Newspaper Page Text
raa&it<
terary enough. One grumbles because the ad-
vertiseraertts engross too much room—another
complains that the paper is too large, he cant
find time to read it all. One wants die type so
small that n microscope would be indispcnsible
in every family—another threatens to discon
tinue the paper unless the letters are lialfan inch
long. One old lady actually o do red to give an
additional price for a paper that should be print
ed with such types as are used for handbills, in
fact, every subscriber has a plan ol bis own for
conducting a journal, and the labor of Sy si pints
was recreation when compared with that ot an
editor who undertakes to please a//.”—•.Aalion-
el Gazette.
PADDY and the LIVERPOOL ST.
In consequence of the epithet a ‘
having boon twice applied to the Irish,
number of the Liverpool Standard,
correspondent—who seems to be in a
and accurate to the aim, as the best of the com- j abolitionists, who, with such a government as
mon construction. J ours, with such a population, and with such re-
We are informed that Mr. Colt has already lntionsof society, coaid hope to propagate their
obtained a charter from the New Jersey Legisla- j miserable delusions? VV hat must oe thought of
turn, and‘is about to organise a joint stock com. j their wickedness, as well as their total destitu-
pany; with a capital of $300,000
pose of manufacturing rides and
private use and that in a few months
will be in the market.—Washington Globe
CONGRESS.
| and who and what were they? Boys from the
cloisters of a college, ignorant of the form and
! spirit of our free institutions, and unaoquainted
| with the state of society their blinded and ill-
i directed philanthropy would intermeddle with;
; bigoted priests, forgetting their sacred calling
ing passion—lias addressed the foiiowin
cnoicc
low set”
iu a late
an Irish
thunder-
letter
in his
con-
iytelli'C-
to the editor. lie is not very
terms, nor ceremonious in the
them; but as the individual to whom Ins letter is
dedicated is a match for any man Ijving in this
lino, wo have not deemed it necessary to quali
fy Mr. Whack’s phraseology. [Ed. Mercury.
To the Hedithnr of the Liverpool Standard.
Arrah, bad luck t’ vez! and long life to wear
it, you consulted baste of a hedilhai! I’m tould
you’ve been nfthcr calling my counthrymen a
low' skt, in your blackguard paper, 3 on imp
of the devil, you! A low sot! If it’s low in
pocket j'ou mane, may bo it’s the thruth you're
spakin’, by way of a novelty jist. II ad cess to
the mimics of ould Ireland—that made her
poor, and keeps us the same! No wondher if
Paddy’s low m pocket; Lut if you mane that
he's low in spirit, by this and by that, you big
blackguard, I’ll make you icq int of that same,
you snakin’ ould tief o’ the tvorid you!
A low set, och bone! By the powers of Moll
Kelly, that bates Banngher, and Banaghcr
bates the devil! A low set! a low sc:! Why,
you ignorant gomrr.ach! did you never know
till I'm tellin you now,that the blessed Sr. Pat
rick—good luck to him!—that kilt all the var
mint in Ireland, was an Irishman? Oeh! but if
ihe Saint had donqthat same in England, jcu
would not now be here ballyragin’ mv court-
thrymen, you seoof of the earili! May bo you
niver hard the song—
Sr. Patrick was aga:t!i man, and came o' dacoiit pajde.
A low set—you big blackguard! A low set
—not half so low as you#self and your som-
IN SENATE,
March 7, 183-3.
The petition of the Society of Friends of Lan-j and the service of their God, regardless ol that
caster county, Pennsylvania, for tbe abolish-. holy religion xvhoseleading principles were peace
mont of slavery in the District of Columbia, j and good will among men, would introduce dis-
bciug under consideration— ■ content, discord, and oven rebellion, whore there
MIL CimiCERT observed, that the indis- j Was contentment, happiness and peace; others,
position under which ho labored, ns well as the j ol 1110 vain, ambitious and restless, who,
extreme length to which this discussion had scious of thi
,hcen earned, would mako him prefer, if he ; ^al powers which alone are truly calculated to
. could think it proper to do so, to avoid address- , elevate the individual, seek to rise into conse-
hcation of j in , r ?he scnate (m thi3 occas j on . At best he j fiance by the aid of a p-.pulir delusion. W hat
! should be able to speak but briefly, and with his ; wastlie leader ol ail these? \\ ho, and what was
| usual difficulty, and lie should incur no risk,! he? Mad he been marked out by the Almighty,
havin'*- unuc- ant l gifted withtho.se great and powerful intellec-
This certainly j tua * qualities with which Providence endows
individual, he : fl l0su who aro to accomplish great revolutions?
:e could be so i He bod never beard that this individual ever
he should only be criminal to the deepest in’1 possessed any such attributes. Ho was not a
terests and feelings of the people he represent-! Wilber force, to draw with him the feelings and
c;!. He should, therefore, on a few points which opinions of a nation in favor of universal email-
appeared to bo the most important, express the
opinions lie had formed; and hero let him be
understood in making a clear and uniform dis
tinction, in all that ho might snv, between those
who lead, and these who follow*—between those
who, under the influence of vanity and a crimi
nal ambition, had meditated and attempted the
wildest and most dangerous projects, and those
ic
I therefore, of being charged with
| cossariiv protracted the debate.
I was a subject on w hich, as ari
I could not i'eel indifferent; and if
cipatioo. Here, Mr. C. said, he would observe
that if Wiiborforce had been an American, he
would have been an anii-aboliti nisi; he would
never nave sought to alter such a state of socie
ty as exists iu the slaveholding States, and never
would have incurred the risk of producing such
fearful evils in a population vvheie there was so
little that required amelioration. Was there
philanthropy, may yet recover their sober and
stead;/ judgment, lie hoped, nay, he felt con
fident that they would recover from their delu
sions.
Do 1, said Mr. G. feel any apprehensions of a
I do not, said
ft.!*
be
any
maghanes! A low set—oc!
bates the vror'd! I’d make a
I’d buy you at my salvation,
you own! A low set!—you mi
ocn, your consult
;ood bargain, it'
md sell you at
iravint! voti've
the impudence of a highwayman’s horse! A
low set!—jou baste! Did you ever clap your
eyes upon Dan O’Connell? There’s a man for
you! May be Dan’s one of the low set? If
j’ou saj r that word, by the powers of Moll Kel
ly but my alpeen shall thump your thick head
to smithereens, you dirty traythur, you! Dan
one of the low set set! Why, Dun—more
grace to his elbow!—stands six feet in his stock
ings; and if he hadn't an oath in heaven, it’s
himself that would show you how they break
heads at Donnyrouk Fair, you slandherous
vagabone!
May be I’m one of the low set myself, as I’m
an Irishman—and so was my mother before mo,
God rest her sou l!—but by the piper that play
ed before Moses, if yon Vo afiher callia’ her ane
of the low set, I’ll give you a batin’ tbrat Will
make j r ou wish yourself at the devil before voOr
time.
I’m tould your name’s Alexanthur; but by
the powers of Moll Kelly, if you was bigger
nor Alexanthur the Grate, the Emperor of the
Haythen Romans, I’ll brake your head into
three halves, if you repate your slandher: sd
keep your tongue in your jaw, and your toe in
your puntp, and it'll bo all the better for you.
I’m tould Vo’ro a Scotchman, an’ is it lor the
iikes of you to bo callin’ the Irish a low set,
you thrailor, when it was the blessed St. Pat
rick himself that peopled all Scotland wid his
own hand, you ungrateful Judas!
I’m tould you’ve a mighty convayuient back
door or intrancc out of your hedithur’s room,
in case of a scrimagr; but if you don’t keep a
dacent tung in your head about my counthrv-
men, by the Hill o’ Ilowih—an’ that’s a big
-oath—I’ll bo in your Sanclhum Sancihorum
belbro my mother’s son—ar.d that’s myself—is
mitch older; an’ tare-an-ouns, but I’ll show you
how they bate a coat in Montngban, with the
man in it, you spiteful devil you! I hope 1
shan’t be afiher gettin’ in the wrong box, as cue
of the clargv did t’other day, as I mane to brake
ivory head l find on the premises, masiher an’
man—an’ small blame to me for that same, nf-
ther the affront you pi t upon my counthrv men,
you libellous ould sarpint, you!
In charity, I’ll hope you wuz dlirunk, whin
you had the impidonee to call my ccunthrymcn
a low set. They say you’re fond of a dlirop
o’ die craythur whin 3011 git it on the sly, an’
that’s die only good I iver hard iriny man say of
ye. I’m tould you wur as dlirunk as a fiddler
at tho Newton Consarvatif Dinner; an’ they
say that, though you’re always ballyragin’ the
Catholics, you Ilaythcn infidel! you'd go to
ina«s ivery day yirself, ifho!y wather wuz whis
key.
But I Ini’done wid ye for the present writin’,
you slandherous foniinihur of continfion an’
sthrife. Tho sole o’ my foot an’ the back o’
my hand t’ ye. See if I don't take the consnit
out o’ you, whiniver you come widlhin the raieh
of my Ocj-
Noiy Rany.—If l’J put my rale name—Pad
dy Whack—to this lull her, you or your mas-
thers might bo afiher bindin’ me over to keep
the peace; but I’m not so soft all out as that;
so l'vo only put my first mark to the same,
which I’m tou!H isn’t good in law: and so “bad
scan to you,” for your thratementof my conn-
th ry men!
Improvement in Fire arms.—A Mr. Colt of
Connecticut, has exhibited in this city, a ncw lv
invented rifle and pistol, of admirable construc
tion. The chamber.contains tubes for several
charges of powder and ball; it may be made to
contain from 0 to 10. In cocking tho gun to
shoot, the chamber revolves on an axis, and
brings in succession every tube in tho chamber
inline with that ofthe barrel; and when dis
charged, the act of cocking brings the next tube
into position, until all are discharged. All the
tubes may be recharged as quickly as a single
gun of the ordinary structure. This new un-
piemant of War, has Keen shown to the Pres
ident, the Secretary of War, and cf the Navy,
many officers ofbotli the Army and Navy, and
is considered tl.omost efficient instrument'ofthc
kind ever invented. We mad
well disposed persons who, misled by a mistaken j any one who supposed that an enlightened states.
■ man, possessing tho talents, tho general intelli
gence, the enlarged and liberal views of society
and of the principles of government Wilber-
force did, would cherish for a moment the wild
and visionary schemes of these abolitionists?
hingerous increase, and wide spread prevalence ' ^ a? there any man on that floor, whether from
the north or from the south, who avowed him-
| seif an abolitionist? If there was, Let him speak.
There was none then—not one. Here was an
: answer lo the abolitionists. There w r as not one
man on that floor who avowed himself a fol
lower of this pitiful mockery cf English philan
thropy.
if our government and the connections ofour
1 society and government were such as he had
: described them, and as every gentleman be
lieved them to be; if their influence was felt ns
he had supposed throughout the country, (and
to doubt that they were so felt, would be to
j doubt that ours was a thinking and sagacious
people) if such was the character of the Aineri-
can people who had uniformly expressed their
of the,spirit of abolition?
I would belie my own judgment, i
serious disturbance on this subject. Why am
I, said he, insensible to those tenors? For this
plain and obvious reason, that the spirit of abo
lition was not an American spirit; it was trans
plant! d from a foreign soil; it belonged not here,
and was a base mockery of what had passed in
another country, whose relations to their slave
population were not on!v r not similar to ours,
but stood in absolute contrast with them. Has
this spirit, said Mr. C. grown among ourselves?
has it originated on this side of the Atlantic, or
has it been caught by contagion from England?
It was caught by contagion certainly, for it had
nothing proper to American growth, nothing
congenial witn American feelings, and was 1 detestation of the plans of the abolitionists, then
wholly foreign and unsuited to the genius ofour him sav, that so far from being influenced by
iieople. Then if it came across tho Atlantic, if an > T ’errors arising from the events of the last
ficiently showed that the black portion of its Mr. Clay made a few remarks in explanation,
population would never be suffered to increase, called for bv some part of the remarks of the
1 pronounce, said Mr. C. that there isastron- senator from South Carolina,
ger natural horror arid aversion for the black The question was then taken on the motion
race m the north than in the south. Whar,' of Mr. Calhoun, “shall the petition be received?”
Bnchanan,
of III.,
how would they admit the vast number that j Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Grundy, Hen.
will beset at large by the plan of emancipation? | dricks, Hill, Hubbard, Kent, King of Ala.,
And if they would not admit them, were they : King of Ga., Knight, Linn, M‘Kean, Morris,
to be caged up with the people of the south for ; Naudain, Niles, Prentiss, Robbins, Robinson,
mutual massacre and destiuction? No; the in. j Ruggles, Shepley, Southard,Swift, Tullmadge,
evitable consequences of emancipation so readi-1 Tipton, Tomlinson, Wall, Webster, Wright.—
it had no kindred feeling here, was there any I y car > his confidence in the stability of the Union,
reason to apprehend that it would ever take a 1 ail, d !a the permanency of our free institutions
firm loot in our soil? I le felt assured not. The j had been strengthened. No man who had
colonies of England where abolition took place, 1 attentively observed the progress for years of
were all governed with as absolute a sway bv j certain doctrines, but must have come to the
the mother countrj’, as the slaves in this coun- ( conclusion, that strenuous ant] persevering
try were ruled by their masters. They had no j attempts would be made for the emancipation of
privilege of self-government; they had not even j the African race in this country. He believed
the privilege of interposing their advice when r every gentleman knew this, and the only ques-
the mother country was about to fake from j I' 00 u ' u3 > would or would not the American peo-
thggj their property; their fate was absolutely; P’° encourage such attempts? Did they cneour-
derenpined by the will of the root her country, j °S° them? ?\ T n. Was saying that they dis.
and they could not even raise a voice of their con raged them, using sufficiently strong a
term? Every where these attempts had been
met by the most decided opposition—every
own, to delay the evils which that government
was about to inflict upon them. And what then
was the character of the white population of tho ! whore they had encountered the universal scorn
West India islands? Had these people ever any
fixed character? Tiio owners of property in
the West Indies were not even, a majority* of
them, residents there. A few luxurious feeble
slaveholders resided in the mother country;
these Were represented in the islands by their
and detestation of the community, and the feel
ing with which this spirit of abolition had been
met, bad "of itself been sufficient to kindle
: and strengthen tho spirit of American patriot
ism. And was patriotism a more word to flatter
tho people, or to adorn a speech with rhetorical
agents; also a small number sent from Europe flourishes? No. It was a holy feeling, spring-
to manage the business of those non-residents, * r, 3 from the purest and noblest principles of
where government was well
i double force lo every social
with rbe tffto pistol*, ami found \\ as ?
and there being no inspection of society there, our nature, am.
they led depraved and licentious lives, destined ; undcretood, gav
to a short period. The whole desire of the virtue,
owners residing in the mother country, was to j Our people have evinced that patriotism in re-
exacl as much as possible from their estates in | listing with energy and success that wide spread
the colonies for tho maintenance of their Iuxu- and wild spirit of fanaticism which threatened
tics at home, and their vast possessions m the ; lo produce jealousies and heart-burnings in a
islands were managed by the agents, solely with united and happy country; and so far from the
a view to their selfish interests. Was this the events of the past year having tended to weak-
relative condition of the white and black popu- ' cn the bonds of this Union, they were only cul-
lation in the southern States? and was such a ciliated to show its durability and its strength,
state of society as he had described to be found j As tho lofty pi no on the mountains becomes
in them? Why-, every gentleman’s good sense more firmly rooted ns it is shaken by the tern-
revolted at tho comparison. Our States were ; rest, so had the love for this Union taken deep-
actual sovereignties, combined together into one 1 er root in our hearts. As we watch over the
great republic. Here then was the difference ! infant sleeping in our arms, it conies nearer
between this country and the British colonies, j and dearer to our hearts, so was this Union
Tho question as to cm mcipation was not the j more deeply rooted in our affections, the more
same with us, as with them; it was not only not I it was cherished. Yes, ho felt with his friend
I from Alabama (Mr. King) how kindly 1 hey
were treated by their northern fellow-citizens,
j They did not, said Mr. C. coldly do their duty
to us as signified by tho terms of the constitu-
similar, but in direct contradiction to it.
These several State governments noion!}' ad
ministered all their own internal concerns bv
their own laws, but all the other State govern
ments were in no manner permitted to interfere
with them. They watched over tho peculiar
safety and Interests of their own citizens, and
were r.c*t to bo regarded, not even to bo looked
tion. With a warm affection for their southern
brethren, they rushed to their aid; w ith a strong
and willing indignation, they rebuked the spirit
of discord and mischief; and with a generous
at by the governments of their sister States.— j zeal put themselves in hostile array against those
Here then, was a strong reason why we ought j wo have a right to term our enemies. They
not to feel any apprehensions of the progress of, had, said Mr. C. done us full justice, and that
the spirit of abolition. A state of society, such justice was given with a promptitude and
as he had described in England and her colonies,
existed not here. We had a numerous, active,
and spirited population, advancing every mo
ment in all that belonged to morals and intelli
gence—a population, in which genera! educa
tion was an actual passion; in which to enlighten
the people was a principal care. All tiiat could
dignify, all that could strengthen, all that could
warmth of feeling, truly consistent with the A-
merican character.
There was one principle which had not been
recognized in the course of this discussion, and
which gave him greater confidence in the strength
ofour institutions. It was this: although this do-
bate had beeu protracted to an unusual degree,
and accompanied with all that energy which
adorn human nature was here found; it was j belonged to the American character, yet, with
native, and not of today, but came to us through j a spirit of conciliation and harmony not to be
a series of generations. And second to that! found in any other legislative body in the worid,
state of society, the relations subsisting between j they all concurred in 'he desire to accomplish
masters and slaves had for n scries of years one object, differing only as to the manner ol
been approaching to that stato of perfection accomplishing it; and tho result was, that,
which had never before been exhibited in any j throughout the country, there was a strong par-
slaveholding country. Could any one suppose i ty formed in favor of all that was good against
that a population such as this could bo disturbed [ tiiat which was evil, and a powerful influence
by tnc ill-directed efforts ol a parcel of misera- i was now operating against these miserable fann-
b!o deluded fanatics? No change in their situs- j ties for the safety of our institutions. There is
lion could be made without actual ruiu, without! another additional point of strength, said Mr.
actual extermination. Iloncc the gloomy and ! C. in our position, which would soon become
alarming picture drawn by his friend from j well known to 1 he mass of the people of ihe U-
bouth Carolina, (Mr. Preston,) a picture which ( nited States. It was tiiat these liberated blacks
owed the darkness of its colors to tho strength j (should tho abolitionists succeed in their projects)
of his own imagination; a picture which was
designed from the regions of romance, and not
tiom sober rcalitj*, had no terrors for them; one
glance at a brighter prospect, and truth owning
its sway, they wore freed from tho melancholy
presentiments hut momentarily indulged. Then
an experiment
wircin fin res j'wlfirt wtr? to !>c tljouglit of tiro falfv of tfto&r
would find no spot on which to rest a foot in
tliis widely expanded Union. Would they find
it in New York? Let the events of the last
season speak. Would they find it in friendly
Philadelphia? No. Tho tumultuous assem
blages in that city, the well known state of popu-
far i?t'fii7g'5 tlrcro. m evinced itch; long ago. suf-
ly presented to the view showed the absurdity
and impossibility of the scheme, and that it never
could gain strength or durability among a re
flecting and reasoning people.
He would say one word as to the two propo
sitions before the senate for the disposal of the
memorial; the one not to receive the memorial
at all, and the other to receive it, and then
reject its prayer. lie should separate himself,
in the vote he should give with regard to the
first, from friends with whom ho had acted;
friends they were; and when he spoke of the
sincerity and purity of their course in that body,
he did not speak vain words. He knew that
they were influenced by a sincere and honest
conviction that the pressing of the first motion
was not for the public good; but his judgment
differed from theirs, and he believed it to be his
duty to support the first motion, though he held
that belief with great diffidence, because he saw
the whole force of the reasons which gentlemen
urged against it.
Of the two propositions before the senate, he
felt himself compelled to vote for that which was
the strongest in opposition to the memorial.—
He had found no constitutional reasons for op
posing this measure, no well founded objections
under a proper construction of the constitution,
to giving this vote, such as his friends believed;
it did not appear to him to be violating that part
of the constitution, which secured the right of
the people peaceably to assemble, and petition
for a redress of grievances. The first step,
with regard to the right of petition, it was not
pretended, had been prevented. The people
had assembled without let or hindrance, and
had petitioned. The question then was, how
this vote would affect the second part of the
right of petition, and how fur the petition was
fora redress of grievances. With respect to
the latter, it was not pretended hv any one,
that slavery in tho District of Columbia was
a gi ievar.ee, of which the petitioners had a right
to complain; and as to the first, the petitioners
had a hearing, and their petition had been fully
discussed. The member who introduces a pe-
lition, states the substance of it, and any mem
ber may demand that it shall bo read. Then
what was denied to the petitioner? Was lie in-
dignantly refused a hearing? By no means.—
The motion applied not to the petitioners them
selves, but to tho substance of their petition.
You make, said Mr. C-, the most prompt and
decided objection to the prayer of the petition
which the rules of the body permit, and you do
it with a due regard to the feelings of those who
presented it. You say to them no more than a
kind and indulgent parent 1ms a right to say to
his own child: that their request is so unrea
sonable, tiiat the granting of it would be pro.
ductive of so much mischief to themselves, as
well as to others, that it could not for a moment
be listened to. Was this unkind, or language
unbecoming a parent addressing his child?—
Your purpose, said Mr. C., is to warn them in
tlie most decided terms, that to persevere would
bring ruin on themselves, as well as produce
the most fearful evils; and you entreat them to
abandon a course destructive of the best inter
ests of the political family, without producing
the least good to themselves or to those for whom
their sympathies were excited.
The rule, said Mr. C., under which this mo
tion was made, was founded on the constitution
itself; and so far from determining that you shall
receive a petition, it made the first question to
determine whether it shall or shall not be re
ceived. What, then, was their duty? It is a
dutj’, said Mr. C., which we owe to oursdve9,
to those whom we represent, and to the peti
tioners, to express what we know to be tbe de
termination of the whole southern people on the
subject, in the most decided and most intelligi
ble form. Should the petitioners not know this,
they might be led into a course of perseverance
pioductive of great and continued excitement;
and what might now be resisted by quick and
decided action, might hereafter bo more difficult
to quell, and not to be put down but by a heat-
36.
Nays.—Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Cuthbert,
Leigh, Moore, Nicholas, Preston, Porter, Walk-
eit White.—10.
The question being next on the motion of Mr.
Buchanan, to reject the prayer of the petition.
Mr. Clay made some remarks on the motion,
and concluded by moving to amend it by adding
to it—
For the senate, without now affirming or de
nying the constitutional power of congress to
grant the prayer of the petition, believes, even
supposing the power uncontested, which it is
not, that the exercise of tt would be inexpedi
ent:
1st. Because the people of the District ol
Columbia have not themselves petitioned for the
abolition of slavery within the District.
2d. Because the States of Virginia and
Maryland would be injuriously affected by such
n measure whilst the institution of slavery con-
tinucs to subsist within their respective jurisdic
tions, and neither of these States would proba
bly have ceded to the United States the territo
ry now forming the District it it had anticipated
the adoption of any such measure without clear
ly and expressly guarding against it. And,
3d. Because the injury which would be in
flicted by exciting alarm and apprehension in
the Statestolerating slavery, and by disturbing
the harmony between them and tho other mem
bers of the confederacy, would far exceed any
practical benefit which could possibly flow from
the abolition of slavery within the District
Mr. Porter wished more time to reflect, and
moved to lay the motion on the table, but with
drew it at the instance of Mr. Buchanan.
Mr. Buchanan then addressed the senate in
defence of his motion, as it originally stood.
Mr. Preston said there may be other reasons;
he had some which were stronger than those as-
signed, and he should vote againt these, which
contained a negative pregnant, looking to a state
of things when congress could act on the sub-
ject.
Mr. Porter said one of his reasons for wish
ing to lay on the table the amendment was, that
he might examine them, and ascertain if such
reasons as would bo satisfactory to him, so as
to command his vote, could be assigned. He
renewed his motion, and again withdrew it
when
Mr. Clay stated that be had no objection to
let the amendment lie for further examination.
After a few words from Mr. Cuthbert,
On motion of Mr. Morris, the senate adjourn
ed.
“THE SOUTH’’—“THE NORTH.”
There is nothing more irresistiblyamusingthan
to sec the organs of whiggery gravely holding
up to their admiring retainers, the little knot of
nullifiers and While wigs iu congress ns the
“whole south,” and their mad-cnp actings and
doings in that body, as “the voice of the south,”
&c. &c. There are in congress from the
southern States nine-eight representatives and
twenty senators—about twenty-three of the
former and about five or six of the latter are
nullifiers and White wigs—making all together,
say twenty.nine out of the one hundred and
eighteen senators and representatives—and
these constitute the “whole south.” Let them
pursue any course, no matter how preposterous,
or how much at war with the views and feelings
of an overwhelming majority of the representa
lives from the south, and straitway we hear that
course spoken of as indicative alone of the
views of “the south”—“the stand taken by the
south,” &c. &e. Thus have they spoken par
ticularly of the late effort of this small, but
noisy minority, to play into the hands of the
northern abolitionists, by attempting to place
within their grasp the tremendous argument
against us, that “the whole south” wished to
destroy the constitutional right of petition.—
Their cry has been “the south” demands the
rejection, not of the prayer but .the petition of
ed and protracted debate, shaking the very } the abolitionists, when in fact an overwhelming
foundations of this republic. We tell these pe.: majority of the people of the south and their
titioners, said ho, that the subject is one of such : representatives in congress demand no such
delicacy, tiiat its agitafion was so dangerous, : thing. The crazy demands of a few, who have
that they shall not even touch it. Was not this long since lost all respect for the constitution
the feeling of the whole senate? and if so, was j and laws of the country, are thus attempted to
is not their right and their duty to tell the peti- I be substituted for “the voice ofthc south,” evi-
tioncis so, that they might at or.ee be induced to dently for the purpose of enabling the northern
abandon their designs? j abolitionists to wield the argument against us,
The whole senate felt confident that the peo- i on false, if they are unable to do so on just
pie of this country would not give countenance grounds. Nor are the abolitionists a whit be.
lo the projects of these abolitionists, and there- i hind them m playing at this game of deception
fore in refusing to receive the petition they j and agitation. They, too, when using the ultras
would be acting in accordance with the senti- ; of the south, in their appeals to the passions and
ments of the majority. There was one delicate prejudices of the northern people in behalf of
point in this question which they must meet face : their wretched scheme of abolition, always
to face. There was a project entertained by characterise them and their views as “the peo-
mnny good men to touch this subject as it re.; pic of the south”—“the arrogant demands of
garded the District of Columbia, and some gen- ' the south,” &c. &c. With the southern agita-
tlcmen were obliged lo acknowledge it; and ho tor a little handle! of despised, proscribed, and
told them, and told them in good lime, that to hunted fanatics are the “whole north”—and
touch this subject here, was to touch it in the with this same band of northern outlaws, the
southern States. The people of the south handful of agitators at the south, constitute “the
would regard such legislation as tho breach whole south.” If either of these factions did in
through which their invaders would march to truth constitute either the south or the north, we
spread ruin, devastation and blood over their ; would then indeed tremble for “the land of the
country. He called on gentlemen then to check free and the home of the brave.” But so long
this spirit, which would lead to wo and disaster. 1 as the good sense of the people enables ihem to
f tell them, said he, to warn their people not to ; maintain their present position, in reference to
approach this subject. In t!jo singular struc- | those who would on the one hand send abroad
lure of ihe human mind, the firmest convictions the lighted torch of the midnight assassin, and
might rest on erroneous foundations; and it be-: those who claim on the other the right of “peaee-
camc not one situated aahe was to predict with j able and constitutional resistance” to the con-
certainty that it was impossible that the spirit stituted authorities of the land, we shall feel an
of abolition should ever be prevalent in this abiding confidence in the “capacity of the pco-
c>untry. He now believed that it never could; i pie for self government.”—Southern Banner.
but as there seemed, in the estimation of many, j
to be some danger of it, he warned gentlemen of The lead mine at Rossie proves to be very
the necessity of adopting such measures ns rich in quality, and to appearances inexhausti-
would effectually-put down this spirit while there j ble. We are informed, says the Ogdcnsburgh
was yet lime.
March 9, 1836.
The consideration of the petition of the so-
cicty of friends in Philadelphia, on the subject
of the abolition of slavery in the District of Co-
lumbin, was resumed.
The question being on the motion “that the
petition be not reoeived”—
Mr. Calhoun addressed the senate in reply to
wbal had fallen from other sen atorson the subreef.
Times, that with the labor of four or five men
about three weeks, an amount of three hundred
tons of ore or thereabouts, has been uncovered,
which will yield from sixty-five to seventy-five
per cent, pure lead. The vein stretches across
one of the hills about two miles from the village
of Rossie, being from one and a half to three
wide on tho surface, and appearances indicate
that it extends to a great depth.—Albany
Journal.
"‘Tistheatar-spangled banner,oh, long may it wave
"O’er the land of the free and the home of the brave.”
FEDERAL UNION.
WM.EDCEVILLE, MARCH 15. in,.
MARTIN VAN BUREN,
FOR PRESIDENT.
R. M. JOHNSON,
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
THE REPUBLICAN HERALD Wo
have refrained from noticing this new enemy of
the Union party, under reluctance to assail 'that
establishment in its infancy, arid believing that
the reprobation of its disingenuous course, ex.
pressed by several of ;he Union fiVesses of tho
State, would be sufficient to guard the party a.
gainst its insidious character. But the follow,
ing gross remarks of the Herald, which huvo
been republished with pleasure by the Augusta
Chronicle, forbid our longer silence.
The lletaid.—Wo mako the following extract from tho
Herald, a Union pnper recently published in Columbu* It
seems that the great ami unpardonable offence, which has
invoked the ire of the Union Editors is, that ihe Herald pre
fers. the cause of his country to that of Mr. Van Bnren
“We arc gratified however, to discover that this ranting
abuse comes only from what are called Troup Union Editor “
a class of gentry who are not only deserters from their party
but from the principles they had long avowed. Being thea-
selves deserters, they are naturally inclined to he suspicious
of others, r rom such, we expert not moderation; for it is
a rnrioos fact in the history of mankind, that a rogue is al
ways most vociferous in his dennneiations against dishon
esty.
“We have looked ip. vain, through all they have been
pleased to say of us, for a single argument in favor of their
own course, or against that which the ‘Herald’ designs to
pursue.”
We will not. by longer silence, permit tbe im-
pression to exist, that the course of tbe Herald
is disapproved only bv Troup Union men.
We have no personal acquaintance with the.
editors of the Herald; but from the tenor of
their editorials, wc believe them to be nullifiors
in disguise. If they shall succeed in their ef.
flirts, they will accomplish the total overthrow
of the Union party, and achieve for our enemies a
victory which they have not been able to obtain
by open opposition; and which they cannot ef
fect, unless by the blind and fatal obstinacy, or
the treachery of those who profess to be mem
bers of the Union party.
The editorials of the Herald arc directed to
three points; to show, 1st, that the Troup Union
men are selfish and dishonest politicians, whoso
only object is, to gain office; and that they
ought to be driven out of the Union party; 2nd,
that Mr. Van Burcn has been forced on the U-
nion party, as its candidate for the presidency,
by the arbitrary dictation of a few of its lead
ers; 3rd, that Mr. Van Buren is a man devoid
of principle and ought not to bo supported for
the presidency.
From our earliest knowledge of the political
divisions of the State, and long, perhaps, before
the editors of the Herald were able to crawl in
to the field, we resisted the endearing and pow
erful influences of private friendship, wc stifled
the more urgent claims of natural affection, to
cast ourselves
“On the periloua edge of battle, where mo*t it raged,”
under the banners of the Clark party, then in a
minority; because we believed that it was con
tending for the principles of Liberty, and of
Union. But when the fury of nullification,
with its infernal blasts, was sweeping like a hur
ricane over our land; when a large proportion
of the Troup party, catching the madness of
the demon, were conspiring, with enthusiastic
zeal, to overthrow those admirable institutions,
which have secured the peace, and liberty, and
prosperity of our country, we saw a pure and
patriot band, with heroic self-command bursting
the strong chains which had bound them to their
ancient comrades; with firm and resolute step
seceding from the body of the Troup, now tho
nullifying party; and with a generous devotion
to the Federal Union, equalling the ardor of
our hearts, gallantly rushing forward to aid us
in the rescue. Ancient animosities .were im
mediately extinguished in the glowing patriot
ism which reigned in our hearts; every true pa-
triot clasped to his bosom, those whom he bo-
lieved to be the friends of his country- A new
party was thus formed, embracing within it3
pale, all who were determined to preserve tho
Federal Union, and feeling a peculiar attach
ment to that extraordinary man at the head of
the federal government, distinguished no less
for his wisdom and patriotism, than for his firm
ness and energy, who so signally crushed tho
rising insurrection and incipient disunion in
South Carolina. In this patriot band, were tho
most prominent members of the former Troup
party, Forsyth, and Cuthbert, and Cumming,
and Bulloch, and Wayne, and many other most
respected and influential names. If attainment
of office had been the object of these men, it
was only necessary for them to retain their con
nection with the Troup party. That party, al
ready in the ascendancy, was farther strength
ened by the defection from the Clark party, of
some hundreds, perhaps thousands of its former
members, now become nullifiers. At the head
of a triumphant party, offices within their grasp
might have tempted their ambition. But with
a noble self-denial, those of them who desired
office (and many did not) cast from them tho
selfish advantages of their former position, to
take sucli stations as the necessities of thei*
country, and the generosity of the Clark Union
men, who formed a majority of the new party,
should assign to them. And if the Clark Union
men, rising superior to unworthy personal jeal
ousies, have called to high office, many of their
new associates in this sacred cause, to the latter
this is not a subject for just approach, while it
gives strong proof of the moderation and vir
tue of the former.
Wc hesitate not to pronounce the remarks of
the Herald, a foul libel on those members of the
Union party, who are designated as Troup U-
nion men.
The Herald labours to produce a breach be
tween the Clark Union men, and the Troup U-
nion men; and to drive the latter from the Union
party. The effect of this policy, should it suc
ceed, is clear as the light of the sun at noon
day. The Clark party was in the minority,
when the demon of nullification invaded us from
the neighboring State. By the defection of
nullifiers from their ancient ranks, it wa»
reduced to a still smaller minority. How then
have they attained numbers sufficient to triumph
in the elections for tho last twoyears? By their