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W&M MBIDIBIBilfo lllita
such a business, caused the agonised terrors of
tho dying man, ami made him restless, until a
clergyman was called to minister comfort to a
mind diseased on his death bed. And in order
to show that wo do not state these fearful details
without some good foundation, we now openly
oall upon Bishop Onderdonk of this city, to say
whether he ever heard of such u case as we
have detailed, or any one similar to it—or
whether he was the clergyman who attended
the last moments of tho repentant man. Ilis
associate is still alive, and doing a good busi
ness in this city, but not as a sexton.—.Yea?
York Herald.
CONGRESS.
IN SENATE,
Frida]/, February 12, 1836.
Mr. Moore moved to proceed to tho con
sideration of the motion of Mr. Buchanan to re
ject tho prayer of the Society of Friends, in the
petition to abolish slavery in the District of Co
lumbia; which being agreed to,
Mr. Moore addressed the senate. Alter
which—
Mr. King, of Georgia, said he would like to
say a few words, if not encroaching on the busi
ness set apart for tho day. As the remarks he
wished to make were principally called for by
the remarks of the senator who had just taken
his seat, he preferred making them then, but
would yield to tho wishes of the senate. No j
objection beiug made, Mr. K. proceeded to re
mark, that he thought he had made up his mind
to say not one word on these memorials,
disliked to participate in that which he hau con
detained in others. For the reasons just given,
however, and for those given by other southern
senators who had previously offered their
views briefly, it was perhaps right that lie, as
a southern man, should briefly explain the
views which would induce him to vote against
a motion made by a southern man as a southern
measure.
Upon the general subject, his views wad boon
already very well expressed by others. In fact,
it had been well expressed in the course of the
debate, that upon the object of the memorialists,
their teelings, sentiments, and opinions, and also
upon the pernicious tendency of their measures,
there was not, nor could bo, any material differ
ence among the members representing the
southern section of the confederacy upon that
floor. Their feelings and interests were the
same; and if they differed, it was only a differ
ence as to the mode in. which the question should
be disposed of; difference, simply, as to the
most expedient mode of stamping with disappro-
bation the pernicious iaborsofthe.se disorganiz-
ingagitators. Perhaps, he said, like the senator
from Alabama, he should make sonic exception
ill favor of the intentions of the particular memo
rialists whose petition was now under consider,
atioir
[Here Mr. K. asked if it was not tho petition
alone of the Friends that was under, considera
tion, all others having been withdrawn; and,
being answered in the affirmative, he pro
ceeded.]
fie hoped even these good people would come
to understand that their labors, however well in
tended, would be attended with the same mis
chievous consequences that followed the effects
of those who could not, in all cases, have the
same charity extended to them.
But, said Mr. K., this being among the south
ern members a mere difference of form iu die
manner of disposing of the subject, I regret ex
ceedingly that the senator from Carolina has
thought it his duty (as he doubtless has) to press
the subject upon the consideration of the senate
in such form as not only to permit, but, iu some
measure, to create a necessity for the continued j
stood him, and made some explanations.] Mr. agreed perfectly with the senator from Virginia
lv. said ho had expressly understood the senator
to say that the object of the course of the ad
(Mr. Leigh,) that the States themselves had no
power to take the slave from the owner, except
ministration partv avas to favor the pretensions j for public use, and for a just compensation. He
of a certain northern candidate for the presiden-1 did not agree, however, with the senator fiom
cv, but accepted the explanation. j Virginia in his construction of the provision in
It was a good maxim in politics as well as t the \ irginia cession, as the plain import and in-
private life, (Mr. Iv. said,) never to demand too [ tenlion of the proviso was only to negative the
much. I»y making unreasonable demand, we idea that the soil was transferred with the juris.
diction. But the aid of this proviso was not lie-
cessary to the constitutional argument, and he
did not believe the senator placed much stress
inconvenient! of the
often lost that to which we were plainly enti
tled. If the non-slave-holding States were
willing to allow us all our rights, we should be
satisfied. We should never leave an impregna- j upon it.
blc position for the doubtful prospects of a dan.) The argumnitum al>
gerousally. i senator from Virginia, although powerful, even
Notwithstand what he had said, he tvas not j irresistible, to prove the inexpediency of exer-
prepared to say that the motion of the senator i eising the power, il the power were admitted,
from Carolina might not be entertained without j was still not sufficient, perhaps, to disprove the
any dangerous invasion of a constitutional right, j existence ol the power itself.
It lias been insisted that tho memorialists bear j it W as the intention of the framers of the con-
no interest in the subject, and therefore are not i stitution that congress should have a very ex-
enlitlcd to the right of petition. Wo should rc- j tensive legislative power over the district. Ii
collect, however, that the right of petition is / was necessary il should have it, and it was rea-
esteemed u very sacred one in this country.— sonabiy supposed that congress could have no
And wo should make up no unnecessary issues j dangerous temptation to abuse it. What induce-
about it. 'I’lie people on these matters usually ! men t could congress have to oppress the help-
measured in the lump; they did not understand ■ |c> S g inhabitants of the ten miles square? or, on
these nice constitutional distinctions and parlin- j other hand, what dangerous inducement to
tnentary rules, and a refusal to receive petitions . heap expensive benefits on the District at the
on such grounds would be looked upon as an J (jygj 0 f their own immediate constituents? None
arrogant attack upon a popular right, nndgwould j j n t h e world. And hence the alarming pictures
bo so used by the enemies ot the south. j drawn of the effects of emancipation in thisdis-
But why are wo bound to refuse to receive j trict, and in all the forts and arsenals in the
these petitions? if he understood senators, it j slave-holding States, whilst slavery exists in the
was on two grounds: that the language reflected surrounding States, had not the slightest influ-
From the Washington Globe of the 3 d inst. measures, essential to the interests of thecoun- that every member of the House mid it
The business of the House of Representatives, try, would be brought up for immediate action, h.w.ir tis ™r™, Il -'.POMes,
Tho abolition subject has become tho only Among them, a law to prov.de for the care of
hope of the White party. Its agitation is their
daily duty. The house of representatives has,
by a most overwhelming vote, turned over the
whole subject to a committee of the most re
spectable members of congress, with instruc
tions to give it a solemn and final quietus. In
tiiis state of things, Mr. Wise, (who lives with
judge White and some others ot his most de-
the seven millions of the government, in the
bank of the United States, which will be left,
on the 4th of March, in the hands of Mr. Bid
dle, without a director or agent on the part of
the government, and without legal authority in
any one, to make the proper arrangements to
secure the government’s interests on the disso
lution of the bank, it was hoped that the
Voted Tennessee supporters,) is engaged in an i b , tat , es woa d bc promptly called through, and
incessant effort to thwart the pronounced will 1 a!l hon ? f lde Petitions and memorials received
of the house, and to make abolition thecontinu- j [ or reference to appropriate committees, and
ed theme of its discussions. If this cannot be ! ‘ ort ! 1 i s purpose,
done, it seems to be resolved on, that a state of j . “ Mr * Br, gg? moved to sus P end tl1f> ru,es for
violence and disorder shall bc provoked in the j
house, which it is supposed will serve the pur-1
himsell of copies of petitions and memorials „
lying on the tabic or referred to commute!
and take up the time of the represent*,
body tn reading from day to day whatever
might serve the purpose ol delay, or anvothe -
mischievous purpose, under the pretext 0 f
enabling the House to determine whether o
not it was the same matter heretofore actH
upon and disposed of by it; concluding the scene
Is. He i ° ;l a portion of the members. Now, (said Mr. , ence upon his deliberations upon the subject.—
' K.) every southern senator feels an equal iuclig- j The former might be admitted, and he had not
nation at having tiiese memorials brought be- j the slightest apprehensions that congress would
fore them. But he did not know hew the me-; ever exercise it so long as there was virtue and
morialists, inthisparticularcase,could have pro- j patriotism enough in the country to hold the
sented the subject at all in more respectful lan- j government together.
gunge than they have employed. But he said But, lie said, without any particular distrust
he was already strongly committed on this point, of congress as the legislature of the District of
by votes given on other occasions, since ho had i Columbia, there was a restriction upon the whole
been in the senate, lie could not change his ] legislative power of the Union, State and Feder-
action until lie had changed his opinion. He j a!, which denied the right tocongressto do that
considered the pretentions of the senate on this ; which was wished by the memorialists. This
subject the most dangerous and extraordinary j was a national restriction, and extended to the
ever tolerated in any representative govern- j District of Columbia as well as to the States.—
ment. The doctrine, as acted on in a few cases This restriction was to bo found in the fifth
in the senate, was that we would not receive any
memorial that might, in the opinion of the
senators, “reflect on the body, or any member
of it.” On this principle, how aro the people
ever to obtain reform of abuses, originating in
the two bouses, or either house? Where would
!a Inml tn? He would tlOt dwell Upon
amendment, which had been referred to by oth
ers. This amendment says that no person shall
“be deprived of life, liberty, or property, with
out due process of law; nor shall private pro.
perty be taken for public use, without just com
pensation.”
the pi inciple lead to? He would not dwell upon Mr. K. said he thought it might be found, as a
the subject, but ho would put a few plain cases,; historical tact, that this amendment owed its
that would be we’l understood by senators. We j origin to the apprehensions of the slave-holding
have (said Mr. K.) been in the habit ol voting j States on this very subject. It was well known
ourselves privileges. All exclusive privileges : that the constitution met with great, opposition
are justly odious to our people. They are in- ; in the convention of Virginia. There some of
consistent with the American character, and j the greatest men, and the greatest patriots of the
opposed to the genius oi our institutions. We age, used every means to defeat it. Among
have voted ourselves the franking privilege, not 1 other things, it was objected to by Patrick Henry
during the session, as formerly, but .n perpetui- and others, that congress would have power
tv. This privilege it was known was sometimes J under the constitution to emancipate the slaves
grossly abused, which would be strong argu- j in the slave-holding States. In vain did the
ment for its total repeal. He also spoke of the J advocates of the constitution apnea! to itsobvi-
purchase of books for the members, and referred ; ous guaranties on this subject; they still be-
to the practice ol the members in paying fur lieved, or a fleeted to believe, that congress had
their newspapers out o'the public money, in ! the power, under the general welfare doctrine
support of which practice he Lad never been so long exploded. Finding that the constitution
able to elicit any argument, except tho xinan- j would be adopted, against their efforts, they then
siccrablc one ol the yeas and nays. Tho con- j showed themselves consistent, by proposing and
tingent expenses of the two houses had been also j appending to tho ratification of Virginia a bill
swcIleH in a few years, to an enormous extent. ! of rights and sundry amendments, containing
There were other cases of more magnitude, i their principal objections, and this among the
Which might bc made the subject of complaint rest. Some of the principles contained in the
by the people, bnt he referred to them ns obvi. j bill of rights and amendments were adopted by
ous cases, that had been spoken of during the congress, and others rejected; and this prtnei-
present session. Suppose, then, that the peo-j pie was adopted in tho fifth amendment, as be-
plc were to petition congress to abolish the Irank-! fore read. The great object was the certain
_ _ _ mg privilege, and stale, as a reason, the enorm-1 security of private rights against tho arbitrary
agitation of the subject. For he believed, with | ous abuses to winch it is suoject- Suppose they ; powers ol legislation; and it was evident that
* look at the sum total of your contingent nc- S the private rights of the slave-holder in the
count, and believing it impossible it could be j District of Columbia were inconsistent with the
honestly expended for any contingencies that ! object of the memorialists. lie could, to be
the constitution will allow, pray congress to j sure, imagine a state of things in which con-
look into the subject, and reform the abuse: ; gtess, as the only legislative power for the dis
according to this novel doctrine, any senator j trict as a community, might interfere with the
others, that nothing was better calculated to in
crease agitation and excitement than such mo
tions as that of the senator from South Carolina.
What was the object of the motion? Senators
said, and no doubt sincerely, that their object
was to quiet the agitation of the subjeef. Well,
(said Mr. K.,) my object is precisely the same.
We differ then only in the means of securing a
common end, and he could tell the senators that
ihe value of the motion ns a means would likely
bo estimated by its tendency to secure the end
desired. Would even an affirmative vote on the
motion quiet the agitation of the subject? He
thought, on thecontrary, it would much increase
it. Hoiv would it stop the agitation? What
would bc decided? Nothing, except it be that
the senate would not receive the particular
memorial before it. Would that prevent the pro-
sentation of others? Not at nil; it would only'
increase the number by making a new issue
fur debate, which was all the abolitionists
wanted; or, at any rate, tho most they now _ ,
expected. * text to commit a fraud upon the constitution.
These petitions had been coming here without
intermission ever since the foundation of the
government, and he could tell the senator that
if they' were each to be honored by a lengthy
discussion on presentment, an honor not hereto
fore granted to them, they would not only con
tinue to come here, but they would thicken upon
us so long as the government remained in exist-
cnee. Wo may seek occasions, (said Mr. Iv.) '
to rave about our rights; we may appeal to the
guaranties of the constitution, which are not
might rise, and move that “the memorial bc not j slave-holder at the expense of the district; but
received,” because it “refected on tho senate or j the case was so remote that it scarcely deserved
some ot its members.” Sir, (said Mr. K.) I deny our consideration. If slavery were abolished
it in the general, and I deny it in the particular; j every where else in the Union, and the people
I deny tt in the gross, and I deny it in the de-j of the district should find it a check to their
tail. It has not one single inch of ground in i prosperity and a curse to their community, con-
the constitution to stand upon. We were sent , gross might, perhaps, in reference to the good
here to do the business of the public, and not to j and supposed wishes of the district, tax it for
setup arbitrary codes for the protection of our j the emancipation of its own slives. The only
dignity, and then bo lelt todetermino what digni-j question in such a case would bc, whether
ty means. 1 consider true senatorial dignity to j emancipation was such a public use ns that con-
consist in a straightforward, independent dis- tcmplated in the constitution. He had given no
charge of our constitutional duties, and not in special consideration to this branch of the sub-
searching into the language employed by ourjject, and would detain the senate no longer
constituents, when they ask us fur a redress of! upon it.
grievances, to see if we cannot find some pre- He should vote against the motion of the sena
tor from South Carolina, because he thought it
If the people thought we had done wrong, they useless and impoliticto bc making up useless and
had a right plainly to tell us so; and if we found unusual issues with these people, only calculated
the charge true, we should set about a reforma- to give them importance and strength. And ho
tion. If untrue, we should reject their petitions j should vote to reject prayer of the petition-
on that account. : ers, because he thought it inexpedient; and liir-
Mr. K. said he had spoken of this doctrine in j thcr, that congress had no constitutional power
a general point of view, and could not honor the [ to grant it.
denied; we may spdak of the strength of the
south, and pour our unmeasured denunciations
against the north; we may threaten vengeance
against the abolitionists, and menace a dissolu-
tion of the Union, and all that; and thus ex
hausting ourselves mentally and physically, and
setting down to applaud the spirit of our own
efforts. Arthur Tappan and his pious fraterni
ty would very coolly remark: “Well, that-is
precisely what I wanted; I wanted agitation in
the south; I wished to provoke the ‘aristocratic
slave-holder’ to make extravagant demands on
the north, which the north could not consistently
surrender to them. I wished tl^m, under the
pretext of securing their own rights, to encroach
upon the rights of all the American people. In
short, I wish to change tho issue; upon the pre
sent issue we are dead. Every movement,
every demonstration of feeling among our own
people, shows that upon the present issue the
great body of the people is against us. The
issue must bo changed, or the prospects of abo
lition arc at an end.” This language (Mr. Iv.
said) was not conjectural, but there was much
evidence of its truth.
Sir, (said Mr. K.,) if southern senators were
actually in the pay of the directory on Nassau
street, they could not more effectually co-operate
in the views, and administer to the wishes of
these enemies to the peace and quiet of our
country. And yet, (said Mr. K.) we have just
been charged with sacrificing southern interests
to attain a political end. [Here Mr. Moore
said tho senator frorp Georgia hail mtenmler-
abolitionists so far as to suffer them to provoke
him to a violation of the constitution as he un
derstood it.
In the second place, it was considered that we
should not receive the petition, because to grant
it would be unconstitutional. Was it not appa
rent that this was assuming prematurely that
which we should arrive at by an examination of
the subject? It had been asked—why receive
the petition, if it were afterwards to be rejected?
Senators had asked—what was the difference
between the two modes of proceeding? lie
would ask, in turn, if there was no difference,
why did gentlemen insist on their motion?—
There was a difference, however, which he
thought was well understood.
To refuse to receive, denied the right of be
ing heard. To receive, and reject the prayer
of the petitioner, gave the privilege of a hear- :
ing, and the judgment of the senate upon the j
subject. This petition, he said, had been read,
and its object considered; but not necessarily so.
The motion was perfectly in order, before read-
ing, on a statement of the nature of the memo-
rial by the senator offering it, and the theory
of the motion was to deny the right to a con
sideration. This consideration might change an
opinion previously formed without it; andshould
not be denied because our first impressions may
be against the right of the petitioners.
Mr. K. said that he believed, also, after some
reflection upon the subject, that congress hud no
constitutional power to emancipate tho slaves in
the District of Columbia, in the manner con-
tcmplated by the memorialists. He believed
that congress had precisely the same power over
the subject in the District of Columbia that the
Sjatcs bail in their respective limits, and .he
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
March 4, 183(5.
Petitions and memorials were further present
ed by Messrs. Grantland, Cleveland, Towns,
and Jackson of Georgia.
[Mr. Cleveland presented the petition of Jas.
Wood, of Heard county, Georgia, heir and ad
ministrator upon the estate of Captain Edward
Wood, deceased, praying compensation for re
volutionary services, referred to the committee
on Revolutionary Claims.]
On motion of Mr. Haynes.
Resolved, That tho committee on revolution
ary pensions be instructed to inquire into the ex
pediency of replacing Benjamin Thompson,
of Georgia, on the pension roll, at an increase
of pension.
On motion of Mr. Owens,
Resolved, That the committee on revolution
ary claims bc instructed to inquire into the ex
pediency of providing by law for the payment
of commutation pay to the heirs and legal re
presentatives of James Bulloch, deceased, late
ol Georgia, an officer in the army of the revo
lution.
On motion of Mr. Towns,
Resolved, That the committee on the Post
Office and Post Roads be instructed to inquire
into the expediency of establishing a mail route
from Talbotton in the State of Georgia, by wav
of Uchce Village, in Marion county, Pond
Town, in Sumter county, to Americus.
Resolved, That the committee on the post of
fice and post roads be instructed to inquire into
the expediency of establishing a mail route from
Lumpkin, in Stewart county, to Starksvillc in
Lee countv. Georgia.
poses of agitation in connexion with this sub
ject, quite as well, if not belter, than a continu
al debate about abolition petitions.
Monday last was marked by circumstances
which tend strongly to make good this supposi
tion. We have given, in our congressional re
port, a bare outline of the events. Not being
present, we can only fill it up by asuccint state,
ment, from information, of what occured in the
house, and of a subsequent event which happen-
ed out of the house, tending to throw much light
upon the motives of tho actors in scenes to
which we allude. The occurrence in the house
is given by the reporter, as follows:
Mr. Patton submitted certain resolutions of
the legislature of Virginia, on the subject of
abolition; which he moved be referred to tho
committee on the District of Columbia, with tho
following instructions: “That the resolutions be
referred to the committee on the District of Co
lumbia, with instructions to report forthwith the
resolutions:
1. Resolved, That congress has no constitu
tional power to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia or in the Territories of the United
Stales.
2. Resolved, That any act of congress, hav
ing for its object the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia, or the Territories of the
United States, ought to be regarded as affording
great cause of alarm to the slaveholding States
and bringing the Union into imminent peril.”
The Chair decided that the instructions were
not in order, and that the resolutions of the Vir
ginia legislature, under the order of the house,
must go to the select committee raised upon the
resolution of Mr. Pinckney.
Mr. Patton appealed from the decision of the
Chair, on the ground that the instructions sub
mitted by him were not identical, and went fur
ther in their principle, as applying to the Ter
ritories of the United States, than the resolu
tion of Mr. Pinckney, which was limited in its
operation to the subject of the abolition of slave
ry m the District of Columbia and the States.
Mr. P. also contended that the decision of the
house, in reference to Mr. Pinckney’s resolu
tion did not apply to the instructions moved by
himself, for the same reason that the object was
not the same.
Mr. Wise also opposed the decision of the
chair in this instance, admitting it to be correct
under the order of the house, and the decision
of the house on Tuesday last, on which the
chair’s decision was founded, and appealed to
tho house to reverse that vote, by which t he
chair considered itself imperatively governed.
Mr. W. was several tunes called to order by
the chair, for remarks not pertinent to the ques
tion of order then before the house, upon the last
ol which occasions,
Mr. Wise said that the chair, in calling him
to order, merely expressed his opinion. Kntei-
taining a different opinion, he (Mr. W.) should
continue the course of his remarks, unless the
chair should appeal to the house to decide be
tween them.
The chair said the gentleman must resume
his seat, and it was for the house to decide
whether he should proceed, as intimated.
Mr. Mason, of Virginia, moved that leave be
granted to Mr. W. to proceed.
Mr. Calhoun of Kentucky, asked for the
yeas and nays, which were ordeted.
Mr. Wise appealed from the decision of the
chair, that he (Mr. W.) was out of order.
The speaker said that the latter appeal must
be decided without debate.
Mr. Wise rose, and was about addressing the
chair, but was nailed to order by various mem
bers. He continued in his position until lie bad
announced his determination to withdraw his
appeal from the decision of the chair.
Tlie chair: The decision of the chair is then
acquiesced in by the member from Virginia, and
the question to be determined is the motion to
permit the gentleman to proceed.
Tho question was taken by yeas and nays.
The house then determined that Mr. Wise
should not be permitted to proceed, bv a vote of
100 to 78. It was then decided by the house,
on the appeal taken from the decision of the
chair, that the speaker should be sustained—
yeas 143, nays 40. From this it appears that
the purpose of calling for petitions from the
States not called yesterday; which was agreed
to.”
Among the very first, however Mr. Wise in
troduced a petition to bring up the question of
abolition. The following is the account of the
motion, as given by the reporters.
Mr. Wise presented a memorial from an in-!
dividual nam< j dJolin A. Smith, who represented
himself to be a (♦sident of the District of Co
lumbia, protesting against the course of the
northern abolitionists in a legal and constitution
al argument of some length, and insisting that |
all abolition petitions should be forthwith reject
ed.
Mr. Wise moved that this paper be referred
to the select committee raised on the subject,
with ins!ructions to report the following rcsolu-
tion:
“Resolved, That congress has no constitu
tional power to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia, or in the Territories of the United
States.”
The chair decided, that on the construction
given by the house to its own order, the motion
of the gentieman from Virginia, in reference to
the instructions, was not in order. He consi
dered llie question involved the same principles
before acted upon by the house.
Mr. Wise took au appeal from the decision
of the chair on the ground that the resolution of
Mr. Pinckney embraced “every paper,” and
Mr. W’s. motion being written, was embraced
in that order. It was as much “a paper” as
the resolutions and acts of the Virginia /egisia-
ture, and he contended that every thing within
the vortex of abolition, must go to the select
committee on that subject. He called upon tlie
house to act consistently, and not to send one
set of papers to that committee, and refuse to
send another. If the house did refuse to send
these instructions, it would act inconsistently.
Mr. W. assured the house that tlie memorial
was a bona fi>e one, and that he had been re-
quested in a letter from the memorialist, whom
he knew not, to present it. Mr. W. then read
the letter.
Mr. Lane said, that something like six weeks
had been expended in the presentation and con
sideration of memorials and resolutions on tlie
subject of abolition from the north, to the entire
exclusion of all petitions and memorials from
the western States and Territories. Having,
after this protracted period, passed Mason and
Dixon’s line, it was fondly hoped no further de
lay would have occured from this all exciting
subject. In this it seems we are mistaken.—
The fire brands of abolition seem to thicken
around us from the south, and threaten equal if
not more delay. To avert this storm, and to
enable the people of the west to be heard in tiiis
bouse, he would move the previous question,
which was seconded. Tellers being appointed
—ayes 99, noes 63.
The main question was then ordered to be put
without a count, and, on Mr. Wise’s motion
tlie memorial, resolution, &c. were read at
length from the clerk’s table.
Mr. Chapin then asked for tlie yeas and nays
on the main question, which were ordered.
The main question, “shall the decision of the
chair stand as the judgment of the house?” was
about to be propounded, when
Mr. Ashiev asked if the motion to lay the
memorial and the motion of the gentleman from
Virginia on the table, would be in order?
The Chair, after a few words from Messrs.
Craig, Wise and Adams, decided that, under the
order of tlie house, viz. the adoption of Mr.
Pinckney’s resolution, the motion would not be
in order.
The main question was then taken, and the
vote was as follows—yeas 163, nays 38.
The yeas and nays were given in our paper of
It is remarkable, however, that a-
by folding up the paper and pocketing it, wjp.
observations implying an insult to one of th-
committees of the House, as well as to the House
itself. Surely nothing can be more coutr-mptu.
ous than to read a paper under the semblanc*
of submitting it to the disposal of the body V
then to return it to the pocket, with theintim-
d
tntima.
rusted with
it, because the presumption was, it would be
sent to a certain committee.
tion that the House was not to be
“’Tistliestar-spangled banner,oh, long mav it wave
“O’er chc laud of tlie free and tlie home of tlie brave.”
FEDERAL UNIOX.
MII.LEDGEVII.I.I3, MARCH IS, IS3g7
MARTIN VAN BURJEN,
FOR PRESIDENT.
R. M. JOHNSON,
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
ABOLITIONISTS AND NULLIFIERS.
—The nullifies profess to be very indignant
at our associating them with the abolitionists, as
we have done at the bead of tiiis article. We
have never insinuated, that it is their design to
aid the abolitionists in filling the mansions of the
South with blood and horror. Bufeach ofthese
desperate factions makes use of the other to
strengthen itself. The abolitionists furnish to
the nullifiers, the materials for attempting to
form a party exclusively southern, and to array
southern prejudices and sout hern fears against
Mr. Van Burcn: while the nullifiers give to the
abolitionists the means of averting the public
eye from the horrible atrocity of their designs,
by making an issue with them on constitutional
questions of tit least a doubtful character; and of
increasing their strength, by giving currency
and credit to their exaggerated accounts of their
number and influence, and by denouncing and
insulting those virtuous friends of the Union,
by whom the fanatics had been firmly and zeal-
ously opposed at the North.
The Chief of the nullifiers has long since n-
bandoned the hope of rising to eminence in the
paths of virtuous ambition. lie depends for
his success, on some stroke of genius. At one
time, the country is to be convulsed bv forcible
resistance to the protective tariff; and his docilo
followers are filled with fury in executing his
plans. Defeated by the firmness arid energy
of Andrew Jackson, he suddenly forms a league
with Henry Clay, and conspires with him to
protect the tariff against the attempts of tho
democratic party to reduce it to a level with tho
wants of the government. Ilis docile followers
immediately yield to this new stroke of his
genius; their fury suddenly vanishes; and they
become the advocates of an arrangement of tho
protective duties, which casts a vast surplus
revenue into the treasury, and makes the pro-
tective system perpetual.
The president requires the removal of the
public deposites from the United States’ Bank
to the State Banks; and lo! another stroke of
his genius. He exclaims, the president has
usurped the sword and the purse! A tyrant is
on the throne! The constitution is destroyed,
and the people of the United States are slayes!
His docile followers immediately learn the par-
ty-cry. They disturb the country with this
new clamor. They endeavor to spread a panic
among the people, by repeating the cry—“the
president has usurped tlie sword and the purse!
A tyrant is on the throne! The constitution is
- , ■ ’ . , - r , destroyed, and tho people of the United States
mong the thirty-eight against the decision of the i / i ,, . ,
. ■ . , . nt w . . r a ■ are slaves! But the people could not be in
chair and supporting Mr. W ise, are to be found ; , , „ , .- * *
V 'r i • duccd to believe that
tne names ot every 1 ennessee member consi
dered to be a zealous partisan of Judge White
then in the house, viz: Messrs. Bell, Bunch,
Carter, Luke Lea, Maury, Peyton, and Stan-
defer.
But this signal rebuke of the bouse did not
deter Mr. Wise from immediately interposing a
new obstacle to the public business. The joint
resolutions of the Virginia legislature, which
tlie house, by overwhelming majorities, support- j had been but the day before presented, and had
ed the speaker upon all the points which he was occupied the whole day, before the decision
to believe that to he true, which they
saw, and felt, and knew to be false.
And, now, behold another brilliant stroke of
his genius! The abolitionists are a detestable
faction at the North. Mr. Van Burcn and his
northern friends are all to be called abolitionists.
If this scheme succeeds, Mr. Van Buren will
not obtain a single southern vote. But this is
not all. If tlie South can be convinced, that
the entire people of the North now are, or here
after will become abolitionists, a dissolution ol
the Union will quickly follow; and Mr. Calhoun
may hope then to obtain the presidency of tho
southern fragment of this great republic.—
Such is the brilliant scheme; and it has been
conned and learnt by the nullifiers, with their
usual docility. It forms the ground-work of
the d> clamations of their orators in congress,
and of i he editorials, and other essays of the
nullifying press. In bold defiance of the most
desired to know whether the rules of the House conclusive proofs it is constantly asserted by
had not been suspended merely for the purpose diera ’ diat Mr*- \ari Buren and his nort eni
of presenting memorialsand petitions, and wheth- * ,iends a,e abolitionists; that he is the can io-
damned tyrant personally—pocket the insult if j er those resolutions came under that character? ° dlG abolitionists. They either duect /
you choose.” The Chair replied that it had always been ° r plainly insinuate, »haMhe whole poo-
The speaker passed on without noticing Mr. ! usual topresent joint resolutions of State Legis- °* the non-slave-holding States are a o.n
Wise, further than by making a'brief pause, at latures when the States were called for petitions ti0,,1&,s * Dwelling on these topics, thenu Ii ers
the moment the abusive language caught his and memorials, and under that rule these resoiu- cnc *eavor to alarm the South, by declaring tia
ear—proceeding on his way before Mr. Wise j tions were in order. our P ro P°fty and lives will be endangere y
finished. The speaker considering it a wanton Mr. Parks begged to inquire of the gentleman 1 ,e e ^ c, i° n °f Mr. Van Buren to the presi ei.-
attempt to insult the body over which lie pre- from Virginia, whether a similar paper had not c ^* _ lbis vvn y do the nullifiers make use
called onto decide. And wo understand, from
spectators as well as members, that the manner
of the speaker throughout was temperate, con
ciliatory, and not in the slightest degree impera
tive. After the adjournment of the house, the
speaker left the hall for the purpose of going in
to his apartment as usual, to give directions a-
bout making up the journal of the day, with his
books and papers in his hands, when, between
the two doors, he was accosted by Mr. Wise, in
a violent and insulting manner, in these words:
“I have to say to you, sir, that you are a
that they should be referred to the select com-
mittee was had, were again produced by Mr.
Wise from his pocket, when tlie following scene
occured, ns given by the reporters.
Mr. Wise then rose to present certain joint
resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia on the
subject of the abolition of slavery, and was pro
ceeding to read them, when
Mr. Brown rose to a question of order. He
sided, for a refusal on the part of the house to
permit its order to be violated by Mr. Wise,
would not enter into an altercation with him,
been presented by another member from Virgi
nia (Mr. Patton) yesterday? And, if it were
the same, lie would inquire of the Chair if it was
believing such a course beneath the dignity of j in order to present the same paper twice?
the station which ho held.
We had written the proceeding account of the
Monday abolition disorder in the house, when
we understood that Mr. Wise had renewed the
The chair replied that it was not in its power to
sav whether those resolutions were the same or
not, until they were sent to the Chair for ex-
animation.
Mr. Wise replied, that the gentleman from
the abolitionists, to accomplish the purpose of
their leader, the defeat of Mr: Van Buren.—
Availing themselves of the same topics, they
endeavor to convince the people of the South)
that their dearest and most valuable rights can
not be held in safety, if the executive power ot
tlie federal government be confided to anv but
a southern man. In this way . do the nullifiers
make use ol the abolitionists in executing the
scene for Tuesday. As it was generally be-! ..... .,,og .cj.nuu, umi uk; gcuucumu irum - -- - — - t
lieved, that the object of the nullifiers and abo- ; Maine could not make that point of order until l )U| pose of their leader, the election of a sof 1,1
litionists, was to get up excitement, and etnbar- j he knew whether the paper was the same or not ern man or * bc dissolution of theFederal l nu i
rass the business of the house, and that this
would be promoted by its taking cognizance of
the contempt offered it. in tlie insult to the speak
er on his way to his room, in tlie discharge of
his duty, there seems to have been a tacit un-
derstanding among the members, that no notice
should be taken of the affair by the body.—
j It was contemplated, that some yerv important
Without the advantage thus derived from tho
of th e
but he would answer the gentleman’s inquiry by ... .
readingthe paper itself. * * . northern incendiaries, this southern faction w° l!
Mr.°W. then preceded with the reading of liave no means of inflaming the passions ofthe
the resolutions, and on concluding remarked that P eo I’ lo; so P ros P erous and {,a PP. v a »e they, uu*
he done his duty by submitting them to the House dcr thc administration of Andrew Jackson,
but he should not present them to be carried to ! In this game, the abolitionists are far jr° ia
the Select Commttee. j being losers; for they in their turn make at loa ? -
Upon this precedent of Mr. Wise-, it is obvious i as much use o/ the nullifiers.