, and had put] tee?
into operation printing presses, which were mittee was to produce any effect upon the aboli-
worked by steam? Yes, sir, worked by steam, i tionists? Did gentlemen flatter themselves that
with the open and avowed object of cllecting the j the spirit of fanaticism could be checked, by a
immediate abolitiot of slavery in the southern ; calm, dispassionate and logical argument? To
States. That by means of these two great j such ho would recommend, to read the reports
revolutionizes of the world, ho meant steam of committees which have been already made
power, and the press, they had caused to be [ on like petitions, and ho doubted not, but that
printed, and, by means of the public mails, cir-! gentlemen would be satisfied that no benefit was
culated throughout the slaveholdingStates, large j likely to result from the adoption of tho same
numbers of newspapers, pamphlets, tracts, and } course in reference to the petition before
pictures, calculated, in an eminent degree, to i them. Solar from that course of proceeding
rouse and inflame the passions of the slaves! having had a tendency to check the wild spirit
against their masters, to urge them on to deeds [ of fanaticism now abroad in the land, the reverse
ot death, and to involve them in all the horrors j was true; for the tables of gentlemen wore now
ol a servile war—productions which, Air. Jones] groaning under the weight of similar petitions,
said he would take upon himself to say were as i The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr.
foul libels upon tho people of the south as wereJ Adams,) has referred to his own course, on a
ever printed. And, as if to add insult to injury, j former occasion, in reference to this subject;
there were these here, who had the charity to ] this was commenced in a tone, and in a spirit,
believe that they were influenced in their con-1 which seemed to Mr.* Jones, to bespeak the
duct by humane and religious motives. If, in- j deep anxiety which he felt, to allay tho very
deed, sard Air. Jones, this most uncalled for, offi.! unpleasant excitement, whieh had began to
cious, and dangerous intermeddling with the J show itself in the house; and to reconcile if he
rights of others, be dictated by religion, he j could, the causes of discontent which continued
would say it was not the religion which was in- {to agitate and disturb the people of the south;
culcated by the Saviour of the world, or taught 1 he viewed the remarks of that gentleman, as oil
by his disciples.
Mr. Jones said ho Imped it would ucl ho un
derstood by any thing he had said, tiiat be was
in favor of abridging either the freedom of the
press, or the freedom of speech; far from it; he
regarded them as the great safeguards to our
j poured out upon tho troubled waters. It was,
j however, but the calm Wuich precedes the
storm. At length, lashing himself up to a state
of high excitement, he asked what it was the
south desired? Was it, said he, to discuss the
“sublime merits of slavery?” That was a sub
republican institutions; there was, however, a jject which Mr. Jones could not discuss with that
difference between the freedom and the licen. j gentleman; and taunt them as lie might with
tiousness ol the press, and what he objected to theirsfaves, whose condition they had no agency
was the right of these misguided and deluded j in producing, and no means of changing, he
men to propagate slander, to instigate murder, 1 would take that occasion to say to him, that the
to disturb tho peace of States, and to endanger I people of tho south held their slaves by a title as
this Union; and, if persisted in by them, he culled ' secure, Hy an authority as high and as sacred,
upon the representatives of the people to inter, j as tiiat by which that gentleman held title to his
pose, and stamp their conduct with the seal of horse, his house, or, to use his own language,
their disapprobation. j “his place upon that floor.” They held them
But, said Mr. Jones, we have boon told by the ■ under the constitution and laws of the land,
gcstlomep from New York and Massachusetts,! That gentleman (Mr. Adams) had also tnken
(Mr. Beardsley and Mr. Adams,) that to vote to ; occasion to refer the members from the south, to
reject this petition, would bo abridge tho right of; Mason’s and Dicksoa’s line; warning them, that
the people to petition Congress. He admitted ; every member to the north of that line, who
that to be a right the free exercise of which was j should discuss this subject, would send forth to
secured to the people by the constitution, and he ; the world an incendiary pamphlet; and although
would be among the last, he hoped the very last, j that gentleman seemed to speak as one “having
to lay violent hands upon that sacred instru-1 authority,” he had seen too many evidences not
ment; he had sworn to support it, and, as a
representative of the people, support it, he would,
at every hazard, for upon rt dc^nls the last
hope of freedom throughout the world, and if
to be satisfied of the error into which he had
fallen. He saw assembled here, from every
quarter of this widely extended Union, patriots,
prepared to make every sacrifice upon the altar
be could be satisfied that any constitutional right I of their country’s good. He lamented to hear
of the people, was to be invaded by the course ! what had fallen from the gentleman from Mas-
he proposed, in disposing of that petition, he, saehnsetls upon that subject; he believed that
would be tho first to abandon the position he 1 gentleman himself, in his calmer moments,
then occupied; but said Mr. Jones in what j would lament it. The people had cause to la-
consists the right of petition, if it be not to set I ment it. But if that be the course determined
forth in written form, the grievances complained ! upon by gentlemen, the sooner we had it acted
ot, with a view to procure upon them the action t out, the better. This he would take occasion to
ol congress, and had notthesc petitioners already ; say -to him; let those threatened pamphlets come
enjoj’ed that right? Did not tho proceedings when they might, they would be received by
which had taken place upon this petition furnish j the people of the south, as it became freemen
liio affirmative answer to the inquiry? Had i who knew their rights, and knowing, dared
they not petitioned, had not their petition been ! maintain them.
presented by a member in his place, received 1 Mr. Jones remaiked in conclusion, that he
by the houso, read by the clerk, and w as con- ; had felt himself called upon to say thus much,
gross not then engaged in endeavoring to dis-1 in explanation of his own views, with an earnest
poso of it in conformity with rules, which liadi desire that a direct vote on the subject might
been made and adopted for the government of! be obtained.
,the house, and if it should ever be disposed of,! Air. Beardsley said, the proposition before
•would not this petition have been as fully con-J.the house was simply to reconsider the refer-
sidered, as it would have been, had any other : cnce ofi a paper to the committee on the District
lurm ofi proceeding been adopted? Mr. Jones of Columbia.
aaid that when a petition had been presented to ! It would seem very obvious, looking to what
the house, received and read by the clerk, (tin-! had been the express sense of the house, and to
less it should be afterwards withdrawn by tho j what was luiown to be the public and general
-consent of the house,) it became the property ofi ! feeling of tlie people throughout the country;
the representatives ofi the people, they might j looking also to the particular circumstances un
refuse to consider it, lay it on the table, postpone ; der which this paper had been referred to tiiat
rt, to a day certain, refer it to the committee, or
what they had in vain attempted here, they
might reject it. Here then were five several
ways, in which this petition might legally and
properly be disposed of, and how it was that the
disposition of it in one of these modes, in pre
ference to another, (all of which were prescribed
by the rules of the house) was in any possible
way to effect tiro right of the people to petition
congress, ho was wholly at a loss to cpmpre.
bend.
But they were told by the gentleman from
Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) that if these peti
tions were sent to a committee, they would there
be allowed to “sleep the sleep of death;” and
thaUbereofter we. should be troubled with no
others pf like rhwaeter. Woul^A 0 {Vi that
committee, ho would say there could be no
doubt that when the house should come to de
cide upon this proposition, it would be carried
in the affirmative by an overwhelming vote.—
They all knew, so far as they know any thing
upon this subject, that the reference which the
paper took was by misapprehension, or without
the understanding of tho house, and they all
knew it, unless the house might be charged with
abandoning tho ground it had assumed upon
this subject, a charge which was derogatory to
its high character; and which he would not
make or intimate. It was but a week since that
the house, by a decided vote of about one hun-
dred and eighty to thirty, had determined it
would not act upon petitions of this character,
by: wonkl JTiy (Lem upon the table, with a view
error would be corrected. Bring the paper be.
fore the house for its immediate direction, and
when the paper be thus brought properly before
them, what would the house do with it? And
here he would beg leave to suggest to the con-
sideration of the house what was to him most
clear. Tho honorable gentleman from Mas
sachusetts (Mr. Adams,) fell into a mistake in
his recollection of what had been tho course
of tho house heretofore. That gentleman re
ferred to a debate, if tho speech of a single
member, made in the course of the last session
on a petition of a similar character, might be
so termed; and Air. B. understood the gentle
man to slate, ns most undoubtedly was his re
collection, that the house, on that occasion,
had referred the paper to the committee on the
District of Columbia: Mr- It. had turned to
the Journal of that day, and he found that on
that occasion an honorable member from Vir
ginia, not now a member of that house, (Mr.
Chinn.) moved that the paper should be laid on
the table. The yeas and nays were called fur,
and ordered, and there the paper was placed by
a decided majority of the house. There were
then none of the scruples which exist now; no
pretence that the vote was evasive. • That de
cision was then taken as the clear, distinct, une
quivocal sense of the house, against the pro-
prietv of acting upon petitions of that charac
ter. The same course had likewise been pur
sued before the motion made bv the gentleman
from Virginia, to which lie had referred, when
previous papers of a like character had been
repeatedly presented to the house. They had
passed on to the table of the speaker by the si
lent vote of the house, without having on any
occasion, for the last three or four years. (save
on the occasion to which he had referred, and
that was a speech by a single member last ses
sion,) elicited debate. And here Jet him again
advert to what must be within the knowledge
of every gentleman there, that these votes of
the house, thus placing upon the table papers
of this character, had at all times been regard
ed in the house and out of if, universally, as an
expression of the house against the propriety of
acting on petitions of this character. Until
within the last few days no one had ever thrown
a doubt upon the subject. Now, for the first
time, they had been told that to put a paper on
the table, whore it wouldsleep the sleep of death,
was an evasion of the quesiion! No body be
fore ever heard of such an evasion! Evert’
one regarded it, as in his estimation, they had
a right to regard it, as a most decided and une
quivocal decision of the house not to entertain
and act upon questions of that character. The
character of this house could not he mistaken.
There were net fifty gentleman in that body,
judging from the votes given, who desire to agi
tate this subject, or to act upon petitions of this
character. The sense of the house had been
unequivocally, fairly, and fully expressed by
the vote first given, to put the first petition on
the table, and the character of the house had
since undergone no change.
Efforts, however, seemed to bo making to
change tho real question to be decided by the
house. Tt was now said that they must come
up and give a vote of a different character, that
they must either vote that they would not re-
ceive petitions of this character, or, that having
received them, they would put them out of
doors; or tiiat they must come to another ques
tion, and vote that the house had no constitu
tional authority to receive and act upon the pe
titions for the abolition of slavery in the District
of Columbia. These, said Mr. B. were new
inventions. Let him warn the gentlemen of
the south, who stood firm on the vote of one
hundred and eighty to thirty, againt considering
the first petition, not to change the real question,
by perniiting themselves to bo drawn into the
controverted position of the powers ef that
house; or into the controverted and debateable
grounds whether they ought to ieject petitions
of this character; or having received them
ought to turn them out of doors. If gentlemen
from the south, who sincerely desire, as he knew
they did, the harmony and peace of the whole
Union; if they permitted this question to he
changed, they might sec from the votes of Fri
day last, and from the votes of Monday, that no
man could decide, or undertake to predict, what,
in a few days would he the true character of
that house. Upon the one subject, and upon
the one ground, they stood firm, by a decided
vote of one hundred and eighty or one hundr
and ninety against thirty or forty or fifty; but
upon the other they would open so wide a fi
of debate that ultimately, if he judged correct
ly of the sense of the house, his honest convic
tion was, they would find themselves in the mi
nority
Sir, said Mr. B. we go with the south, I speak
for myself, against all agitation on this subject,
and to put down the fanatics of the north. But
sir, I give it as my own opinion; I da not believe
ihe freemen of the north, or the freemen of tho
south, ought to, or will tolerate the idea that
they should not be permitted to present their pe
titions to this body; or, that having presented
them, in decent and rcspectlul language, they
! shall be driven with scorn from our doors.
Air. B. appealed particularly to the gentle-
men from tho south. There was no necessity
to change their position. They stood firm on
the ground already taken. Why should they
change it? For what good purpose could they
desire to change the character of the question,
and involve tho house in a difficulty about the
right of petition, or in questions of a debateable
and exciting character, when such a clear sen
timent and feeling, both in and out of the house,
and throughout the whole country, had been e-
licited? Why would gentlemen permit them
selves to be drawn into other questions, when
tho one already assumed and acted upon was a
decisive expression of the true feeling of the
house? He would warn them, that if they per
mitted themselves to be pul in that new position,
they would involve themselves in difficulties
they scarcely dream of; and which, in ins hum
ble judgment they ought seriously to deprecate.
It was remarked by the honorable gentleman
from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams,) that if this
question were gone into, every speech made in
that house would furnish an incendiary pamph
let north of Mason’s and Dixon’s. In one sense,
Mr. B. could believe that remark a just one,
and in one sense only. It was because every
speech made undersuch circumstances, by gen
tlemen rosiding north of Mason’s and Dixon’s
line would be perverted, and misinterpreted, nnd
misquoted, by factious, and incendiary prints.-—
by the press, that no one could undertake to say last lino of the broken chain, which was to have
that every speech made in that house, would bound this state to the earth, while Andrew Jack-
not be truly a firebrand thrown into the south. : so n should trample on her.”
In no other sense could he agree with the gen
tleman from Massachusetts on the subject.
Mr. B. said it had been a matter of sincere
astonishment and regret on his part, that efforts
should have been made, undoubtedly under a
strong sense of duty, and under a strong belief
that it would lend to trnnquiiize the south, to
procure direct votes of tlvc house upon two pro
positions, upon both of which the debate might
be interminable. And would that expression of
the house more operate to tranquilize the south,
even if it were obtained, than the one already
adopted? It was said, that a direct vote, of the
Itousr, that it would not receive such petitions;
or, that having received them, it would drive
Here it is intimated that the work of reform
is but begun or at least is far short of consum
mation ; but this boasted reform is but anoth
er name for proscription and persecution But
why this endless warfare against tire General
Government and those who have the indepen
dence to advocate its cause? What have the com.
plaining party against the General Government
now ? Have they not compromised tho taritf
to their own liking ? Let their boastings of
their triumph answer the question. If abolition
is a new cause of complaint this sin does not lie
at the door of the Gennra! Government. The
D resident has censured proceedings of the abo
litionists and advised Congre«s to guard t c Post
them out of doors; or, a direct vote of the house,j Office from the abuses which they would prac
tical congress had no power.to legislate on the ! ijee through that medium, and what reason
subject of slavery within the District of Colum
bia, would go far to tranquilize the south. But
what would that vote be? The opinion of g< ll-
tlemen sent there fer two years. And was it
certain that that would be the opinion of the
next house? Would it furnish any sort of as-
surancc on that subject? It was asking too
much. It was enough to ask of that house, and
enough for the house to declare, that it would
not act upon tiie subject. That was reasonable.
That was unquestionably the sense of the house;
have they to believe that Congress will not act
up to ihe advice of the Chief Magistrate ?
Before dismissing this article, we should, as
an act of justice, remark, that many individu
als of the nullification party, had too much re
gard for the constitution and their own honors
to vote eilher for the abolition of tho Appeal
Court, or the offices of the Judges—and oppos
ed the reprehensible crusade against them in a
forcible appeal to the intelligence and honor of
the legislative body, which did them credit as
and it ought to content gentlemeirin every quar- j constitutional lawyers, consistent politicians and
ter.
The proposition submitted or suggested by
the honorable gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Owens) did not affirm either point to which he
had referred. It did not affirm that congress
had not the power—it did not ntfirm that that
house would not receive tho petitions, but mere
ly and directly and explicitly, that that house
was averse, and would not act upon any such
subject. That was reasonable, and was precise- i e d not to be convinced,
ly equivalent to laying such petitions on the
table. Mr. B. believed that those resolutions
would meet the cordial and universal approba
tion ol the gentlemen of the north, except those,
ii’ any there were, who would be disposed to
encourage the getting up of these petitions.—
The resolutions did not touch the power of the
house. It was
a strong and fixed sentiment of that house and
of the whole country on this question. Why,
then, permit themselves to change the position
they had taken, and involve themselves in the
examination of controverted and debateable
ground, and thereby lose the high character the
house had certainly occupied upon this subject?
Ho did hope sincerely that the motion to recon
sider the reference of the petition would be at
once adopted, and that they should either lay
honorable men. And it is with pleasure we re
cognize among those who so honorably acquit
ted themselves the names of Mr. Brooks from
Edgefield, arid Mr. Smith ftom St Helena.
Mr. J. P. Richardson, senator from Claren
don, who has always acted the part of a consis
tent politician, opposed the Judiciary Bill in a
speech sufficiently eloquent and argumentative
to convince any but those who arc predetermin-
LATE FROM TEXAS.
[OUSE, >
Mexico, Nov. 19, 1895. $
The undersigned as principal officer charged
with the despatches of the ministry of foreign
unquestionable that there was ! relations of the .Mexican repub'ic, has received
orders from his excellency the president, to ad
it on the table, cr apply the resolutions of the
gentleman from Georgia to it. Pass those reso-
lutions, and they will furnish a clear, direct, and
unequivocal expression of the sense of the house
that it will in no event act upon the subject.
From the Columbia (S. C.) Hive.
The. Compromise.—-The late compromise
which was eifecled at the session of 1834, and
which all quiet cilizeris, hoped might be in good
faith and prove the harbinger of better times
when party spirit should not prove a better pass
port to office, than merit; and Treason Bills,
judiciary reforms, &c. would pass into oblivion
at the approach of the political milennium; but
these expectations of the friends of political bar- i wrongs
dress the government of the United States
through its secretary of State, on the subject of
two questions of great interest—which should
be explained with all good faith which charac
terizes both nations. Juslice, reason and mu
tual interest require that this explanation should
occur to prevent being destroyed the ties of
friendship and reciprocal confidence which has
subsisted till the present time between both
countries.
Conformably to the orders of his government,
the undersigned in addressing the honorable
secretary of State for the United States, has
the satisfaction to be enabled to announce to
him in advance that his government is well a-
warethat principles of justice invariably direct
tho cabinet at Washington, which has already
given sufficient proofs of ijs kindness and sym
pathy for the welfare and prosperity of the
Mexican republic. He has never doubted and
does not doubt that as soon as these claims will
be proved just and well founded, they will be
rectified with all that promptitude used by the
most friendly nations to repair their reciprocal
mony and social order have been sadly defeated
—The Governor’s Message treading upon the
very heels of the compromise, opened its bntter-
ries against the General Government with n
zeal little short of fanaticism. At the succeed
ing session the judiciary Bill was called up, and
alter giving rise to much angry debate, ended
in the abolition of that tribunal w hich was the
very object which gave rise to the Bill. A por
tion of this compromise party wore not only on-
gaged in the most strenuous efforts to abolish
the court but the judges composing it, and when
failing in this eflbrt to violate the constitution,
made another equally labored effort to refuse
compensation (by rejecting the Senate’s amend
ment) to one of the judges whose official station
had been formally assigned him by the legisla
ture! Language the most violent and indeco-
xous was used towards the judges and for what ?
Because they did not substitute die dictum of a
parly for tiie rule of law and the obligation of
an oath !
So far from this usurping party making merit
the medium for the acquisition of the honors and
emoluments of office, they have organized their
party with the view to an entire monopoly of
every office in tho gift of the Legislature.
The following is the language of the Teles
cope, the prime organ ol the parlv here:
. THE LEGISLATURE.
“ The measures of the Session, which closes
to-day, present, for the chief points of interest,
the following matters:
A judiciary system has been adopted that, in
all but one of its sections, is the substitution of a
sound, indusl rious, improving administration of
justice, for a bad, a lazy, an incompetent and ail
unconstitutional one. Upon the change, though
perhaps as yet less perfectly adjusted than it will
speedily be made, we can most sincerely con
gratulate the country. We, ourselves, especi
ally rejoice to see that a power like that of the
Appeal court, subversive of the entire political
liberty of the state—capable and prompt to be,
at all times, the rallying point of foreign fraud
and usurpation—a great citadel, held, by the
federal enemy, in the very Acropolis of our own
authorities, & claimingto domineer over them all
The first subject to which the undersigned
feels it incumbent on him to call the attention of
the secretary of Slate of the United States, is
the notorions co-operation of a great number
of the inhabitants of Louisiana, with the coloni
al insurgents of Texas, whose cause they have
espoused, and with whom they act as auxiliaries.
The Mexican colonists—for they are so and can
be nothing else, since they have renounced
their original nationality—would never dare to
j violate so openly their duties towards their a-
; dopted country, had they not the assurance that
! prompt ami efficacious succors would he given
them along their frontiers. These succors are
furnished by American speculators who regard
solely their own interest.
Unfortunately for them these assurances have
been too well founded. Even before they rais
ed tho standard of revolt, they had received from
their friends at New Orleans all the necessary
materials to prepare and kindle that flame which
must inevitably devour their increasing proper-
ty if they shall not promptly open their eyes;
and submit anew to the authority of the nation
al government, which they have outraged, and
which if it disdains to revenge itself, is yet firm
ly resolved to render itself respected itv all the
extent of our 1 immense territory. Since that
the colonists of Texas have obtained and daily
obtain from New Orleans, assistance of all
kinds, in men, munition and arms, in silver,
and soldiers who publicly enlist in that city nnd
carry with them arms against a friendly nation,
the solution of this question purely domestic is
rendered more complicated by their presence.—
Even public assemblies have been organized at
New Orleans, which with the greatest publicity
interfere in the affairs of Texas or even direct
them—and either by means of the pressor meet
ings ostensibly convoked seek continually to
generalize the future views of some of them on
Texas with tiie opinions of the citizens general
ly of the United States: in other words, *they
seek to give a color of American nationality to
what is in fact a mere speculation of different
adventurers of all kinds.
Tho undersigned knows already that many
of these facts have been committed and are still
commanded by Thompson was a ship of°waT
under the full authority of government - that
captain Thompson as well as his whole’ crew
belonged to the national marine of tho Mexican
republic; that they were found in the sens of
Texas in the execution of orders received from
competent authority; and that in short the coast
guard service of the schooner imposed on her
captain the duty to prevent all contraband and
chiefly of war. This being established, ’l,ow
can a ship of war recognized as such by a sove
reign nation be considered a pirate—since tobe
declared a pirate according to the doctrine of
Galiarra, Amui, Hobbs and all jurists who have
written on maritine law, a ship should havenei.
ther papers, nor commission of any government
nor belong to any nation? Then they reply
that Ire hasc mmiited excesses, ns there is none
to reply for him. Il" captain Thompson had
outstepped his powers, in visiting ships beyond
the view of the coasts,—if he had commit ted
violences, or had seized on tho property of any
American citizen, he depended on his "overt,,
ment which would infallibly have punished him*
and indemnify all the parties fur the losses which
they might have suffered. But it is not on tho
simple affidavit of captain Hurd that they can
ever establish the culpability of Thompson, if
he is really guilty; nor has the captain of a
merchant ship the right to capture a war vessel
of a friendly nation, to lower its flag, declare
its crew prisoners, and cast its officers into
irons—and lastly hoist a different flag than its
o\vn; and take it as a prize into a foreign port.
These principles are those of maritime juris,
prudence. The undersigned knows too well the
great extent ot the knowledge and learning of
the honorable secretary of State of the United
States to explain to him those principles found,
ed not only on international rights, hut on the
constant practice of maritime nations. In con
sequence the government of the undersigned
(fees not hesitate an in-tant to believe that tho
American government will show itself impartial
and just—that it will order the restitution of the
Cor reo of Mexico, which being a ship of war
is national property—that it will set at liberty
captain Thompson and the other prisoners de-
tamed at New Orleans, under pretence of a
charge of piracy—that it will make captain
Hurd responsible before an American tribunal
fer the gratuitous insult done to a ship of war of
a friendly nation, and render him amenable fen-
all the damages and prejudices occasioned by
his arbitrary conduct. On its side, the govern,
ment of the undersigned is resolved to establish
an inquiry into the conduct of captain Thontp.
son, who will be examined in good faith and with
a scrupulous attention, so as to leave no doubt of
his guilt or innocence—and in the first case, to
punish him—with ad the rigor of the laws, and
indemnify all who may have been injured by
Thompson in his quality of commanding a Alexi.
can ship of war.
Approved by the undersigned, charged with
the ministry of foreign relations, etc.
JOSE MARIA ORTIZ MON ASTER 10.
To Ihe honorable secretary of Slate
for the United States.
—should at last have fallen. IVe have long felt! committed under the refuge of the liberalism
that power as in our peculiar condition as to ex- j of American institutions—without the local au-
lcrnal relations, utterly irreconcilable with the j thorities or the government of the union having
public freedom, while it assumed the political : any power to oppose them; of which kind are
supervision of our rights, which the late court the freedom of the press, individual liberty, and
has so unscrupulously and so badly exercised.
We know not, indeed, which to regard as tho
trangest spectacle—the arrogant pretensions of
that court; the monstrous nature of the decis
ions, by which they have aimed to overthrow,
fer the benefit of an external usurper, the au
thority of which tliey themselves held, or the
extraordinary fact, that this very court—the su
preme disposer of all rights among us—the ty
rant of the constitution not less than tho mas
ter of the statute laws—the sole, paramount,
supreme disposer and dispenser not merely of
justice at home, but of all the citizen’s duties
abroad-Mhis mighty nrbilerofevery thing great
est or minutest, from a summary process up to
the rights and liberties of an entire continent—
but especially this great empire of constitutions,
the unrestricted exports of commerce. For
these reasons then the government of the un
dersigned cannot and should not solicit the ac
tion of the United States government, except
to adopt measures authorized by its own laws to
prevent the evils which a foreign intervention
(although individual) in a domestic dissension,
may produce to a friendly nation attached to it
by political and commercial ties.
The second subject on which the undersigned
must appeal is the capture and arbitrary deten
tion of the Mexican schooner of war, the Correo
of Mexico, captain Thompson. This ship was
captured in the waters of Texas by the Ameri-
can merchant ship the San Felipe, captain Hurd.
To justify an act so scandalous, and doubtless
to countenance this gratuitous outrage done to
The fell owing is a statement addressed to tho
public, by twenty-eight citizens of the United
States, who have been sentenced to death by a
Mexican court martial, for an attempt to lake
the town of Tampico; the enterprizc having
failed, and they having been made prisoners.
We, the undersigned prisoners of wnr, con
demned to he shot on Monday next tli« 14th in
stant, at 7 o’clock, A. M. by a military court
martial, conformable to the established custom
of the country, and composed of officers of tho
Mexican army, the sentence being read and in.
terpreted to us on Saturday at 4 o’clock, P. M.
by’ captain Alexander Faulac of said army,as
our last dying words, do declare ourselves in
nocent of the charge of either participating or
colleaguing with any person or party, having
fer its object the revolutionizing or disturbing in
any manner the tranquillity of the government
of Mexico, and that the testimony given before
the honorable court of inquiry will corroborate
this declaration, the facts and circumstances be
ing briefly as follows:—
That about one hundred and thirty men, com.
posed of Americans, French «ud Germans, two.
thirds of which being of the first named class
(including three who are natives of foreign na
tions but neutralized) embarked on the 6th No-
vember last on board the American schooner
Mary Jane, captain Hall, said to have been
chartered or employed by a committee, of
which Mr. William Christy, of New Orleans,
was the agent, to convey emigrants to the Tex-
as, then understood to beat variance will) the
Mexican government. Tin's opportunity afford
ed many in pecuniary circumstances a passage
free, which was readily embraced and accept
ed of. Tlte terms agreed upon were, that it
was optional whether the party took up arms 10
defence of Texas or not: that they were at full
liberty to act as they pleased when landed on
the Texian shore. That taking advantage of
this favorable opportunity they accordingly em
barked—the vessel preceded on the voyage,
and nothing transpired to indicate a belief but
that all was right as it should be, until the Gth
day we were out from the Balize, although it
had been previously understood that a general,
with his officers or staff, was on board the ves
sel, whose design was to act in concert with tho
Toxians, and induce us to join him. Of this
however we received no certain assent, but the
truth is—Tampico was our destination and an
attack on the city, the design, which was now
evident, and not before—the land being in sight
and the vessel standing in, it was announced
that it was Tampico; that the steam boat then
also insight would have us in tow, and Tampi
co would bo in our possession. Elated with this
harangue proceeding from the authority (through
the instrumentality of captain Hawkins, one oi
the aids) of general Mehia, some were induced
to join his standard, but of these the number
could not have exceeded fifty, thirty five of
whom were French and Creoles, of New Or-,
leans, who doubtless had a previous understand
ing, they being exclusively privileged, having
the quarter deck to themselves and seemingly
armed and equipped prematurely. The boat
had us in tow soon, arid all that could be cram
med below were driven there until she struck
the bar, and the steam boat soon afterwards.—"
In this awful predicament night closing on us,
the sea breaking over us, efforts were used to
reach the shore, which at iminent danger was
effected safely, and were all landed duriug t| lC
latter part of the night and early part ot the