Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

COXGSESS. IN SENATE, March 10, 1836. SPECIAL ORDER. The unfinished business was then taken up, beiug the petition of tiie Society of Friends, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia— tire question being on Mr. Clayton’s motion to amend the motion of Mr. Buchanan, to reject the prayer of the petition. Mr. Po rter moved yesterday, to lay the mo- tioa of the senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) on the table, in order that he might have time for reflection. While that motion was pending, on motion of the senator from Ohio, (Mr. Mor ris,) the senate adjourned, which fully embraced the object of his (Mr. P.’s) motion. He was anxious to pursue that course best calculated to accomplish the object. He had reflected last Right upon the matter, anti had come to the con clusion tliat^t was better hr the southern sena tors to vote for the naked proposition of the senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanan.)—j fore conjured the senator from Virginia, (Mr. | Without additional reasons being assigned, be | Leigh) to withdraw his amendment also. The thought it better not to go for the proposition o 1 vote on the motion of the senator from Pennsvl- ! power by the clause in the constitution providing ; amendment was under consideration he had a that private property shall not be taken for j curiosity to know whether the President desired public use, without just compensation, showing ; the appropriation or not, that he conversed that to abolish property was not for “public j with a colleague sitting near him, and neither use.” Mr. L. deprecated the doctrines ad-j of them knowing, he asked another ofhiscol- vanccd bv Mr. Clay as to the evils of slavery,! leagues, then Chairman of the Committee of t rancec. ^ denying that slavery as it now existed was an ' ways and means, who told him the President evil, Such sentiments as the senator from did wish it, and added that he must say nothing Kentucky had avowed, were calculated to im- al/out if lie did say nothing about it till since pose, most grievously impose, on all those who i this discussion commenced during the present did not understand the subject. Mr. L., alter j session. With the motives for this request to sonic remarks at length, said he would be j to conceal I am not acquainted, therefore can willing to delay the question, so as to give 1 say nothing. - ’ further time for the consideration of the subject; j 5! but if the gentlemen would press it, bn must press his motion to call for the yeas and nays. 1 — Mr. Cuthborlsaid,the senator from Kentucky MR. VAN BL’REN.—The following is the lmd, in the plenitude of his frankness, yielded .correspondence published in the Richmond En- iiis amendment, for the purpose of enabling ! quirer to which we adverted in our last number, the senate to come to a final and united vote: ' No man is more decidedly opposed to the wicked and now, when by universal consent, the mo-1 designs of the abolitionists, than the vice-prcsi. ment was about to arrive to take that vote,! dent; and no other man is able to accomplish as another amendment was interposed. POLITICAL. propos the senator front Kentucky, (Mr. Clay.) There was such a contrariety of opinion in the senate as to the proper mode of disposing of tins ex citing subject, that the proposition of the senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanan) was the only one on which they could hope to get any thing like a united vote; and as the subject had been discussed so long, and the minds of sena tors made up, he believed the best thing they could now do, was to vote for the motion of the senator from Pennsylvania to reject the prayer of tie petition. Mr. Leigh moved to amend the amendment of Mr. Clay, by striking out all after the first word, and inserting the words “that in the opinion of the senate, congress has not the power to abolish slavery in the District of Co. iumbia.” Mr. Cuthbert said he thought that the sena tor from Kentucky would now perceive the danger of opening the discussion still more ex tensively by the motion he had made. If the gentleman, said Mr. C., will withdraw that mo tion, and allow us to take the question on the proposition of the senator from Pennsylvania, they would have an opportunity of giving a decisive vote, in which every member could unite. The gentleman from Kentucky must see that there was groat difference of oj inion with regard to his motion, and that it must draw with it the propositions equally calculated to bring on debate. Mr. Leigh observed that he had no desire to press the subject at present, much less a desire to produce agitation. He had directed every word and expression of his from the very com mencement, with the view of avoiding excite- ment; and it was with unspeakable pain that he felt himself constrained to offer the amendment, not so much on account of the proposition of liie senator from Kentucky, as of the argument by which it was accompanied. lie was willing that the whole subject should be laid over; he wished it particularly, as it was desirable that the most deliberate consideration should be given to it. If gentlemen would persist in now pressing the subject, he would persist in his amendment. Mr. Leigh inquired of the chair, (it having vania (Mr. Buchanan) would not preclude him (Mr. L.) from offering his amendment at any time after this vote was taken, if lie should feel it his duty to offer it. Mr. Leigh replied that he was called on to acton tins subject without.a moment’s delibera tion. He had warned the senate of the course he should bo compelled to lake, if this subject was pressed. If the senate would give him time to deliberate, he would pursue that course j which then seemed to him to he the best. Mr. L. then moved to lay the subject on the table, and called lor (he years and nays, but withdrew the motion at the request of Mr. Crittenden, who anticipated with confi dence that the senate would come to some unanimous vote. lie had reluctantly voted to receive this petition yesterday, with a view at all times of giving it tiie most decided rejection; and in doing so, he would desire to conform to the desires of the southern gentlemen. Ho hoped, however, that tho senator from Virginia (Mr. Leigh) would find it consistent with ins feelings and the interests of his constituents not to press the question of the constitutionality of this measure at this time. Mr. Brown was not willing, bv anv vote of his, to procrastinate this subject, and demanded the yeas and nays. Mr. King oi Alabama felt very desirous of giving the senator from Virginia an opportuni ty of giving as much time as might he necessa ry, to enable him to determine whether an im perious duty required him to press his motion. It was not his desire to hasten him into a de cision. lie suggested to ihe senator from \ irginia, that there were resolutions among the orders ol the senate, which had been proposed by his late colleague, (Mr. Tyler,) involving the very question proposed in his amendment.— These resolutions must come up before the He there- j much in strengthening and directing public sen timent against these miscreants. So fur from seeking the support of the abolitionists, as tho uullifiers prelend, this letter shows a settled, un compromising hostility to them. Richmond, March 5th, 1R3G. j Six—Your opinion on the slave question, in j relation to tiie States, is distinctly understood in j tho south, and perfectly satisfactory. But, rna- j ny of your friends are in doubt as to your real j sentiments on the District question. 1 take the i liberty, therefore, of requesting a candid avow- I al of your opinion on the constitutional rights of the inhabitants of the District of Columbia, i Do you mean to say, when you say that you i are “against the propriety of agitating theques- ion in the Disirict,” that congress has no pow er under the federal constitution to interfere with the slave question? Any reply which you may think proper to make, will find me here for tho next ten days. I am an administration , mail and a delegate from the county of Bruns wick. 1 have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, J. B. MALLORY. The Hen. Marlin Van Buren, Vice-Presi- • dent of the Uni fed States. 'Washington, filarch 11/A, 1830. Sir—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 5th instant, asking . my opinion as to the constitutional power of ! congress to interfere with tho subject of slave- i ry in the District of Columbia, and to send you j herewith, in reply thereto, a copy of a rorres- ! pop.denee between certain citizensof North Caro- ; iina and myself, on the same point. As some time may intervene before its pub- iication*there, you have my permission to hand the correspondence, forthwith, to ihe Editor of 1 the Enquirer, for publication in his paper. In ! the event of its being so published, l desire that 1 your letter tome, with this answer thereto, may | appear at the same time. j I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient senate, and the whole subject relating to the powers ol congress with regard to slavery in this ; servant, Dist rict, would hr* a fair matter for discussion. [Mr. King here read Mr. Tyler’s resolutions affirming that congress did not possess the power to abolish slavery in the District, and that the assumption of it would bo a breach of faith to- o. . - r ,, oir—A portion oi your fellow-citizens in MARTIN VAN BUREN. James Pt. Mallory, Esq. NORTH CAROLINA CORRESPONDENCE Ills Excellency Marlin Van Buren. been suggested that Mr. Clay, by withdrawing J ceded the ten miles square, and a violation of liis amendment eould defeat his substitute,) ifl the rights of private property.] T‘ this could bo done; and being answered in the from Virginia, Mr. K. said, voulc affirmative, said that he would, in that case, feel it his duty to offer his amendment as a new pro- wards the States of Virginia and Maryland, who I . . r , t^.i .u„ . „ :J ° _/»; tins section, feeling a deep anxiety as to your views on a topic which most vitally affects our ; immediate welfare and happiness, have thought proper to propound to you, the following inter- Thc senator ; 1 therefore perceive that delay was not desireable either' - ... . , ... a r rogatory, to which we wish an explicit answer to errablo him to carry out the instructions ot g-. J position. Mr. Clay said the amendment submitted by him, was offered with the best motives. lie could not assent that congress had no constitu tional power to legislate on the prayer of the petition. [Tc was ready to express his opinion j on that, as he was on all subjects. Tho first clause of his amendment was in reference to j feelings as it went against abolition, without i affirming any opinion as to tho constitutionality : of tho measure. The next, in the absence of; its constitutionality, recognised the inexpediency j of if. In the reasons assigned, the first was, that j the people of the District of Columbia bad not [ petitioned, and that, lie said, did not imply, that j if they had petitioned, their prayer would be I granted. Tho next reason offbrcJ, he thought, I ought to have been received by the senators! from the south with a very different feeling than i was evinced, which was, that the States of j his legislature, or to get the constitutional ques- , ^ ^ tion before the senate, as tho subject must come 1 ' up in the resolutions of his late colleague. Mr. Leigh renewed his motion to lay the sub ject on the table, and The question was taken, and decided as follows: A eas—Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Clay, Clay ton, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsboroagh, King of Alabama, Knight, Leigh, M‘Kpan, Moore, Naudain, Nicholas, Porter, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, and White—24. Nays—Messrs. Ber.ton, Brown, Buchanan, Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, Ilili, Hubbard, King of Georgia, Linn, Morris, Niles, Robison, Haggles, Shcplcy, Talhnage, Tipton, Walker, Wall, and Wright—20. l)o you, or d > you not believe that congress constitutional power, to interfere with or abolish slavery in the District of Columbia? The conspicuous situation in which your are i placed and the importance of a thorough kuowl- j edge of your views on this interesting topic, will, we hope, he sufficient apology for the li- i bertv wc have taken. JUNIUS AMIS, ISAAC HALL, JOHN WALL, C. YELLOWBY. SAML. P>. SPIRRILL. JAS. W. PUIZLNN. , Jackson, February 23, 1B3G. MARTIN VAN BUREN’S REPLY. Washington March Gth. 1830. Gkxtiaoiex—I have tho honor to acknowl- ' edge the receipt of your letter apprizing me of the deep anxiety which is felt by a portion of From the Richmond Enquirer. The Whig Candidate.—Judge White rarely your felloe-citizens, as to my views upon a to Maryland and Virginia would be injuriously j honors the Senate with a speech—and when he 1 j«c vitally affecting their immediate welfare and affected by it; and if they had anticipated it j does take the field, his eloquence ismisorably me- j happiness, and of the importance of their being they would not have jnade the cession. In that i diocre. We have published one speech of liis on possessed of a thorough knowledge of them; he had asserted a principle of faith coeval with the Curry subject. We have another before us, and asking me to say, whether I do or do not the cession itself. on the Three Million Bill. The third reason was, the degree wiib which ; which have been delivered on this subject, the the injury would bo inflicted, would far exceed • Judge’s seems the most tame, flat, and unprofit able. We give the following Elegant Extracts, which i as specimens o! the spirit of the whole Oration: “I was what I professed to be, and overbad been a friend to tho Administratin. I had received no information that the president desired any practical benefits resulting to the govern ment. This was a substantial reason must exist as long :ts the government. These views would suppress abolition in the north, and in, moments when the minds of the south were calm and unagitated, would quiet their alarms. But as they Lad not been received in the spirit in which he expected they would be, he was willing to withdraw his amendment. Ho had listened attentively to the arguments of the senator from Virginia, (Mr. Leigh) and if any one could have convinced him that it was unconstitutional, that gentleman could. But he hr..d heard no argument that had changed his opinion. Ho contended, that as neither Virginia or Maryland, or both combined, could abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, tho power without limitation or restriction existed only in congress. Ho had intended to say but little, and that litile in tho spirit of kindness. He had risen for the purpose of withdrawing liis amend- merit. Mr. Leigh, i.-j assigning the reasons which induced him to press his amendment, referred to the resolutionsof the General Assembly of the State’*of Virginia, lately presented by him, ex pressly declaring that congress had not the power to abolish slavery in the District of Co lumbia. lie did not expect, when he presented these resolutions, that there would have been an occasion so soon to submit a proposition on I because such is the truth, that if upon review Of ail the speeches j believe that congress has the constitutional pow er to interfere with, or abolish slavery in, the District of Columbia? I am not only willing, but desirous, gentle men, that you should have the most thorough knowledge of my views and feelings upon the delicate and interesting subject with which vour question is connected; and I shall endeavor to the appropriation; and I saw tho section was j acquaint you with them in the fullest manner in so worded as to throw upon him a responsibility which he ought not to bear. The proviso left it discretionary with him whether ihe money should be used or not. I thought all the interest of the army, the navy, tho large cities, and those who had ordnance to dispose of, would be brought to bear on him, to induce him to use the money, if he dIJ order it to be used, and should there be no war, as I hoped and believed would be the case, lie would be censured fur wasting this large sum. If lie resisted all importunities and did not use the money, aiTd war did come, he would be censured for not providing for the defences of the country,” ixc. “I sincerely believed he did not; but in that it seems I was mistaken; and tho first notice j l had of my mistake was in his answer to a company of gentlemen in Now York, who after ! the rise of Congress, made him a tender of their | service to defend the country. Whether I would j have voted for the amendment in this loose ! my power. Not having, heretofore, had the honor of be ing in political communication with you, I am not advised whether the sentiments relating to it, which have been avowed by myself and by my authority, within the last two years, have come to your knowledge. I deem it therefore proper, to furnish you w ith the substance of them, before I reply to your more specific in quiry. The avowals to which I refer, were— 1st. An opinion that congress has no right to interfere in any manner, or to any extent, with the subject of slavery in the States. 2d. Against tho propriety of their doing so in the District of Columbia; and 3rdiy. The statement of my full concurrence in the sentiments expressed by the citizens of Albany, in public meeting, the most important of whicli arc as follows, viz: “That the con stitution of the United States carries with it an adjustment of J .. nsmv.kod mihedeii. them; but as the senator from Kentucky took the ground, when ho submitted his amendment, that congress did possess this power, lie felt that it was a fit occasion to bring the views of his legislature distinctly before the senate. Mr. L. entered into a lengthy argument to refute the position of Mr. Clay, that congress possessed under tho constitution, unlimited sovereign power with regard to this District, under the elau.se of that instrument giving congress*ex clusive legislation over it; drawing the distinction between exclusive legislation and exclsive sovereignty, and further ho contended that con gress wrrs prohibited from the exorcise of this shape, if I had known it comported with the \ berations which led to us adoption, and that the views of the President, I do not pretend to say.— compromise of interests in which it was found- I think I ought not, but am willing to state, 1 cd, is binding in honor and good faith, independ. cully of the force of agreement, on all who live under its protection and participa’e in the bene- fils of which it is the source.”—“That the re lation of roaster and slave is a matter exclusive ly belonging to the people of each State within j its own boundary, and that any attempt by the j government or people of any other State, or by j the general government, to interfere with, or; disturb it, would violate the spirit of that com-j promise which lies at the basis of the federal j compact.”—“That we can only hope to main ing my whole vote?, since honored with a seat in this chamber,any votes could be found which l would wish had not been given, the error is more attributable to my unbounded confidence in the Executive and anxious desire to maintain him as far as I conscientiously could, than to any other cause whatever.” “To all this I answer, I did not hear of this notice. Jf any members with w hom l associ ated heard this notice, they never mentioned it in my presence. So far from it, one of my i tain the Union of the States by abstaining fi oreU colleagues of the other House, probably as at- j all interference with the laws, domestic policy tenlivc as any member there, assures me, he ! and peculiar interests of every other State.”— did nut hear any such nt.ti’ee, and when the ■ “That all such interference, which tends to a- licnate one portion of our countrymen from the rest, deserves to be frowned upon with indigna tion by all who cherish the principles of our re volutionary fathers, and who desire to preserve the constitution by the exercise of that spirit of amity which animated its framers.”—“That they deprecate the conduct of those who are at tempting to coerce their brethren in other States into the abolition of slavery, by appeals to the fears of the master and to the passions of the slave; and that they could not but consider them as disturbers of tiie public peace, and would, by all constitutional means, exert tin ir influ ence to arrest the progress of sucii measures.” j —“That whilst they would maintain inviolate the liberty of speech and tiie freedom of the press, they considered discussions, which, from their nature, tend to inflame the public mind and put in jeopardy the lives and property of their fellow-citizens, at war with every rule of moral duty, and every suggestion of humanity, and would be constrained, moreover, to regard those who, with a full knowledge of their perni cious tendency, persist in carrying them on, as disloyal to the Union.”—“That ti’.e people of the south would do great injustice if they allow I themselves to believe, that the few who are in- | terfering with the question of slavery, are act- i ing in accordance with the sentiments of the i noith upon the subject;” and finally, “that they made these declarations to their southern breth ren in the same spirit of amity which bound to gether their fathers and ours, during a long and eventful struggle for independence; and that they did, in full remembrance of that common association, plight to them their faith to maintain in practice, as far as lies in their power, what they had thus solemnly declared.” These views, thus expressed and sanctioned by myself, appear tome to cover the whole ground, save the abstract, question to which you , have been pleased to call mv attention, and I 5 cheerfully embrace tho opportunity you have felt it your duty to afford me, to explain myself fully on that also. As anxious as you can pos- | siblv bn. to arrest all agitation upon this disturb ing subject. I have considered the question you have propounded to me, with a sincere desire to arrive at the conclusion, that the subject, in re spect to the Pistrh t of Golumbin, can be safely placed on tho same ground on which it stands 1 in regard to the States, viz: the want ofeonsti- , tutional power in congress to interfere in the matter. I owe if, however, to candor, to say to you, that I have not been able to satisfv myself that the grant to congress, in the constitution, of the power of “exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever” over the federal district, does not confer on that body the same authority over the subject that would otherwise have been pos sessed by ihe States of Maryland and Virginia; or that congress nrrght not, in virtue thereof, take such steps upon the subject in this District, as those States might themselves take within their own limits, and consistently with their rights of sovereignty. j Thus viewing the matter, I would not, from the lights now* before me, feel myself safe in pronouncing that congress does not possess the power of interfering with or abolishing slavery j in the District of Columbia. But, whilst such | are mv present impressions upon the abstract ! Question of the legal power of congress—im pressions which 1 shall at all times be not only ready, but disposed, to surrender upon convie tion of error—1 do not hesitate to give it to von as my deliberate and well-considered opinion, J that there are objections to the exercise of this I power, against the wishes of the slave-holding | States, as imperative in their nature and obliga tions, m regulating the conduct of public men, as the most palpable want of constitutional power would le. j You have alluded in your letter to the con- j spieuous situation in which I have been placed j before the public; and I take it for granted, that ! it is to that circumstance, rather than to an\ other, that I am to ascribe the solicitude felt bv yourselves and your fellow-citizens in inspect i to my views on this subject. [ recognize, to ; the fullest extent, the propriety of this desire on i your part; and although there is nothing in your I letter making tho avowal necessary, 1 prefer i that not only you, but all tho people of the U- nite l States shall now understand, that if ihe I desire of that portion of them which is favora I ble to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy, I should bo gratifb d, I must go into the presiden-, I tial chair the infl**x'ble and uncompromising op- j pon< nt of any attempt on the part of congress to abolish slavery in the Distiiet of Columbia, against the wishes of tho slave-holding Slates; and also with the determination equally derided, to resist the slightest interference with the sub ject in the States where it exists. In saying this. I tender neither to them nor to you, any pledges, but declare only settled opinions and convictions of duty. Those who doubt that they will be carried into full and fair effect, are un der no obligations to trust me. An opportunity is afforded them to exercise their free choice in the matter, and they may be assured, that there is no one less likely to complain of its exorcise than myself. The peculiar importance of the Subject, ai.d a desire (which you will allow me to feel) that my views of it should be correctly understood, make it proper that I should explain the grounds of the opinions above expressed. They are founded, amongst others, on the following con- siJerulions, viz: Iri. f believe, that if it had been foreseen, at the time of the* adoption ot the constitution, that the seat of t.be federal government would be fixed in a slaveh.o'ding region, and that the subject of slavery would be there agitated to the prejudice of those holding this species of proper ty, the right to do so, would, w ith the assent of the non slaveholding Stales, have been made an exception to the unrest! ictcd legislative pow er given to congress over the District to be ce ded. 2dly. I cannot but regret the agitation of this subject in the District ofCo unibin, as a surprize upon ;h<- people oi Maryland and Virginia, be ing very confithnt that if the state of things which now exists, had been at all "apprehended by those States, tf e cession ofth.e Distiiet would not have been made except upon the express condilion that congress should exercise no such power; and that with such a condition the ces sion would, in the then state of public opinion, have been readily accepted. 3dlv. I do therefore believe, that the aboli tion of slavery iu the District of Columbia, a gainst tho Wishes of the •slaveholding States (assuming that congress has the power to effect it) would violate the spirit of that compromise of interests which lies at the basis of our social compact; and I am thoroughly convinced, that it could not be so done, w ithout imminent peril, if not certain destruction, to the Union of the States. Viewing the matter in this light, it is ; a - ’ l my clear and settled opinion, that the federal government ought to abstain from doing so, and that it is the sacred duty of those whom the people of the United States entrust with the control of its action, so to use the constitutional power with which they are invested, as to pre vent it. 1 think it due to the occasion, and only a sim ple act of justice to my fellow-citizens of the north, of all political parties, to add the expres sion of mv full belief, that the opinions above expressed, accord in substance, with those en tertained by a larger majority of the people of tiro non-slaveholding States than has ever be fore existed in those States on a public question of equal magnitude. It is also due to them to say, that their sentiments on this subject spring out of considerations of too high a character, and look to consequences of too solemn an im port, to be shaken by slight causes. With only a generous confiJ<'iice on ihe part of the south in their brethren of the north, and a firm de termination on the part of each, to visit with their severest displeasure any attempt to con nect the subject with party politics, those senti ments cannot bo overthrown. All future at tempts on the part of the abolitionists io do so, will then only servo to accumulate and concen trate public odium on themselves. Thar there are persons at the north who are far from con curring in the prevailing sentiment 1 have do- scribed, is certainly true; but their numbers, when compared with the rest of the community, are very inconsiderable; and if the condition of things be not greatly aggravated by imprudence, many of them, I have no doubt, will ultimately adopt sounder views of the subject; and the ef forts of those w ho may persist in the work of agitation, may be overcome by reason, or ren dered inoperative by constitutional remedies. To one class of those who have hitherto peti tioned congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, 1 cannot forbear to re fer: I allude to the society of friends, or the people usually denominated Quakers. The u- niforinity of their course upon this subject, the temperate manner in which it has been mani fested, and the marked excellence of their con- ^duct'and character, appear to have conciliated respect for their motive-, even from those who differ with them in opinion. As far as my ob servation has enabled me to judge, it is due to them to say, that as there has been no indica tion of any change of opinion upon their part during the present excitement, so has there been no evidence of a disposition to lend them selves to tho undue agitations of the public mind attempted by others. There is certainly no class of people in this country, who have a deep er interest in the preservation of the Union and ol tho happy system of government which it upholds, than they; and it lias now become very apparent to all reflecting and observing minds, that the question of slavery in the District of Columbia cannot be pressed to the result they desire, with safety to those paramount objects. Do not these considerations justify tho hope, that from them, at least, we may reasonably ex pect for the future a mode of dealing with the subject, which, whilst it does no injustice to their principles, shall repress instead of increasing agitation, and not endanger the great interests to which i have referred? To doubt it, would b • to distrust the influence whicli industry, mo rality, intelligence and tepub ican habits—qual- ties which all admit them to possess in a high degree—are calculated, in great emergencies, to exert upon the conduct of their possessors. And for the like reason, it may certainly be ex peeled, ihat well-disposed persons of other reli gious denominations, who, without a full consi deration of die difficulties which surround this subject, and of the dangerous consequences to which tho efforts of the abolitionists so evident ly tend, have lent to these-efforts the influence of their names and character, will be careful hereafter to avoid the repitition of an error so unfortunate and mischievous. In every view of the subject, therefore, it docs appear to me, that, although there certain ly is, in the present condition of the country in relation to it, sufficient to excite the most serious attention, there is nothing in the state of public opinion in the United States, to justify that panic in the public mind which invariably di.-.qua!:fies those who partake of it, from dea ling wisely or successfully with the circum stances by which it is produced. From abroad we have, I think, some n.ht io expert loss interference than heretofore. We shall, I am confident, for some time at least, have no more foreign agents to enlighten us on the subject.— Recent results here, and the discussions with which they have been attended, cannot fail to attract the attention of the reading and reflecting portion of the Foreign Public. By these means they will be made to understand our real condi tion in this respect, and they will know that the unchangeable law of that condition is, that the slave question must be left to the control ol the slave-holding States themselves, without mo- lestation or interference from any quarter; that foreign interference of every description, can only be injurious to the slave, without benefit to any interest, and will not be endured by any section of our country; and that any interference, coming from even the non-slave-holding portions ofour own terifory, is calculated to endanger the perpetuity, and if sanctioned by the General Government, would inevitably occasion the diss- olutionof, our happy Union. Seeing the subject in this, its true aspect, and concious as they must be, that the downfall of this Republic would be the severest blow that the cause oflihertvand self-government could receive, and from which its recovery would be hopeless, the wise and the good amongst them—those who are really guided by the principles of justice and human ity— will pause and ackuow ledge,that they have misapprehended the true bearings of this ques tion. Instead of accusing our countrymen who hold property in slaves, with disregarding the general principles of liberty and the dictates ofa pure religion, they will recognize, in this class of our citizens, as sincere friends to the happiness of mankind as anv others, .and "ill become sensibh that this species of property, the result of causes over which they had no control, is an inheritance which they only know how to dispose of. Instead of charging the people of the non slave holdingStates, as has often been done, with hypocrisy in professingan ardent love of freedom, they will find that the free citizens ol tiie North are only acting upon the principles of fidelity to tneir most s**leinn engagements; that ifthey were to attempt the accomplishment of what is desired of them by those who regard slavery as inconsistent w ith the equal rights on which our institutions are founded, tliev will involve themselves in the odium, either of seek ing to evade a compact which was the means and the pledge of our national existence, or of availing themselves of their present power and unexampled prosperity, to dissolve a connection with their Southern brethren, formed at a peri, od of mutual adversity, for a cause which was then not only known toexist, but the continuance of which was expressly recognized in the bond of their Union. ! have thus, gentlemen,been compelled toex- tend my remarks considerably further than I intended, when I commenced to answer your enquiry. As. how ever, the subject was delicate and important, i feel that I have not trespassed farther upon your time in its examination than was proper to enable you to comprehend U>c views I entertain of it, or than was respectful to the considerations which justified your call for those views. And I feel assured, whatever may be the ditforence of opinion, if any, vvnich exists between my self and any other portions of my fellow-citizens, that the issue of this matter, as «>f all preceding questions which have agi tated the public mind, and have been thought to be pregnant with danger, will, in their hands, be such ns to strengthen the bonds of their Union, and to increase those fraternal and patriotic affections, which our past national his tory basso often and so honorably illustrated. I am, very respectfully, vour obedient servant, ' M. VAN BUREN. Messrs. Junius Amis, Isaac Hall, John Wall, C. Yellotcby, Samuel II. Spirri/l, and James W. Puizinn, Jackson, North Carolina. “’Tisthestar-spanjiled banner,oh, loner may it wave “O’er the land of the free and the home of the brave.** FEDEIUL UNION. MILLEDGEVILLE, APRIL 1, I83C. MARTIN VAN El FOR PRES IDE A T. R. NI. JOHNSON, FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. MR. VAN BUREN, THE CHOICE OF THE UNION PARTY.—In our last number, we noticed the lib'-lions charges preferred by the Republican Herald, against those members of the Union party, who are denominated “Troup Union men.” We will now expose their statement, that Mr. Van Buren has been forced on the Union party, by the dictation ofa few of its leaders. The meaning of this charge is too plain to admit of doubt. It is, that a few individuals of the party have chosen Mr. Van Buren, and have arbitrarily declared him to be the candidate of the party, and have required the party, against its wish, to submit to their choice. The charge is utterly destitute of foundation. In the early part of the year 1835, it was evident that in the Union partv there was some difference of opinion on this most im portant and exciting subject, the choice of the candidate whom they would support for tho presidency. It was apprehended, that if this difference should be continued through the presidential canvass, the portions of tho party differing in their choice of a candidate, and contending against each other with those strong feelings which this great question usually ex cites, would gradually contract reciprocal hatred and resentment; and that a lasting breach would thus be made in the body of the party.— Men who loved the party were alarmed at the danger which threatened its very existence.— Bui the remedy was obvious. Tiie Union par ty has always adhered to the great democratic principle, that a majority ought to govern, and that the minority ought to acquiesce in lie *dii of the majority. In this principle the . r.* sought its safety; and it then proved, and wi 1 always be found our sheet anchor. How was this principle to be applied? How was the will of the majority to be ascertained? It at once occurred, that the members of the party in the different counties might choose delegates, who could represent them, and be authorized to aet for them; and that the delegates thus chosen and empowered, should convene at some central place. Tiiis plan was proposed in the Federal Union of the 5th ot May, 1835; and it was im mediately approved and supported by the Union press throughout the State. Theobject sought to be accomplished by this movement wa so desira ble, and the mode proposed for its accomplish- mi nt was so fair and just, that not a voice was raised in opposition to the plan; and it was cor dially approved by a very largo majority of the parry. If the conductors of ihe Herald did not deem it right to prevent fatal divisions in tho party, why did they not then boldly step for ward as the advocates of dissention, and strife, and hatred, and resentment in our ranks? Why did they not then proclaim themselves enemies to the union and integrity ot the party? Or if they believed that a convention of delegates, freclv cho-en by the members of the party, was not the best instrument for ascertaining the will of tho majority, and for preserving the union and integrity of the party, whv was their voice not heard in that eventful crisis, proposing and urging a better plan? Not a word was then heard from those men, who are now so clamor- - ous. The subject was kept before the people for several weeks; and in due time the members of the party chose one hundred and fifty-four delegates, who assembled in Milledgeville, on the 1st of July, 1835, the day which had been proposed for the meeting. A very large proportion of ihe delegates had been members of the old Clark party. But there are no jealousies among true-hearted Union men, whatever may have been their former designations; and this was a most har monious assemblage. With a unanimity that lmd not been expected, with but three dissenting voices, they agreed in their choice ofa candid ate fi>r the presidency; and Mr. Van Buren was the candidate thus freely, and almost unanimous ly chosen by the representatives of the party.— We affirm, that this extraordinary agreement in opinion was not produced by any aitifice, or management, or effort, or argument, or elo quence, on the part of any of the friends of Mr. Van Buren. If was the matured fruit of the calm and deliberate judgment which the dele gates had formed, previous to their arrival at Milledgeville Tim nomination of Mr. Van Buren was the act, not of a fin* leaders, but of the rcpiesentntives of the party, duly authoriz ed. Ii was not made on the dictation of a few men, supposed to be leaders; it wasthefrep