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From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
THE ABOLITIONISTS AND THE NULLIFIERS.
It is to be lamented that party opposi-
n, and the inordinate ambition ol the
leaders, should have led the nullifiers, in
congress and elsewhere, to adopt a course
which lias encouraged the abolitionists in
the prosecution of their plans for the sub
version of the public institutions
country. When the abolitionists percen -
ed that the nullifiers of the south, out ol
hatred to the present federal administra
tion, were willing to sacrifice the peace
•and safety of the country, ii they' could
at the same time crush tiie dominant par
ty in the United States, they entertained
the hope that their cause was not lost,
and that, with renewed exertions, they
would be able to put in execution all their
nefarious plans. The late decision of the
supreme court of Massachusetts, may be
traced to the opposition in congress, by
the abolitionists and nullifiers united, to
the measures recommended by the presi
dent, and which his friends were desirous
to adopt, in order to suppress all attempts
to disturb the peace and safety ol the
Southern States. The opposition ol the
nullifiers to those measures have embol
dened the abolitionists; they have begun
again to inundate the country with their
incendiary publications, and they will con
tinue their machinations, until the feder
al and state governments, by severe pen
alties, arrest the dangerous dissemination
of those wild and inflammatory appeals
to the passions of a certain class ol our
community.
The abolitionists now attack the presi
dent of the United States, Mr. \ an Bu-
ren, and Mr. Pinckney’s resolutions.-
They call upon them the vengeance ol
Heaven and the hatred of the American
people, for their opposition to abolition
and the plans of the abolitionists. They
abuse the friends of Mr. Van Buren in the
State of New York and elsewhere, no less
than they abuse the friends of the presi
dent and Mr. Van Buren in the south.—
Can such abuse and mad ravings be re
sponded to by the nullifiers? Can the
latter continue to encourage the abolition
ists in their diabolical attacks, by continu
ing to oppose the president and vice pre
sident, lor the measures they recommend
ed in regard to the abolitionists? Will
they continue to condemn the resolutions
of Mr. Pinckney? We believe not. The
nullifiers should be, as union men arc,
deeply interested in the peace and safety
of the slaveholding States; it is to be hop
ed therefore, that they will cease an op
position which may endanger their con
stitutional rights, and the union of these
States.
The first number of a publication, with
the title of “The Anti-Slavery Examin
er,” was received a few days ago in this
city, by several persons. It is printed in
New York, dated August, 183G, and
“published by the American Anti-Slave
ry Society.” The first number contains
an address to the people of the United
Suites, by the executive committee of the
society, and signed by Arthur Tappan,
S. S. Jocelyn, Lewis Tappan, and others.
To show the feelings of the abolitionists
towards the president, Mr. Van Buren,
and Mr. Pinckney’s resolutions, we make
the following extracts. The address be
gins by assuming the position that, a com
pact has been entered into, “bv which
the south engages on certain conditions, to
give its trade and votes to northern men.”
The address then proceeds: “All rights
not allowed by this compact, we now hold
by sufferance, and our governors and le
gislatures show their readiness to deprive
us of them, whenever in their opinion, le
gislation on the subject shall he ‘necessa
ry.’” This alludes to the messages ol
the governors of New York and Connec
ticut, against the abolitionists, to the reso
lutions of the New York legislature, and
the bill introduced into the legislature of
Rhode Island. The address proceeds:
“Hundreds of free citizens, peaceably as
sembled to express their sentiments, have,
because such an expression was forbidden
by the compact, been forcibly dispersed,
and the chief actor in this invasion on the
freedom of speech, instead of being pun
ished for a breach of the peace, was re
warded for his fidelty to the compact
with an office of high trust and honor.”
This refers to Mr. Samuel Beardsley, a
warm and intimate friend of Mr. Van Bu-
rneinber of the last congress, and
The address concludes by recommend
ing the people to give their suffrages herc-
alter only to such men as they have rea
son to believe, will not sacrifice their
rights and .their own obligations, to “an
iniquitous and mercenary compact.”
Have we not every reason to support
Mr. Van Buren for the presidency? , Can
we, in the south, vote ior any other can
didate, than the one who is denounced
in such terms by the abolitionists? In
the present crisis of our political affairs,
and especially in regard to the slavery
question, every consideration should
prompt us to assist in the election of a
northern candidate, who is with us, heart
and soul, on that question, and who will
exert all his talents and all his influence,
in maintaining in all their purity the pub
lic institutions of the country. We have
need of such men to counteract the dan
gerous machinations of the abolitionists,
and the disastrous effects which such a de
cision as that lately made in Massachu
setts, might produce. Martin Van Buren
should be the choice of the south.
Let us bear in mind that the whole
force of the abolitionists is now directed
against Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Bu
ren and their friends in the United States.
Let us bear iu inind that the peace and
safety of the slaveholding States, cannot
be.preserved but by a strict adherence to
the letter and spirit of the constitution
which unites the States together, and the
election of officers to execute that consti
tution, and the laws emanating from it,
who are well known to take that instru
ment as the guide of their official conduct.
W e can have no letter evidence that Mr.
Van Buren is with the south, in regard to
abolition, than the declaration of the abo
litionists themselves, that he is against
them, and supports the constitutional
rights of the slaveholding States. Why
do the} r not abuse in a similar manner,
Mr. White, Gen. Harrison, or Mr. Web
ster? Why do they not abuse the vvhigs
and nullifiers, as they do the friends of
the administration? The abolitionists
know that they have nothing to expect
from Mr. Van Buren, should he he elect
ed president, but a faithful execution of
the law of the land, and the suppression
of all attempts to disturb the peace of the
country, or to invade the sacred rights ol
individuals. Do they expect some con
cessions, should another citizen he elect
ed? It would seem so, since Mr. A'an
Buren, of all the candidates, is the object
of their abuse and vituperations. There
fore, Mr. Van Buren should be the candi
date of the whole south: he ought to re
ccivc the unanimous support of the slave
holding States.
This spectacle occurred in the year
EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND TWEN
TY-FIVE, in a warmly contested elec
tion at KNOXVILLE, in which judge
White took a very warm interest for his
brother-in-law, CoL Williams, who was
then a candidate.
We make this statement advisedly, and
challenge its denial. AVe can PROVE
IT, and show, upon the evidence of a
citizen of Georgia, of the first respecta
bility, that upon the occasion referred to,
JUDGE WHITE did LOCK ARMS
with a FREE NEGRO, AND AA r ALK
AVITH HIM TO THE POLLS.
If this was not a full recognition of
lately appointed attorney general of the
State of New York. The abolitionists
accuse him of being the leader of the U-
tica riot against them.
The address then goes on to speak thus
of the president and Air. A T an Buren, the
northern candidate for the presidency.
“The executive magistrate of the A-
tnerican Union, unmindful of his obliga
tion to execute the law's for the equal
benefit of his fellow-citizens, lias sanc
tioned a censorship of the press, by which
papers incompatible with the compact,
are excluded from the southern mails,
and he has officially advised congress to
do by law, although in violation of the
constitution, what he had himself virtu
ally done already in despite of both.—
The invitation had indeed been rejected,
but by the senate of the United States on
ly, after a portentous struggle; a struggle
which distinctly exhibited the political
condition of the compact, as well as the fi
delity with which those conditions are observ
ed by a northern candidate for the presiden
cy."
Now for the resolution of Mr. Pinckney.
Upon this subject the address proceeds
1.1ms: “While in compliance with those
considerations, a powerful minority in the
senate were forgeing fetters for the press,
the house of representatives were employ
ed in breaking down the right of petition.
On the 2Gth of May last, the following re
solution, rworted by a committee, "was
adopted by me house, viz:
“Resolved, that all petitions, memori
als, resolutions, and propositions, relating
in any way, or to any extent whatever,
to the subject of slavery, shall, without
being either printed or referred, be laid
on the table, and that no further act ion
whatever shall be had thereon.
Then the address lays much stress on
the right of petition being invaded by this
resolution, which is, qualified as a “de
testable resolution;” as “no less barba
rous than it. is profligate and impudent;”
and “as being most flagitious by the arbi
trary means by which its adoption was
secured.” &c.
From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
The opponents of Mr. Van Buren have
with much industry, spread the charge
that this gentleman was in favor of negro
suffrage. This charge has been triumph
antly repelled. Now the whigs and nul
lifiers wiil have to defend their candidates
from charges of a similar character, if not
more odious to southern feelings and man
ners.
From the Globe.
HARRISON'S VOTE FOR WHITE SLAVES
In LS20 general Harrison was a mem
her of . the Ohio legislature, where a mo
tion was introduced in relation to the law
of creditor and debtor, which is taken
from tli" journals as follows:
“ALLEN TRIMBLE, Speaker.
“Mr. Fithian then moved to strike out
the 19th section of said bill as follows:
“Be it further enacted, That when any
person shall be imprisoned, either upon
execution or otherwise, for the non-pay
ment of a fine, or costs, it shall be lawful
for the sheriff of the county to sell out sue,
person as a servant to any person within this
State, who will pay the amount due for the
shortest period of service, of which sale public
notice shall be given of at least ten days, and
upon such sale being effected, the sheriff shall
give to the purchaser a certificate thereof, and
deliver over the prisoner to him; from which
time the relation between such purchaser and
prisoner shall be that of master and servant
until the time of service expires, and for in
juries done by either, remedy shall be had in
the same manner as is or may be provided by
law in the case of master and,. apprentices.—
But nothing herein contained shall be con
strued to prevent persons being discharg
ed from imprisonment .according to the
provisions of the thirty-seventh sectiou of
the act to which this is supplementary, if
it shall be considered expedient to grant
such dischar ge. Provided that the court,
in pronouncing sentence upon any person
or persons convicted under this act or the
act to which this is supplementary, may
direct such person or persons to be de
tained in prison until the fine be paid, or
the person or persons otherwise disposed
of agreeably to the provisions of this act.’
It is stated that the motion was decided
in the affirmative—yeas 20, nays 12
and that Gen. Harrison gave his vote
in the NEGATIVE.
So general Harrison is the advocate
for surrendering the unfortunate debtor,
as a slave, to a purchaser, because he
has the misfortune to be unable to pay a
debt which he had contracted, or a fine
imposed upon him.
At a time when the voice of the nation
calls loudly for the abolishment of im
prisonment for debt, an individual is be
fore the jiation as a candidate for the presi
deucy, who has voted to sell every lion
est unfortunate individual into slavery
who cannot liquidate a debt. AVhat a
picture is here exhibited to freemen, and
and those who advocate and laJxjV in the
cause of humanity!!
Mark the consistency of the whigs;
their candidate for the presidency voting
to sell white men as slaves; and their can
didate lor the vice presidency ready to
sever the Union to abolish the slavery of
the blacks.
AVe ask the people of both the slave
and non-slaveholding States to look at
these facts.
From the Standard of Union.
JUDGE WHITE AND THE TREE NEGROES.
It is well known, thac in Tennessee,
free persons of color were entitled to vote
without any property qualification or re
striction, for about twenty-eight years pre
vious to 1834, and that judge White took
no measures to exclude them. He was
in the habit of going to the polls with
them, and upon one occasion, did actual
ly walk to the Ballot Box, ARM AND
ARM AVITH A FREE NEGRO.
the most perfect EQUALITY between
AVHITE and BLACK, and a total level
ing of all distinctions, we are at a loss to
know what would be so considered.
AVhat what would be the effect of such
a scene in Georgia?
Now we ask, what is the difference be
tween Mr. A 7 AN BUREN and JUDGE
AVHITE? AVe answer—Mr. VAN BU
REN drove the free negroes from the
polls by a property qualification which
effectually excluded ninety-nine out of
every hundred, while JUDGE WHITE,
was dragging them to the polls, and en
couraging them to vote without the least
restriction.
dence of a marked principle, moral and
political, with a geographical line, once
conceived, I feared would never more be
obliterated from the mind; that it would
be recurring on every occasion and re
newing irritations, until it would kindle
such mutual and mortal hatred, as to ren
der separation preferable to eternal dis
cord. I have been among the most san
guine in believing that our Union would be
of long duration. I now doubt it much,
and see the event at no great distance,
and the direct consequence of this ques
tion: not by the line which has been so con
fidently counted on; the laws of nature
control this; but by the Potomac, Ohio,
and Missouri, or more probably the Mis
sissippi upwards to our northern bounda
ry. My only comfort and confidence
that I shall not live to see this;
and I envy not the present generation the
glory of throwing away the fruits of their
fathers’ sacrifices of life and fortune,
and of rendering desperate the expe
riment which was to decide ultimately
whether man is capable of self-govern
ment? This treason against human
hope will signalize their epoch in future
history, as the counterpart of the medal of
their predecessors.”
of
From the Washington City Globe.
" ; -THE GEOGRAPHICAL PARTY.
No man who witnessed the efforts of
the Calhoun „ and AVhite party, in co-ope
ration with the little body of abolitionists
in the house,, headed by Slade, Adams,
and Granger, could fail to draw the con
clusion, that their common object was to
strcngthen cach of the little factions to
which they belonged in their respective
sections, by quaking the question one be
tween geographical divisions, as marked
by the slaveholding and non-slaveholding
population. Hence the perpetual strug
gle of the nullifiers and AVhite men, and
abolitionists, to keep up the agitation of
the slave question—voting together upon
every point of order calculated to defeat
the object of the majority, which continu
ally labored to put down all discussion of
a subject that congress had rio right to in
terfere witla, and from the agitation of
which, nothing but mischief could be an
ticipated, as it regarded the legislation of
ihe house—or the excitement in the coun
try. But White’s friends, AVisc, Peyton
and others—Calhoun’s friends, Ham
mond, Waddy Thompson, Pickens, and
others, united with Slade, Granger, and
Adams, iu every attempt to baffle the
will of the house, to elude the previous
question—and, under pretence of free
discussion, to throw firebrands from one
section of Union into the other, and in
flame the circumstances of local difference
in regard to slavery, into a quarrel, which
would require every man from eacli di
vision of country so assailed, to array
himself in the ranks of the belligerents, to
defend those lie represented from insult
AVhile this game was going on in the house
between the two petty factions, to set the
north and south by the cars, the opposite
actors in the brawl were seen to counsel
with each other on the floor. This was
particularly remarked of the two most
prominent and imprudent agitators, Messrs
Slade and AVisc. The latter would not
hesitate to abuse the speaker, Mr. Pinck
ney, and other southern gentlemen who
nobly performed their duty to the portion
of the Union to which they belong, by la
boring to put down a strife tending to a
dissolution of the Union, and the over
throw of all the rights protected under
the guaranty of the federal constitution
but he was ready to counsel with Mr.
Slade, in view of the house, when the
struggle-was the fiercest, between those
seeking to give a quietus to the dissention
and those contending to blow it up into a
storm between the two great divisions of
the country. The panic plotters were
foiled in the house. Mr. Pinckney’s re
port and resolutions has put an end to
these troubles in congress; a settled rule
consigns every petition or paper, offered
on the subject, to instant oblivion.
And what is now the resort of the lead
ing nullifier and leading abolitionist, in
this extremity? AVe have already noticed
Calhoun’s letter, in which lie appeals to
the south “not to forget that the majortv
of congress in both houses are the repre
sentatives qf those States,” where “ncith
er party will directly oppose the abolitionists,
and “that,, if true to ourselves, we need neith
er their sympathy nor aid;" and he sets up
a southern president as a standard to rally
a geographical party around.
Tappanj on his side, has put out an ap
peal to the north, in which, denouncing
Mr. Beardsley as the leading friend of Mr.
Van Buren in one house, and Air. AVright
in the other, for “forging fetters for the
press,” and “breaking down the right of pe
tition,” invokes the north not to give its
suffrages for “northern presidents and other
officers” at the sacrifice of “freedom of con
science, of speech, of the press, and of legis
lation," but rather to “let all the appoint
ments at Washington be given to the south."
How happily the nullifier and abolitionist
work together! Tappan knows that noth
ing would rouse the north more thorough
ly," and h assume a geographical
party attitude, than the admission of Cal
houn’s doctrine, that the South would ne
ver tolerate a northern President! Tap-
pan is anxious, therefore, to split the
North up into factions for the present, at
the same time that he is laboring to con
centrate the whole South by threatening
its rights, to produce the common result at
which he and Calhoun aim. It is to
make the controversy which was buried
with the Missouri question, an ingredient
in every election of a president, until the
nation becomes divided into political par
ties, turning exclusively upon geographi
cal considerations; and then the melancho
ly forebodings of that passage in a letter of
Mr. Jefferson to Air. Short, dated April 13,
1820, they hope will be realized.
Extract from Mr. Jefferson’s letter to Mr.
Short.
“Although I had laid down as a law to
myself, never to write, talk, or even think
of politics, to know nothing of public af
fairs, and therefore had ceased to read
newspapers, yet the Missouri question a-
roused and filled me with alarm. The
old schism of federal and republican
threatened nothin", because it existed in
every State, ana united them together
by the fniterhism of party. -But the coinci-
AIartin Van Buren.—The history
statesmen does not afford a more brilliant
example, nor present for imitation, an in
dividual whose purity of character—mo
tives, and intention, deserve to be more
closely copied than those of this man.—
Ever calm and deliberate in forming his
opinion on questions of national and state
policy—probing every question to its ut
most depth—rcomparing its present merits
with every precedent in the history of the
world to which he could have access, his
his judgment when made up, has sel
dom if ever erred. It is this determined
perseverance in the examination of ques
tions of doubtful issue,, that has raised
him from step to step in the service of the
people. It is this quality, which is, ap
parently, as natural to him as the atmos
phere he breathes, and which has been
marked as a prominent feature in his
character, even from his infancy, but
which has developed itself more and
more fully as he lias advanced in years,
until his enemies, unable, or unwilling to
trace it to any other cause, attribute his
ready, correct judgment, to the skill of
magic. One moment’s reflection would
show them the foolish absurdity of such
a course, but-they are evidently a race not
overgifted with wisdom; the aristocracy
in this country have calculated too much
upon the credulity of the common people—
stigmatizing them as, the mob—the radicals,
the haters of good order and the breakers
down of all useful institutions.
Air. V. B. has been industriously cried
down by the ‘whig’ press, and in an al
most every instance the attack has been
made upon bis talents or virtues. The
great body of the people of this Union,
however, will delight to honor him, (as
they would auy other individual possess
ing like qualifications) for bis morality—
for his genius—for his skill in the science
of government, for opposition to tyranny
and devotion to democratic republican
principles.—Cattskill Recorder.
of feeling and action is essential to the continu
ance of free institutions. When the people cease
to have morally a unity of character, when
there is no longer a common idea which the
country represents, when the election of public
servants isno longer guided by principles and
feelings pervading and uniting our widely ex-
tended land, discordant factions will take the
place of federal union, and power will be wrested
from the people to be surrendered to a combina
tion of those factions. It was a common sympa
thy with our sister States which achieved the
revolution, ami which formed the federal union.
But the letter of the constitution permits an infi
nite number of candidates: and the whig claims
his vested right under the constitution of attempt,
ing to defeat all concert of action, to break up
all moral union, to destroy all sympathy between
the Slates, by assuming a position of insulated
surliness, and obtaining for his candidate a name,
for which not one other State in the Union of.
fees one solitary vote. What scenes of confu
sion would ensue if the democratic party—but
no, that is impossible. , The democratic party
is the party of harmony. ‘Union,’ said the fa
ther of his country,‘is the point of our political
fortress, against which the batteries of internal
and external enemies will be must constantly
and actively, though often covertly and insidi
ously directed.’ Listening to the counsels of
Washington, the democracy ‘frowns on the
first attempt to alienate one portion ofourcoun-
try from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties
which now link together its various parts.’ It
is the whigs of the South who‘calculate the val
ue of the Union;’it is the whigs of the North
who desire to consummate disunion, and see
Massachusetts ‘blottedfrom the mapof the States,'
rather than reconciled to the country. It is the
whigs who, under the forms of the Constitution,
but in defiance of its spirit, by the multiplication
of candidates, strive to wrest from the people the
choice of their own magis'rate, at one election
gelling up a special candidate for ‘solitary’
South Carolina, and at another a special candi
date for ‘solitary’ Massachusetts.”
We are not of
THE PARTY OF EXPEDIENTS.
The United States’ Gazette, which hires
Ago, the Englishman, to fabricate falsehood
for it, gives a letter about “certain threats made
by the President relative to the surplus reven
ue, viz. “That it should never go to the States;
that one difficulty or an other should keep it
back; and that those difficulties should be multi
plied just in proportion to the demands of the
States.”
This fabrication “the father of lies,” Noah,
takes up as the text of an article, and argues
that “Mr. Van Buren’s letter to Mr. Williams
is a clue to this ominous disclosure,” wherein
that letter “denounces and proscribes the will o!
the people," who if elected by them, will, by
“the regal and most detestable veto potaer,” pre.
vent the States “from receiving their proportion
of this surplus."
So far Noah. The Webster Boston Atlas
next takes up the wondrous tale under the
head of “a new development.”
“We have the authority of a letter written
by Mr. Woodberry, the Secretary of the Treas
ury, for asserting, with the most unreserved
confidence, that it is the present determination
of General Jackson and his advisers to pre
vent the Distribution Bill from going in
to operation at all hazards—and to effect
their object, advantage is to be taken of a quasi
war, got up for the purpose with Mexico, which
may afford the President a pretext for assu
ming tiie responsibility of withholding
THE surplus money from distribution.”
Every word of this is a most egregious false,
hood. The President has ordered every pre
paratory measure to be taken to place the pub
lic money in deposite with the States, on the
first of January. The Secretary of the Trea
sury', with his usual promptitude, has already
directed the necessary transfers of money to
be made to the banks in the different States, to
meet the arrangement, and in many instances
these transfers have already been effected.—
He has written his circulars to the Govenors of
the several States, and sent on the forms for the
papers which are to be executed, that the whole
business may be fully understood and provided
for in time, by the State Governments. And it
will be seen tlmt the President, so far from
seeking a war with Mexico, as a moans of
wasting the public treasury, has countermand,
ed even the march of the volunteer militia, un
advisedly ordered by General Gaines, for the
protection of our own frontiers from the Indi
ans.
How. contemptible are the expedients of the
factions opposing the democracy!! Tiie very
name which they have appropriated is a proof
that they hope to thrive by imposture. They
call themselves wings, when they are tobies
in principle. They invert truth, and even the
meaning of the very language of the country.
All this is naturally to be looked for, when
their leading editors are reviewed, and arc-
found to be a parcel of bank recruited renrga-
does. Their presses and types, (in this ciiv)
the very houses they occupy, are held by the
bank by deed, and their daily issues made de-
pendent on the bank’s bounty; and the more
effectually to give the hermaphrodite party the
power of deception, its old leaders have retired
from the front, and put lorivnrd Impostors and
Apostates in their stead.— Washington Globe.
MR. BANCROFTS’S CONTRAST OF PARTIES.
The following passage Iroin Mr. Bancroft’s
late admirable oration, finely illustrates the dif
ferent characters of the antagonist parties in this
country:
“The very nature of the popular government
requires that the people shall elect their own
Chief Magistrate, but the whigs deliberately con.
spire to take this election from the people and
transfer it to the House of Representatives,
pleading the letter of the constitution, and apply,
ing to ordinary elections the remedy provided
for a contingency, which ought always, if possi
ble, to be avoided. Again: the very nature of
society and government require union. Concert
Mr. Madison's Opinion,
the number of those who attach excessive im
portance to the opinions ol great men. In fact,
no question can be settled by authority. The
wisest are often wrong, and the most profound
inquirers differ in their conclusions. If we
were to embrace every opinion which has been
entertained by some eminent man, we should
believe a thousand absurdities and all sorts of
contradictions.
St ill as authority has its weight with those
who are either too lazy to use their own rea
son, or too diffident in its strength to confide in
its conclusions, it is always fair to adduce the
opinions of wise men in favor of an argument,
and suffer them to make the impression they
may. There is a dispute at present going on
in the journals of the day concerning the poli
tical opinions of one of (.lie most eminent and
profound statesman of the country. In Mr. Ban
croft’s fourth of July oration, a noble composi
tion, which some of the Whig papers have
made the object of the foulest abuse, the follow
ing statement is made:
“Mr. Madison was alike opposed to the
Whigs of the South and to the Whigs of the
North; not to them personally, but to their doc
trines; and his preference of Mr. Van Buren,
whom he personally esteemed most highly',
was the result not that of personal esteem, but
of love to the Union. The party that rallies
around Mr. Van Buren, was to Mr. Madison
the Party of the Union.”
A Virginia paper, the Charlottesville Advo
cate, contradicts this statement in the following
terms:
“This statement is so completely at variance
with Mr. Madison’s whole course of conduct
for many years, that we have no hesitancy in
pronouncing it utterly void of truth. We have
conversed with several gentlemen who have
had the most favorable opportunity of knowing
Mr. Madison’s opinions, and they all agree that
there cannot lie a word of truth in the asser
tion. Mr. Madison was so extreme!v cautious
in expressing himself upon any question touch
ing the [rolitics of the day, that even lus most
intimate acquaintances were ignorant of his po
litical preferences.”
It is very true, we believe, that Mr. Madison
was cautious in the expression of his political
notions, whenever they had any reference to
party subjects. It was natural, too, that he
should in his old age avoid speaking on such
subjects with those who disagreed with him,
from a dislike of disputes, and the love of
quiet natural to the decline of life. The per
sons of whom the writer of the paragraph in
the Charlottesville paper made his enquiries,
are probably zealous members of the opposi
tion, such as naturally are found about an op
position newspaper, to whom .Mr- Madison did
not choose to lay open his views for the reason
we have mentioned. On the other hand, the testi
mony of Mr. Bancroft is full and explicit. The
Charlottesville print merely adduces the testi
mony of certain persons who did not know Mr.
Madison’s political preferences. Mr. Ban
croft’s testimony is that of a man who did know
them. Mr. Bancroft’s high character precludes
the slightest suspicion tiiat he would give a
false coloring to the conversation held with
him by Mr. Madison. He visited Montpelier for
the sake of obtaining the aid of the recollections
and pnpersof its illustrious inhabitant to the com-
pi hit ion of the history of this country. This vis
it was not brief, and the nature of iheir conver
sations on tl - subject of those periods in our an
nals in which Madison was a principle actor,
would naturally make them unreserved if he a-
greed with Mr. Bancroft, as he doubtless did, in
his view of tiie parties which now divide the na
tion, it was most natural that he should say so
to his guest. The positive testimony of so re
spectable a witness as Mr. Bancroft out-weighs
all the negative testimony that could be pro.
duccd.
A letter published in the Washington Globe
the other day purporting to come from an old
acquaintance of Mr. Madison, goes far to cor
roborate the statement made by Mr. Bancroft.
The following extract shows that he “agreed
neither with the Whigs of the South nor the
Wings of the North.”
“He (Mr. Madison) spoke very freely of
nullification which he altogether condemned,
remarking that Air. Walker of the Senate, in
a speech he had delivered on some occasion,
was the first person who had given to the pub-
lie what Mr. Aladison considers the true view
of Mr. Jefferson’s language on that subject.”—
“Mr. Madison went further on this subjeet than
I think he did on any other in the way of con
demnation.” “He said a great deal of the ap
pointing power of the President; denying alto,
getlier as a recent notion the doctrine which
withholds from the President the power to fill
vacancies in the recess of the Senate.”
“He condemned all Monopolies and Per
petuities as inconsistent with republican insti
tutions, although he said some corporations
seemed to be indispensible to public improve
nients, but he thought that every Legislature
should be open to review the bye laws and oth
er proceedings of corporations, as they pass
from time to time, and to affirm, alter or disaf
firm them as they pleased.”
It is with pleasure that we place on record
this cmphatick condemnation of false doctrines
of both the Whigs of the South and those of
the North.—N. Y. Evening Post.
New Line of Packets.—We are happy
to see such preparations for the business
season, as appears about our wharves.—
Rowland, Crane and Shackelford, emin
ent merchants of our city, have estab
lished a new line of packets between this
port and New York; and the first of the
line arrived here last week. The brig
Anne, Captain Burse, is" a fine seaboat;
and 9he is to be succeeded in a short
time, by other vessels of the same class.
We have flow two lines of packets Tun
ing t o New York and one to Boston. Six
years ago, no one would believe that a
singl e line could lie supported by the com-
mer ce of the port.—Darien Telegraph.
"’Tist he »tar-spangled banner,oh, long may it wave
‘O’ertheUud oftliefree andtho home of thebrave.**
FEDERAL UNION.
IHIUEDGEVILLE, SEPT. 27, 1836.
EXXON DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN
TICKET.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
R. M. JOHNSON.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
THOMAS ANDERSON, of Franklin,
WILLIAM II. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison,
THOMAS HAYSES, of Baldwin,
REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper,
WILSON LUMPKIN, of Clark,
WILLIAM PENTICOST, »J Jackson,
THOMAS SPALDING, of SVIntosh,
JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee,
WILLIAM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham,
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
CONGRESSIONAL TICKET.
JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of DtKalh,
JOHN COFFEE, of Telfair,
THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond,
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin,
CHARLES E. HAYNES, cf Hancock,
HOPKINS HOLSEY, of Harris,
JABF.Z JACKSON, of Clark,
GEORGE W. OWENS, of Chatham,
GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, oj Talbot.
LEGISLATIVE UNION TICKET
For Baldwin County.
FOR SENATE,
MICHAEL J. KENAN,
FOR REPRESENTATIVES,
CHARLES D. HAMMOND,
BENJAMIN L. LESTER.
ELECTION RETURNS.—Our friends
are respectfully requested to transmit to
us as soon as practicable after the election,
a statement of the polls in their respective
counties.
TO THE POLLS. Every citizen is
solemnly called on by the constitution to
perform a high duty to his country on the
first Monday in October. That man who,
believing the principles of the Union party
to be correct, shall be deterred by luke-
warmness or personal animosity against
any of the Union candidates, from voting
a full Union ticket, is grossly derelict-of
his duty, and deserves to lose the confi
dence of that party. Let all individual
dislikes and resentments, and all minor
political differences yield to the great prin
ciple of Union, the stable foundation of the
party. Let the Union party come forth in
the majesty of its united strength, and se
cure a decisive and splendid triumph to
its principles.
UNION VOTERS, BEWARE.—It is
conjectured that in some of the counties
the nullifiers will head their ticket with the
name uf GEN. GLABOOCK, emblazon
ed in conspicuous letters. It is a subject
of gratulation, that their prejudice is so
far subdued, as to permit them to perceive
the high merit of this distinguished demo
crat. lie richly deserves the praises
which they have bestowed on him; and we
trust they will prove their sincerity by
their votes. But Union men can have no
reason to separate Gen. Glascock from his
colleagues. His principles, his sentiments,
his affections do not differ from theirs.—
They are all worthy, in an eminent degree,
of the confidence and support of their fel
low-citizens. Let no Union man lie mis
led to rt ject the name of Gen. Glascock
from his ticket, because be is supported by
nullifiers! Let no U nion man be seduced
to accept a nullifying ticket, because it is
crowned with the honored name of his
own favorite candidate!
CONGRESS IONAL C AND ID ATES.
—A fortnight ago wc showed, that the
Union candidates are worthy of public
confidence, because in a great crisis,
when an execrable political heresy threat
ened to overthrow our admirable govern
ment, and to oppress the people by test-
oaths, and newly-invented treasons, and
to sever the Federal Union amid the hor
rors of civil war, they and their associates
nobly breasted the storm, and saved the
country from the fatal ambition of John
C. Calhoun. We at the same time show
ed, that the nullifying candidates ought
to be rejected, because, notwithstanding
the cognomen of “State Rights,” under
which they endeavor to obliterate their
past history, and to conceal their real
character, they are participants in the
foreign nation, in opposition to the lftter .
ests of his fellow-citizens, and the hon *
of his country. French armed vessel*!
trampling on our neutral rights, and\ l0 .
guilty schemes of the corrupt Carolinean,
wiiusc principles they stiu cnCAsh. A
lating existing treaties, had plundered on
commerce on the ocean. Every acini' ?
istration for more than twenty years h" 1 )
in vain sought reparation for these f|
grant outrages; but when our claims f*
indemnity were urged by Andrew
son, the French government could 3
longer pass them by with silent contemut
or insincere and evasive promises By
a solemn treaty - negotiated with our atu
bassador, Mr. Rives, the French govern
ment, through its executive, agreed
pay a sum which was calculated by both I
parties to be a just reimbursement ior th f
plunder of our citizens. But after a lo n ! I
delay, that branch of the French govern s
ment, on which devolved the obligation •
to execute this treaty, by making the pay. 4 J
inents to which it bound France, deter! -'i-I
mining to abrogate the treaty without o w •
consent, deliberately refused to fulfil that ■ B
obligation. Then arose another, and r . HI
higher question than that which the trea! ~
ty was designed to settle. To the robbe
ry of our citizens was then added our wp
degradation as a nation. We were
treated as a mercenary people, who ;
have not the spirit to maintain their a>- j
certained and admitted rights, and who
will tamely submit to the most degrading ■'*'
injustice, rather than hazard a conflict in ■*'
repelling it. If we timidly acquiesce in ’
thd wrong, if we basely submit to the S ‘3
dishonor, what nation will hereafter re- 'jtj
spect our commerce, or regard our neu, £
tral rights, or fulfil its treaties with us?— .
National honor and national interest do
not conflict with each other; they equally !
forbid pusillanimous submission; and An- ]
drew Jackson, in a tone that was kind
respectful, and courteous to France, and
at the same time true to his own countrv
advised that we should prepare to obtain r '
justice for ourselves, should that power- •
ful nation persist in withholding what was
due to our citizens, and in degrading us i
in the eyes of all nations, by its abrogt- i
tion ol' our treaty. Was there an Amer- J
ican who did not respond to the just and 1
patriotic sentiments of the president?— a
Was there an American who was willing j
to sacrifice the rights of his injured fellow- J
citizens, and to stain the honor of hu |
country, by permitting a foreign power
arbitrarily to trample on her treaty with
our government? Yes, an apostate states
man in our national senate, was heard to
raise his voice against the cause of his
country', and to justify the wrongs which
she had suffered from Franee. He warn
ed his countrymen not to incur the hazard *
of a war with France, because it would f-
be expensive and dangerous. Degener
ate man! Where was that ardent patri
otism, that keen and lofty sense of nation
al honor, which formerly inspired his
breast, when in strains of Demosthenian
eloquence he exhorted bis countrymen to
resist the wrongs of England? John C.
Calhoun is fallen, thrice fallen! The dis
appointment of inordinate ambition, and
scorching envy of a triumphant competi
tor have blasted the patriotic seutimenu
which formerly swelled his bosom. He
is now anxious to see his country injured
and disgraced, rather than permit An- 'fl
drew Jackson to reap the glory of main- 1
taining her rights, and vindicating her
honor. France sends a Hoot into our ; 4
neighborliood, to be prepared to strike the ||
first, blow at our exposed commerce, and Jp
our defenceless cities: and even then Cal-
houn opposed an appropriation to enable
the president to prepare to repel the med
itated attack; and hts ally, Webster, still
breathing the hateful spirit of the Han
ford Convention, declared that he would
not consent to the appropriation, even
though an enemy were pointing his can
non to batter down the walls of the capital. A
In this extraordinary contest, between g
Andrew Jackson on the one side, en
deavoring to maintain the rights of
fellow-citizens, and the honor of his conn- |
week ago, wc showed that the Union can
didates maintained their character for su
perior patriotism, by their opposition to
the towering ambition of the United
States’ Bank, when it strove by bribery',
by bankruptcy, and by a dradful panic,
to seduce, or to overawe the government
of the United States; and that the nullify
ing candidates had proved themselves in
competent or unworthy to administer a
branch of that government, which they
labored to subject to the control of
great monied monopoly', amid the most
glaring displays of its corruption.
If we pursue the history of the present
administration, we shall find these nulli
fiers constantly following Calhoun in his
unmeasured and unprincipled opposition
to that eminent statesmen, twice called by
an intelligent people to administer the
federal government, whose profound sa
gacity, and inflexible firmness, and con
quering energy', and ardent patriotism
would have given him a distinguished
place among the most iUustnous men of
Greece or Rome, in the brightest days of
the ancient republics. It has been the
constant study of Calhoun to obscure the
glory, by misrepresenting the motives,
and obstructing the measures of a great
man, with whom he could not successful
ly contend in the fair field of honorable
fame. In pursuing this envious policy he
has even espoused the unjust quarrel of a
try; and his enemies on the other side, la- p,
boring to aid a foreign power in its at-
tempt to sacrifice those rights, and tarnish Jj
that honor, on which side were found the
opposing candidates for congress? On
this point -we make a grave and weighty -t
charge; and we desire not to be roisua-
derstood. The nullifiers, while acting
under the influence of their own send-
ments, are not wanting in patriotism; but :
they have surrendered themselves with «
an infatuation so blind and devout to tl*
guidance of the arch nullifier, that when E
he directs, under the evil spell even thei' ^
love of country is extinguished. They
espoused the cause of a foreign people a- >t jfe
gainst their own country'; they justified <,
the abrogation of the treaty by France,
and encouraged her to persevere in vio-
lating her engagements to ns. wk
What other course was to be expected '1
from the disciples of Calhoun? He!
taught them to believe, that the United ^
States do not constitute their country; that
they are not citizens of the United States;
and that they owe no allegiance to its go'”'
eminent. What hold have we on their
attachment to our common countn'—
What claim have we to their haeiiiy; - '
They are taught to entertain a deadly
hatred for a large number of the sister
States, and for the government which
binds them together. The Columbia
Times, a press high in the confidence of j
Calhoun and Preston, and a favorite or-
gan of their party, has declared it to be a
“fact that tbe Union is a curse instead of
a blessing." What madness would it be
in the people, to confide to such men anj
agency in the administration of their fed
eral government? The doctrines which
they entertain, together with their pa- 4 j
history', force os to the conclusion, that
they will not defend the interests or the
honor of our common countiy from the
injustice or insult of foreign nations; and i
that they will employ the authority with
which they may be clothed, in fomenting
discord, and in kindling reciprocal ba-)
treds between the different sections; and ‘
that whenever they shall find, or be able
to make the fatal opportunity, they will
sever the Union. What intelligent, and
reflecting, and candid patriot can consent i
that any one of these men shall represent
the patriotic people of Georgia, in the
congress of the United States?
Widely different has been the conduct
of the Union candidates. During the
controversy with France, they preserved
th© consisteiv'v of thrir character, su?