Newspaper Page Text
dm
11
far beyonj the reach of ordinary
1 weapons, I would, if I dared do so,
Foke the member from Tennessee to
;h his lance and charge upon some
?tim whom, if he cannot kill, will, at
be apprized of the attack. The
2mun from Tennessee says, “I well
;mber what a decided effect was pro-
jcl upon the minds of the people in
fetate which I represent in part, and
It indignation was excited by the sin-
w _ _ of the secretary of State under the
^administration, of taking the printing
le laws from the Nashville Rcpubli-
. a paper friendly to the election of
(oral Jackson, and giving it to the
ig, a paper published at the same
e, and supposed to be in the interest
be administration. Well, sir, in the
flntudes of human affairs it so happen-
that the party in whose cause the
hville Republican had suffered came
lie uppermost, and it teas restored to its
feiner rights and benefits; but as if it were
ended to manifest the utmost possible
oternpt for tuu early principles ol Jack-
sonism, and give the most unequivocal
rarantecs to new allies which the nature
f the case admits, that all the principles
■vowed by the original Jackson party are
iencefort.li and forever to be repudiated
and forgotten, the orthodox secretary of
State has recently ordered the printing of
the laws to be ag;iin taken from the Nash
ville Republican, which is now support
ing Judge White for the presidency, and
given to the Union, a paper printed in the
same place; a paper purely partisan in its
character, newly established and of very
limited circulation, but in the interest of
the vice president.”
I have given at length the very words
of the honorable member from Tennessee;
and as a matter of curious inquiry, ac
cording to the showing he has himself
made, it seems that the National Republi
can was against the late administration
and in favor of the election of General
Jackson; that during part of the time of
the canvass, that paper had the printing
of the laws; that the secretary of State
transferred the printing to the JI7tig, a pa
per friendly to Mr. Adams’s administra
tion; that this act was denounced; but
when General Jackson was elected pre
sident, the printing was taken from the
Whig, which was opposed to him, and
given to the Republican, which was friend
ly. Well, sir, I apprehend this is the
5 >rinciple of the original Jackson party.—
Jere is an act aming the first two of the
administration, which act settled the prin
ciple. Well, what has Mr. Forsyth done
violative of this principle?
The National Republican lias taken up
Judge White, and of course laid down
the administration; and the Union has
been started to be in favor of the adminis
tration, and advocates the claims of Mr.
Van Buren. Mr. Forsyth, as the mem
ber from Tennessee says, takes the print
ing of the laws from the Republican, (that
can only be considered as in opposition to
the administration,) and gives it to the
Union that is supporting it. And this is
the great, the shameful, and utter disre
gard of the original Jackson principle. I
must confess, sir, I canuot perceive the
slightest departure from what I suppose
the member himself has shown to be the
principle of the Jackson party. 1 do not
pretend to say it is proper or improper, nor
•in I protend tn say it was proper or im
proper in the former administration, or in
the honorable member from Massachu
setts, who is now before me, for the course
he then pursued.
Mr. Adams then rose, and asked if the
gentleman from Georgia intended to he
understood as charging him with remov
ing the printer?
Mr. T owns remarked, that he was us
ing the argument, as he understood it, of
the member from Tennessee.
Mr. Adams then explained, in sub
stance; that he had never transferred the
printing of the laws, from a printer favor
able to another person, to one favorable to
himself. On the contrary, he never trans
ferred but one while he was secretary of
State, and that was at General Jackson’s
instance, and personal request. He be
lieved it was well known that he had
never transferred a single individual from
any office, from political considerations,
and that very fact had been represented
as one of the causes why he had not been
more successful in his political life.
Sir, I make no charge against the hon
orable gentleman from Massachusetts,
(Mr. Adams,) but was only answering the
argument of the member from Tennes
see, (Mr. Bell.) I am admonished, sir,
that the charge, as contained in that gen
tleman’s argument, is not directly against
the honorable member from Massachu
setts, but against a member of his politi
cal family, (Mr. Clay,) then secretary of
State; and T will with great pleasure for
mally transfer it from one to the other, as
it docs not vary the principle. It cannot,
so far as my purpose is concerned, lie ma
terial whether done by the honorable gen
tleman from Massachusetts in person, or
through his secretary of State. Sir, hav
ing shown, according to the statement of
the case made by the member from Ten
nessee, that there has been no departure
from the principle of the early Jackson
party by the present secretary of State, I
will proceed to ask the attention of the
committee to another of the specifications
contained in the member’s bill of impeach
ment. “It is well known,” says the mem-
lier from Tennessee, “that an unbounded
respect for the rights of the States was
professed by the original Jackson party;
and any maxim or practice of the govern
ment which fended to consolidation, was
denounced as inexpedient, and even dan
gerous. To prove how little regard has
fiecn shown by those who now wear the
garb of Jacksonism for the due constitu
tional rights and independence of the
.States, it would only be necessary to call
to mind the interference of the federal
government with the election of senators
by the State legislatures. But, sir, I may
add that the legislative proceedings of
Suite assemblies have been interfered
with; and many of those bodies have al
ready been reduced to the condition of
mere dependent and coordinate portions of
the great machinery by which it is suppos
ed this country may hereafter be govern
ed—the supple and convenient instru
ments of the federal executive, and party
interests.”
The first thing, Mr. Chairman, that de
serves notice in answering the member
from Tennessee on this point, is the regret,
he must, doubtless feel at the desertion of
the party from State right doctrines. I
can readily imagine how deep his morti
fication on this point must be, when I re
flect that it was the member from Ten
nessee himself who had the honor of in
troducing, as chairman of a committee,
and urging through this house, too, a mea
sure about which great dissatisfaction pre
vailed in many parts of the Union, and
about which I apprehend some of the gen
tleman’s intimate friends have uttered the
most bitter denunciations. Can the hon
orable member call to mind a bill that
passed congress when he was one of the
party? Aye, sir, a leading man of that
party, too, known by some as the bill to
enforce the collection of revenue, by oth
ers as the “force hill,” and more still,
“the bloody bill.” Will the member tell
the nation that he had the honor of advo
cating that measure as warmly as any gen
tleman then on the floor—that he voted for
it. And will he point out-a single act of
congress, from that day to this, that con
tains any principle so much endangering
the doctrines of State rights? Sir, I do
not pretend to give any opinion of the
principles contained in that bill; I only
say that, if there has been any measure of
this administration subversive of the rights
of the States—destructive of the doctrines
of State rights—I believe that bill to be
the one. I say no more; that there are
but two possible apologies to those of that
day whose duty it was to provide for the
crisis by the enactment of that bill—first
the precedent set in the time of the repub
lican administration of Mr. Jefferson, and
secondly, the unfortunate posture of af
fairs resulting from any derangement in
the collection of the revenue. That the
bill wa3 intended to meet a crisis, to be
dreaded by all, and avoided, if possible,
is to be gathered from its limitations. I
will for myself say, and then I shall have
done with the principles of this bill, that
if the force bill of Mr. Jefferson was con
stitutional, then was the force hill of Gen
eral Jackson. If Mr. Jefferson’s was call
ed for, then was General Jackson’s de
manded. But 1 am free to admit, at the
same time, tlhat I have had doubts as to
the power, in the federal government,
which this measure claimed. But on one
point I have no difficulty; that any gentlo*
man who supported that bill should not
be very ipuch alarmed about any act of the
administration, since that time, absorbing
the powers of the States.
The member from Tennessee, after
having fired for two days upon the party
and the president, as a sort of advanced
guard, cries out in the bitterness of his
heart against the corruption of the federal
government for interfering with the elec
tions of senators by the State legislatures,
and is pleased to say that the “legislative
proceedings of State assemblies hare been in
terfered with, and that many of these bodies
have been already reduced to the condition of
mere dependent and co-ordinate 'portions of
the great machinery by which it is supposed
this country may hereofcr be governed.''' For
one, sir, I should be pleased to know the
States to which the honorable member has
reference. I presume if there has been
any such foul work as the member sup
poses, he would mention the legislature
and the State, and give us the proof upon
which he makes the charge. I should
think it was due to the character of the
State governments, due to the character of
the State legislators, in arraying them be
fore the public, so to present the question
that they could defend themselves. And
it is surely the duty of the member to
speak out, so that the administration could,
in some shape or form, admit, deny, or
justify. Iam quite satisfied it never could
be the object of the gentleman to thrust in
the dark. Then, sir, out with it.
But, Mr. Chairman, the member from
Tennessee has of late all his fears and
sympathies excited in behalf of that in
telligent and venerable body, the Senate
of the United States, and his remarks on
that subject shall receive my immediate
attention, after which, I shall not trouble
the committee with much more in reply
to the honorable member. “But again,
(says the gentleman,) is not. the Senate,
which was intended by the constitution to
he in itself a. standing check and limita
tion upon the use and abuse of the Ex
ecutive patronage, to that extent, and as
regards the purposes of its institutions,
actually expunged, and that too by Execu
tive power apd influence? I demand of
gentlemen to answer me, and say if there
exists at this moment, practically, any
controlling power in the Senate over the
will of the Executive? Is not the consti
tution itself, bar the time being, abrogated,
subverted, overthrown? Have we not a
Senate of the United States notoriously
replenished and organized upon the prin
ciple of non resistance and passive obedi
ence to the Executive will and authority?
And how, sir, has this state of things l>een
brought about? The State Legislatures,
those ancient towers, as they have hereto
fore been supposed, upon the ramparts of
the constitution, and of the public liberty,
have been boldly entered, and by Executive
influence, seduced and prostituUsl to purposes
of federal power and domination. Sir, if
the Executive Chief Magistrate had enter
ed the Senate chamber, sword in hand, and
supported, by a band, of chosen mercenaries,
and driven the obnoxious Senators from their
seats, and filled all the vacancies by mem
bers of his own appointment, he wouJiiWfave
inflicted a deep wound ujKm ^he'constitu
tion, and one, which I know lie never would
think of inflicting; but it would hare been
less dangerous, and more easily healed’, than
the one which has actually been inflicted—
This is the sentiment of the honorable
member. And, sir, I may well say, never
was my astonishment greater, than when
I heard him hold such language of the
President and the party supporting the
present administration.
Sir, of all the charges that have been
made against the President and the party
in support of his administration, whether
from false friends or from open enemies,
it has been reserved for the member from
Tennessee, to go a full bar’s length be
yond the limit of the most daring and, at
one stroke of the pencil, to draw the
tyrant, the usurper, the crouching syco
phant, and degraded menial. Could that
venerable old man, under wliose patefnal
wing the member from Tennessee has,
no doubt, often felt his greatest security,
utter pne word of complaint for the in
justice-done him, might he not, in the
language of the poet, exclaim—
“The arrow, that deepest in my bosom went.
Flew from the bow pretended friendship bent.”
Sir, what degradation so great, what
crime so black, as a President of the U-
nited States “at the head of a band of
chosen mercenaries,” “with sword in
hand,” entering the Senate of the United
States and “driving from their seats the
Senators that axe opposed to him, and
filling their places with members of his
own appointment.” True, sir, the mem
ber tells you that the President would not
do this, but then he tells you to have done
so would have been a wound on the con
stitution “less dangerous and more easily
healed than the one which has actually
been inflicted.”
I ask, what has the President dime to
the Senate? What member in that body
has received wrong or injury from him?—
What is there that body, as a body, has
not done to the President? Have they
not attempted to blast his character?—
Have they not charged him with a viola
tion of the constitution? Have they not
charged him with usurping the powers of
the Senate? Have they not charged him
with violation of the laws and constitution?
nay, more, condemned him unheard? and
more still—have they not refused to let
him enjoy the poor privilege of placing on
the journals ol that V»dy his reasons why
a sentence, if not of death, of reproach,
should not be pronounced against him?—
All tins they have demo, anil Urn story is
but half told. Have they not, in viola
tion of all former practices, and in utter
disregard of that harmonious action con
templated by the constitution between the
power of nomination by the President and
confirmation of the Senate, refused to
approve the recommendations of the Pre
sident to offices of pressing necessity?—
Arc not some of its members now to be
found in that body disregarding the in
structions of their Legislatures, with the
express view of maintaining a majority
against the will of the people, against the
instruction of the constituent body? Let
the honorable member answer these ques
tions, and I will undertake to tell him
why it is necessaty that the Senate should
receive such compliments from a certain
quarter at this time; why it is that the
Senate is discovered to be a check upon
the use and abuses of Executive patron
age? Why it is, at this time, so important
that the discovery should 1x3 made, that if
the President returns the second time the
same individual before the Senate for con
firmation, that it is an abuse of the nomi
nating power, an attempt to subvert the
confirming power. Really it would seem
that the member from Tennessee thrust
forth his assertions and his arguments, as
if they were of that sacred character that
neither admitted of doubt or investigation.
But, sir, the true secret is, that a certain
Senator from Tennessee has played a
hand during the present session of Con
gress that requires some propping up un
der the precise view that has been pre
sented by the member from Tennessee,
(Mr. Bell.) That Senator stands con
demned and overwhelmed, unless he
can effect a retreat under the pretence
that the President has no power, under
the constitution, to return upon the Senate
the second time, the same individual for
the same office, afier once being refused.
Sir, I am sincerely sorry that the honora
ble member should have felt himself con
strained to have used language in relation
to the administration party, that could not
fail to wound the sensibility of each mem
l>er in his personal character. For if I
have misunderstood him, and it should be
that he intended nothing for the Chief
Magistrate, it only makes the proportion
so much the greater for the party.
The honoral ilc gentleman was also un
derstood by me to insist, before this com
mittee, that the present administration par
ty had assumed a ground directly at vari
ance with the principle upon which Gen
eral Jackson was brought into office, on
the subject of caucuses and nominations
by means of conventions. He maintains
that “die original supporters of General
Jackson advocated his election against
Mr. Crawford, the candidate nominated
according to party usages, upon the
ground that the practice of caucus nomi
nation of a President of the United States,
was a violation of the spirit of the consti
tution.” Sir, as it has been my intention
in all I have said, in answer to the mem
ber from Tennessee, to deal with the ut
most possible fairness with his arguments
and statements, so I shall continue to do
in the few remarks I design to make on
this question. I apprehend that the gen-
man is somewhat mistaken as to the
ground on which Mr. Crawford was op
posed by some of the original supporters
of General Jackson. It should be remem
bered that the most, if not ail the candi
dates whose names were before the peo
ple at the time of Mr. Crawford, were un
derstood to he members of the republican
party. Mr. Crawford, I well remember,
was understood to be the radical republi
can, for reason of real or imputed doc
trines he entertained upon the subject of
retrenchment and reform. Well, sir, as
the member states, in pursuance of the
custom of that day, the members of Con
gress, to the number of sixty-six or there
abouts, assembled in this city at tlie aj>-
pointed time to nominate a candidate for
the office of Chief Magistrate. This num
ber constituted Mr. Crawford’s strength;
the balance of the members was divided
lictvvecn General Jackson, the gentleman
from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams,) Messrs.
Galhoun, Lowndes, and Clay. The friends
of these last gentlemen, as I have always
undorstood, protested against the caucus,
on the ground that Mr. Crawford received
a minority, instead of a majority, of the
republican party; and that, therefore,
although he received every vote that met
in caucus, it was evident he was not the
choice of a majority of his party. What
motives induced the respective friends of
the other gentlemen not to meet in caucus
I cannot, say, further than the facts speak
for themselves and my recollection of the
familiar story of the day. It was a con
viction that the friends of either of the
gentlemen would be in a minority; and
hence, that by the friends of the other
candidates not entering into caucus, the
nomination of Mr. Crawford, a.? had been
the custom, would be prevented. The
(act actually occurred, and as often as it
was said in behalf of Mr. Criwford that
he was the regularly nomintet candidate,
as often was the assertion rater&ted on
the other hand, that he w.s mminated by
a minority of the membei ofCongress of
his own party. I cannt uidertake to
say that this was the gourd urged in
every portion of the Uron; but from a
recollection nqj very ditinct, I admit I
am quite satisfied that tli mnority nomi
nation of the members )f Congress, so
far from advancing the interest of Mr.
Crawford in the south, >r concentrating
the support of the republcanparty in that
quarter, was regarded ly nany of that
party in no other light thin ai attempt by
a minority to force upa than an indi
vidual who was not the hoice of the ma
jority, as had been the ase vith all pre
ceding nominations by nemoers of Con
gress.
It was this assumptioi of oower on the
part of a minority of themenibers of Con
gress that aroused the iidiguant- feelings
of the people; and from that moment un
til of late, there has be<n no attempt that
I know of on the part d' any minority in
Congress, to nominate a candidate for
President. Sir, I put i to he candor of
the member from Tennes.ee to say, ii
himself and his honorable cdleagues have
not attempted to revive thii old and con
demned mode of selecting acandidate for
President? Did not the ddegation from
Tennessee, or a majority »f them, meet
in this city, and determiie to support
Judge White? Did not that meeting con
stitute it uauvuo? Mot onty -r>, sir, but if
I understand the explanation gtv- n i,y the
gentleman to my friend from Wg n ia,
(Mr. Garland) he absolutely placed t>; s
meeting in the worst possible point ol
view. The gentleman, in that explana
tion, was understood to draw this dis
tinction between the meeting of the mem
bers of the Tennessee delegation and cau-
cusses; first, that it was not a caucus, be
cause there was no regular notice given;
because there was no chairman called to
preside over the meeting; because there
was no appointment of Secretary; be
cause there was no record or minutes kept
of their resolves, or the conclusions to
which that meeting arrived. Now, sir,
if it be true, which I will not be under
stood as questioning, that there were none
of these usual, customary, and I maintain,
indispcnsible forms observed, the gentie-
man has established that which I pre
sume his explanation was intended to
avoid—that this meeting, by whatever
name called, contains every objection that
can be raised to the policy of caucusses,
without one of its advantages.
and the people, why that body has not
done something? Why is p that some
measure has not originated in that quar
ter that would have saved this country
from the disgrace, corruption, and ruin,
ide
Secret, private, political meetings, with
out record of their proceedings, is that
particular class of assemblies most to be
dreaded in this country. And I am satis
fied, with whatever intentions the mem
hers from Tennessee met and deliberated
as to the course' they would take in the
approaching canvass, that that ineelin;
is subject to all the objections taken to the
caucus of Congress that nominated Mr,
Crawford. The gentleman from Tennes
see was further understood to maintain
that the objections taken by the original
Jackson party applied with equal force to
the late Baltimore convention, which
nominated Mr. Van Buren for the Presi
dency. The right of the people to be
heard in convention is sacred, and though
assaults upon that plan may serve some
tenqiuiaiy purpose, ic will bo impossible
for the gentleman to convince the people
that they have no right to be heard on
every subject, or that it would be danger
ous to their liberties to trust themselves.—
Sir, it is one of the fairest, safest, and
most republican modes of settling any
question. When the doctrine shall once
obtain that the people arc not to be per
mitted to speak, are not suffered to be
heard in conventions, on questions affect
ing their rights, they may soon prepare
for the worst. Liberty will not long sur
vive the period when the voice of the peo
ple cannot be sounded through their own
representatives, in pursurance of and in
conformity to their own will and pleasure
No, sir, there is no analogy between the
principle of Congressional caucuses and
conventions. The one is the will of the
people, as expressed through their own
organs; the other is the expression of gen
tlemen who can only speak for themselves,
and not for the people. This is the differ
ence, and it is important.
Sir, I have now done with the argu
ment of the gentiemah from Tennessee;
and I trust that he will not have consider
ed me as departing from the rule he laid
down for his own government.
Mr. Chairman, I had intended to have
answered at length an honorable gentle
man from Virginia, for whom I may say
I cntcrtaiQ the highest regard, ami who
sec before me, (Mr. Robertson,) but hav
ing already consumed more time than I
had intended, 1 am admonished that I
should bring my remarks to a close.—
That honorable gentleman, as lias been
the custom of all those on the same side,
had much to say against the administra
tion; took great pains to search out cor-
practices; and rcaly felt quite aston
isfied, if not indignant, that not the first
measure had yet been taken by the ad
ministration to reform the extravagant ex
penditure of the people’s money. The
gentleman, in support of his position, in
formed the committee that one project for
reform had been attempted, and that was
a resolution that orginated in this branch
of Congress, proposing a reduction of two
dollars per clay for the pay of members,
which actually passed and was carried to
the Senate, where it teas killed: just what
every body, but the gentleman himself,
would have readily supposed.
Sir, I was at a loss to understand the
relevancy of the case cited by the gentle
man. I could not see. upon what princi
ple the administration was to be censura
ble for any measure that had perished in
the Senate for several years past, when
every body knows the majority of that
body have opposed almost every promi
nent measure of this administration.—
Gentlemen who arc opposed to the ad
ministration, who are, so far as words arc
concerned, so much opposed to its abuses
and extravagances, should not forget that
the virtuous, patriotic opposition, have
been, until the present session, in the
majority in that body. And I ask of the
honorable gentleman, with that (act meet
ing him at every charge he makes against
the administration, to tell this committee
which have been so confidently predicted?
Sir, the gendeman has referred to no-other
measure, except the one he mentioned,
and that came from the popular branch of
Congress, where alone the administration
has been in the majority, and that very
measure was defeated in the Senate,
where the opposition have been in the
majority! I thank the member for the
proof he has furnished to three points, as
they are material in the vindication of
this administration; 1st, that the adminis
tration has attempted retrenchment; 2d,
that it was defeated by the opposition; 3d,
that the opposition, with a belief that re
trenchment and reform were necesary,
according to his own showing, have done
nothing. But, sir, with the view that the
country may understand a little of the e-
conomv of the Senate, and their desire to
to make this a plain and cheap Govern
ment, I will present a fact that will afford
some profitable hints to the people, and
give the gentleman, 1 trust, some reason
to be more quiet and contented with the ex
penditures of this administration.
The contingent expenses of the Senate
in 182G was $6,913 04; in 1331, $15,000;
in 1833, $39,752; and in the memorable
year of 1834, $78,794; making a differ
ence of upwards of $70,000, in the mere
contingent expenses of the Senate be
tween the years 1826 and 1834. I leave
this fact to establish the high claim the
opposition have to retrenchment and re
form.
Mr. chairman, it must have occured to
t*l who have given the slightest attention
to dais protracted discussion, that the
mode of attack and weapons used against
the administration were not only selected
with great care, but were, in many in
stances, on directly opposite grounds; so
that if one failed, the other might happily
succeed. In illustration, I will adduce
the language of the honorable gentleman
from Virginia. That honorable gentle
man says, “Since the commencement of
his (General Jackson’s) administration,
his Cabinet has displayed all the colors of
the rainbow.” And an honorable gentle
man from Kentucky, (Mr. C. Allan,
some time since, in his assault upon
the President, labored through the
greater part of his speech to prove that
the administration had acted throughout
in direct violation of the President’s ad
vice to Mr. Monroe, and that no instance
could be shown where any individual had
been - appointed to office, except he was
of the President's party. And yet botli
the gentlemen from Virginia and Ken
tucky can unite in the most perfect har
mony (doubtless upon principle) in op
posing this administration. Why, sir, a-
gainst this sort of opposition there is no
defence, security’, or safety*; and discre
tion suggests that the assailants be left to
themselves, as, under such a mode of
warfare, one attack must necessarily de
stroy the other, and thereby justice to that
exttent will be done by the assailants
themselves.
The honorable memlicr from Virginia,
in concluding his able remarks, could not
permit the President to escape his special
notice; and for the purpose of showing
what he asserted to be his deliberate con
viction that the President had attempted
to interfere in the approaching election
for the Chief Magistracy, to give the in
fluence of his name to a favorite candi
date; and for the purpose of establishing
this charge of dictating, his own succes
sor, so often and so unjustly made, as I
must be permitted to mantain, the gentle
man relied upon two facts mainly; one of
the circulating of several numbers of
a certain newspaper in the State of Ten
nessee; the other a letter written bj- the
President to the Rev. James Gwin of
Nashville, Tennessee. If, sir, the known,
the acknowledged and established char
acter of Gen. Jackson, was not sufficient
to silence these reports that have been so
widely circulated in the columns of parti-
zan papers, not so much with the view of
injuring Gen. Jackson as to excite a pre
judice against Mr. Van Buren, a very-
brief explanation will satisfy any- candid
mind that the charge is without the slight
est foundation. Nor would I pretend to
notice, what could only be considered the
current scandal of those whose office it is
to impute bad motives to virtuous acts,
but for the fact, strange as it may appear,
that gentlemen of the most delicate
sense of honor, justice, and propriety,
(and among that number I regret to find
the gentleman from Virginia,) should
have felt themselves constrained to snatch
from the inevitable fate such stuff’ is des
tined to reach, and give it form, dignity-,
and substance, by urging ? ',s considera
tion before the Congress of the United
States. Sir, what lias the President
done? I have already adverted to his trial
and condemnation before the Senate of
the United States without notice, or an
opportunity allowed him to defend him
self. I have already stated, that when
that sentence was about to go forth to the
world, he petitioned, in the form of a me
morialist, against that sentence, which
that just and patriotic body refused to
receive and enter on their journals.
In the progress of the discussion that
took place on his trial, the President had
at least one friend, and the constitution
and the laws had one. That friend’s
voice was heard: it was raised in tones of
thunder against the iniquity of the Sen
ate’s proceeding; and although stifled in
that body, was doomed to reach the car,
the heart, and the judgment of every man
on this continent that abhorred injustice,
oppression, and a violation of* the laws
and die constitution. Sir, this speech
was published in the Globe of this city,
and the President did dare to send copies
of the Globe containing that speech to a
number of his first, his earliest, and best
friends in the State of Tennessee; men
who had watched every movement of his
political life; who had supported and sus
tained him; who had fought their coun-
tiy’s battifis, and served in the councils
of the nation, side by side, with him; who
had mingled around the social board with
him; who, in short, in every situation,
high, or low, had been the same consis
tent, devoted friends. To such men the
President did feel himself authorized,
nay, called upon, when the Senate of the
United States had not only preferred char
ges against him affecting his character,
but even went so far as to condemn him
unheard, to give some explanation. That
explanation was contained in the speech
he enclosed. It was the best he could do;
it was all that was left to him to do. He
was not permitted to speak for himself.—
He was compelled to take such explana
tions as the few and faithful friends to the
constitution and the laws in the Senate
would furnish him. But it is said that
there was an editorial article in the same
number of the Globe preferring some
charge against Judge "W bite, and that,
therefore General Jaekson did not send
the paper so much for the purpose of
de fending himself as of circulating of an
editorial attack on Judge White.
Sir, this is too shallow; it is really too
small a matter. Honorable gentlemen
must be more charitable. No man can
believe that general Jackson for one mo
ment thought of, or what was most proba
ble, knew of the offensive article in rela-
lation to Judge White. And none but
those who, like Judge White, could love
the interest of General Jackson better
than their own, would ever have thought
of charging the President with the inten
tion of assailing another while he was
only defending himself.
Sir, in relation to the letter to the Rev.
Mr. Gwin, I have only to say that no gen
tleman less talented than the member
from Virginia would have ventured to as-
But
let-
to make tlio necessary examinations. They
will proceed lo Boston, and lake passage on
board the new brig Porpoise, lieutenant com.
modoro W. Ramsay. This vessel will proba.
bly sail in the course of ^next week on this Wr .
vice.”
sail the principles therein set forth,
the gentleman has discovered in that
ter the hand of the “magician,” and,
therefore, he is some what excusable.—
There is a terror in the popularity of that
individual that never fails to startle some
gentlemen whenever his name is men
tioned. And since it is their pleasure to
cherish it, they should be indulged free
of reproach. For one, I can only- say.
that I shall continue, as I have done, to
judge him by his .acts, ready to give him
my support in such measures as I believe
to be right, and equally prepared to op
pose him in whatever I believe wrong-—
But to proceed: General Jackson had been
charged with an attempt to interfere with
the Presidential election, and that, too, in
the National Republican, published at
Nashville. This charge he knew to be
unfounded, and calculated to produce an
unpleasant state of feeling at home, a-
midst his early and constant friends, and
to one of that number he addressed a letter,
explaining the object he had in view,
which was to contradict the report circu
lating through the columns of tnat paper.
For this simple act, the president has pass
ed through the hands of the gentleman
from Virginia, and has received from
him the most unbounded censure.
Sir, the honorable gentleman should
have remembered that the Pcsident was
repelling, not making charges, when the
letter in question was written. Why, the
honorable mcmljcr from Virginia would
not even allow the President the right to
deny that he had interfered, or intended
to interfere, with the approaching elec
tion. If he remains silent under the ac
cusation, every body is to believe it true,
and the charge could then be made with
some propriety. But it seems, there is no
mode by- which the President can escape
the censure of the opposition. The organ
of Judge White in Tennessee charges
Gen. Jackson with being opposed to his
election, and using his influence against
him. Gen. Jackson is not to deny the
charge, or say one word, for if he dares
to do so, the very act of defence is to be
laid hold of as evidence of the truth of
the charge.
General Jackson, in his letter, says,
“All my friends must perceive that to be
consistent, my preference, as, far as men
are concerned, ought to be for him who is
most likely to be the choice of the great
body of the republicans;” and y-et if this
individual should not be Judge White, the
editor of the Republican is ready to cry out,
“Dictation.” The President says to Mr.
Gwin, “You are at liberty- to say, on all
occasions, that regarding the people as
the true source of political power, I am
always ready to bow to their will and
their judgment.” And this is the letter
that has been introduced as evidence of
‘dictation,” as evidence of “interference
with elections.” Sir, such sentiments
stand in need of no defence from me. I
should but injure the force of truth, I
should insult the understanding, by fur
ther explanation of the charges brought a-
gainst the President in their respect. Let
the generous and the just, the man who
has character to lose, deny to any individ
ual, however high or low in this country,
the right to defend his reputation from the
assaults of slander. Where is that man
to be found? I believe this right has ne
ver been denied to any individual, howe
ver humble his station, except to General
Jackson. Fortunately for him, for the
age and for the country., he does not re
quire it. His memory lives embalmed in
the hearts of his countrymen. His virtue
was never seduced; his patriotism was
never corrupted. He stands not solitary
and alone, unhonored, and unbelovecl.—
No, sir, whilst memory remains, whilst
the fire of patriotism bums in an Ame
rican bosom, whilst free institutions are
cherished, so long will the name of An
drew Jackson be remembered as the
fearless, honest, and able defender of your
constitution and laws. One word more,
sir, and I have done.
My object is not to eulogise. That of
fice lias been filled by those who are now
arrayed against the President. I worship
at no man’s altar; my purpose is not to be
accomplished by such shallow devices.
My aim is higher. It is of but little con
sequence what star is about to set. We
should look well to our institutions; see
that there is neither danger at home nor
abroad—do this faithfully; and I ask but
for this administration and the Chief Ma
gistrate, to each “do justice, though the
heavens should fall.”
(CONCLUDED.)
The
■••TUt he,t»r-span?leil banner,oh, long ms, itwa,,
■O'ertheland ofthefree andthe home of ihebrare.'
FEDERAL. UNION.
NILLEDflEVILLE, SEPT. C, 1836.
UNION DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN'
TICKET.
FOR .’RESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VXCE-FRESIDEXT,
R. M. JOHNSON.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
TnOMAS ANDERSON, of Franklin,
WILLIAM B. BULLOCH, of Chatham,
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison,
TIIOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin,
REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper,
WILSON LUMPKIN, of Clark,
WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jachon,
THOMAS SPALDING, of WInlosh,
JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee,
WILLIAM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham,
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
CONGRESSIONAL TICKET.
JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of DeKalh,
JOHN COFFEE, of Telfair,
THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond,
SEATON GRANT LAND, of Baidu in,
CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock,
IIOPKINS IIOLSEY, of Harris,'
JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark,
GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham,
GEORGE AV. B. TOWNS, of Talbot.
LEGISLATIVE UNION TICKET
For Baldwin County.
FOR SENATE,
MICHAEL J. KENAN,
FOR REPRESENTATIVES,
CHARLES D, IIAMMOND,
BENJAMIN I.. LESTER.
THERE WILL BE NO SCHISM IN THE
UNION PARTY.—Some of our friends have
feared, and soin. of our opponents have hoped,
that the controversy in relation to the Central
Bank and its administration, will produce a
fatal division in the party. These fears and
hopes are unfounded. The questions connect,
ed with this subject will not take, they cannot
be made to take such a form and character, i
to split the Union party into two separate and
hostile divisions. In large associations, differ,
ences of opinion in relation to institutions, to
measures, and to men cannot always be avoided;
and we are very sure that inflhis instance these
differences, far from being injurious, will prove
beneficial to the party. Let our friends fcclr
alarm. All is safe. And let not our enemies
lav the flattering unction to their souls. There
will be no schism in the Union party.
GENERAL GLASCOCK.—The censure.
of a political opponent frequently pass unheed.
ed; because too often they are the expression of
an unjust prejudice, or they constitute part ofan
unfair system, by which the merits of the oppo.
site party are wilfully depreciated. But thi
praises of a political opponent have great weight,
because they are testimony extorted by superior
merit, in opposition to the wishes and the in.
terests of the witness. They furnish strong
evidence of high and unquestionable excellence.
It is the fortune of general Glascock to be sus
tained by such evidence. Colonel John H.
Howard, a very distinguished nullifier, and a
prominent candidate for congress on the nullify
ing ticket, has declined in favor of general
Glascock, and he bears the following testimony
to the worth of our patriotic and eloquent repre
sentative:
“General Glaseoek’., conduct <i»rin» the last session «f
conjp-eaa, upon the Abolition quesri&n, was wo perfirtlr
mtiafactory to the Stale Right’s party, that many of our
friends, influenced by the integrity of th-ir principle,
manifest an ardent fit-sire to give him their support"—
Southern Recorder, August 30lit, 1S36.
A statement from a source so unquestionable,
as to the sentiments of the nullifiers, togcC-
with the high influence of colonel Howard',
opinion in directing the action of his party,justi
fy the expectation, that general Glascock wi.!
receive a strong vote from the members of that
party. His present position must be very grati
fying to him; for he has never before stood so
high, or been fixed so firmly in the confidence
and affections of his own party. From the
Union party he will receive a most cordial and
ardent support. We do not believe that been
he deprived of a single Union vote.
Examination of Southern Harbors.
Army and Navy Chronicle saya—“Under a
resolution of ths senate, passed on the 24th
May last, requesting the executive “to cause to
be made the necessary examinations and sur
veys of the several harbours south of the mouth
of Chesapeake bay, and a report of the com
parative facilities and advantages of the same
for the establishment of a Navy Yard, to the
next session of congress;” commodore M. T.
Woolscy, and captain A. Claxton and E. R.
Skubrick, have been appointed commissioners
OFFICIOUS GUARDIANS. The nuE |
fiers are determined not to permit the White j
Union men to take care of themselves. On’ |
opponents had been flattered into the hoj>e, that ;
the presidential question would produce a fata> j
schism in the Union party; and they are no*
tortured with the fear, that we shall be ableK :
preserve harmony among turselvcs. Wetfcj
not learn that the remarks which we have re
cently made, havo been received with dissatis
faction or distrust by the White Union men:an; j
as it is an affair between them and ns, it would j
seem to be sufficient that we havo their appr°- ]
bation. But this is the very evil of which the
nullifiers arc afraid. Professing a most pro
found regard for the rights and feelings ol the >
VVhite Union men, they assail us with fiery -
zeal in behalf of their wards. Their motives,
are perfectly understood. When have they
vindicated the rights, or protected the feelings <
of Union men—except while seeking somcatl- j
vantage to themselves? They are now acting I
on the principle of “Divide and Conquer. — j
They have felt fora series of years, that the j
Union party is too powerful for tltcm;buti!
they can catch us divided, if they can instigate
us to turn our arms against each other, instead I
of continued, mortifying defeat, they may 1'°!’-
H or victory and supremacy. Under this hope |
bey intrude into our family quarrel, and labour
to perpetuate, and to aggravate any unkind lev
itigs which may have been engendered by u*
presidential controversy. But their “labouroi
Iqvq” will be lost. The While Union men »;
not give up to these officious guardians the rtg
of thinking, and feeling, and acting for them-
The course of the nnllifiers cannot fail to wouv
the pride of our friends, whom they treat ass
set of ignorant and passionate men, liable to W j
led, and managed so as to he made the blin ( ‘ tS j
and infatuated tools of their enemies.
a.e guilty of gross injustice towards us also, m
applying to White Union men the language ]
which we held towards the Columbus Hera’ u ‘
When we saw this enemy in disguise lieapro?
insult on those patriotic men who nobly left the
ranks of the Troup party to assist the n° !'* I
patriotic Clark Union men in their struggleI
save the institutions of our country; when " c |
saw that mischievous press labouring to produce |
fatal dissentions between these harmonizing ev
mentsof the Union party, we felt deep indig**;
tion at its treacherous use of our colours;
we spoke of its misdeeds in no measured tert^
of reprobation. But we have not entertaincs
the same sentiments, or held the same languag 0
towards those Union men, who, retaining then
affection for the party, and their desire to pre
serve, and to increase its strength, and to secure
its ascendancy, have differed from the g^j 11
body of their friends in their choice of a candi
date for the presidency. We deplored thert
secession from us on this very important