Newspaper Page Text
>i'4 s®w<is»i<.
lloa was, that the whole party should
w'-nr lartr“ inusiachtos. Sinee t i* a. a a
of the valiiint general, we are without ad-
ditional particulars, save that M>in e °
hands deluded into tills enterprise, and
who were not parties to the % a nous poc u
lations, have been discharged.
-Diet
Death of Colonel Dnrr.-V^>» on the
13th instant, at Staten Island, Colonel
Aaron Birr, formerly ' 1(0 resident
of the United States, m the cighty-fii .-4
year of his age. ,
His remains will be taken hence by the
steamboat Swan, on \ ricla\, b ° e oc
A. >L, and interred in the bwna\ place ol
his ancestors, at Princeton, >• >■, at halt
past 3 o’clock, P. M. of that day. Col
onel Burr occupied a large space m the
history of this country. He was a man
of extraordinary talents, of undoubted
courage, and his services during the war
of the revolution were great and xaned.
Ilis history, which was a remarkable one
in every respect, will be left to the pen of
the historian, or to those who knew him
best.—Star. .
The New York Courier niul Enquirct
of yesterday says, his (Colonel Burrs)
has been an eventful life. He was born
at Newark, in t he State ol New Jersey,
on the Gth of February, 17-56. When
only nineteen years of ny, he joined
general Arnold as a volunteer, and march
ed with him from Newbury port, tlnOugh
the wilderness, to Chaudiere Pond.
From thence he proceeded to notify gen
eral Montgomery of the approach of this
reinforcement.. In the assault on Quebec,
on the 31st December, 1775, he was one
of the aids-de-camp of that gallant officer,
and was by his side when he fell, mortal
ly wounded. After the repulse ot the
Americans, major Burr, having acquired
great reputation for intrepidity and talent,
at the request of general Yooster, remain
ed with tin' army, and acted as brigade
major, until May, 1776.
in the month of May he proceeded to
the city of New York, and by the invita
tion of general Washington, entered Ins
military family. Here he soon became
dissatisfied; but on the recommendation
of governor Hancock, consented to ac
cept the appointment of aid-de-camp to
major general Putnam, then in command
in the city. At the battle of Long Island,
Putnam commanded, and Burr was his
aid.
When the American army retreated
from New York, Burr, bv his intrepidity,
rescued from certain capture the brigade
of general .Silliman, which was left in
charge of general Knox. In June, 1777,
he was appointed lieutenant colonel of
Malcom’s regiment, which regiment he
commanded for about two years, without
permitting corporeal punishment to be in
flicted in a single instance. During that
period, his reputation as a scientific, gal
lant and vigilant oflicer was greatly in
creased.
On the 28th of June, 1778, in the bat
tle of Monmouth, he commanded his own
and a part of another regiment, in the di
vision of Lord Sterling. His sufferings,
from fatigue, on that day, greatly impair
ed his health, and ultimately compelled
him to retire from the army, at the close
of 1779.
Immediately after quitting the army,
he commenced the study of law, with
William Patterson, Esq. subsequently a
distinguished judge of the supreme court
of the United States. Between these
gentlemen a warm and ardent friendship
subsisted. In 17S0 he left judge Patter
son’s office, and entered that of Thomas
Smith, Esq. brother of the honorable
William Smith, King’s attorney. for the
State of New York. In the autumn of
17S1 lie removed to Albany, an l was ad
mitted to practice as attorney and coun
seller of the supreme court.
On the 2d of July, 1782, then twenty-
six years of age, he was married to" Mrs.
Theodosia Prevoost, widow of colonel
Prevoost of the British armv. In 17*8.4,
he was elected, by the city of New York,
a member of the State legislature. In
1790 he was appointed by general George
Clinton, attorney general of the State.—
In 1791, he was appointed judge of the
supreme court, but after taking time to
deliberate, refused to accept. In 1792
he was elected a senator of the United
Slates. He was several times after this
period a member of the State legislature,
and president of the convention whicK re
vised the constitution. In 1801 he was
elected vice president of the United States.
From this time, to nearly its close, his
life has been one of great and abiding in
terest. He who writes his history has a
delicate task to perform. Its writer will
have prejudices to meet, of long standing,
and deep rooted. Bui the American peo
ple have a right, now that lie sleeps the
sleep of death, to some account of the
ever varying and checkered scenes
through which he has passed, so far as he
has left the means, and they are said to
be ample—New York paper, 14th uft.
Mexico.—The shooner Bonita, Hernandez
Master, arrived in our port on Monday evening
from Vera Cruz, bringing dates from that city
up to 27th ult. which our readers will see below.
We have received by the same vessel our files
of the Diario do Mexico up to the loth ult. in
clusively, which furnish nothing of import on
the state of affairs in that republic.
Mirabcau B. Lamar’s famous letter had been
received in the capital. Our readers remember
that, that document strongly recommended the
putting to death of Santa Anna.: now, as the
captive president nutnbersstill influential parti-
sansin Mexico, and it we arc to deduce from the
asstiranees given by the official government pa-
per, it must be the obvious that the letter in
question has created a great deal of indignation
among the partizans of the Autocrat. But in
relation to the liberal party with the Cosmopoli-
ta at its head celebrated the event, which they
consider a sure guarantee of the country if the
doctrines of Mr. Lamar triumphed over the in.
conceivable policy oftho Texian cabinet; on that
point rumor was great in Mexico, all those pos-
scssingsuch principles are called anti-Mexican,
and the Diaro in a sort of Phillipic exclaims.
lie lies, that perverted Lamar, they also, all
lie, those who dare say that the death of Gener
al Santa Anna will be gratifying to the Mexi
can nation. The majority of the people are in
favor of this chief and evince for him more or
loss onthusisarn, all see in him the first magistrate
of the republic, Iiis death would be to us th© vi
lest reproach. The blood of Santa Anna will he
the sign of total destruction to Texas. Let the
miscreants tremble for having ever even dreamt
of conn,lining such an atrocious crime! The
daj*on which the prisoner of Saint Jacinto will
cease to exist, will be the day of their ruin and
extermination! Let them tremble also, whom
to foment anarchy will not grant pardon, they
may obtain what they desire, but the hour ol
national vengeance is at hand; and it will be
terrible!”
The official dispatches from head quarters
Oajaca give further details relative to the affair
at Etiu, it appears that the liboralists had tuken
possession oftho village of Jojo which they kept
for fourteen days, they numbered about 1000
men of w hich 500 dragoons, 200 mounted men,
and the citizens and peasants of the neighbor
hood. The first engagement took place on the
20th June in which the federal troops had the
advantage over the government troops, it was
only on the 14th day that the action at Etla
took place, in which victory decided in favor
of the latter—We have already given our rea
ders the details of this engagement.
The official returns from the different depart
ments state that tranquillity reigns in every
quarter.
whigs of the north, including the mass of nbo-
Idiot)ists, Mr. Vail Buren is denounced ns an
enemy of the non-slaveholding States for his un
yielding devotion to the principles of the cousii-
tutimi, and his consequent respect for southern
rights, and southern institutions. At tlie same
time the southern portion of the coalition unite
in the face of the most irrefragable testimony,
in charging him not only with aid ng and abet
ting the incendiary schemes of the northen agi
tators, but with being himself an abolitionist in
principle and practice. A more wanton and
reckless libel on the character of a distinguish
ed statesman is not to be found in the annals of
party mendacity. Had we not the clearest evi
dence that Mr/ Van Buren is unalterably op
posed to abolitionism; were there the shadow'of
a doubt resting on his principles in regard to the
exclusive right of the slaveholdintr .slates to
control their peculiar
institutions without moles-
POLITICAL.
conclusion of Tin*: address of tub COM
MITTEE OF THE ALABAMA CONVENTION.
But it is not merely that the White party are
struggling to carry the election into congress,
and that for that purpose they continue to as
sail the administration in the most violent man
ner, and adopt cordially the assaults dictated by
the most opposite feelings—the rancor of the
nullifier for the annihilation of his hopes, and
the resentments of the tariff and consolidation,
i.st party for the destruction of their favorite sys
tem—changed as arc Judge White’s political
feelings, associations and conduct—hostile as
his votes have shown him to be on grounds of
personal resentment to the president and his
friends, and sharply as he lias manifested his
resentments and disappointments, the party
which sustains him on violated pledges, would
have more claim to indulgence if they had any
reasonable hope of success, and were not labor
ing with their eyes open for the advancement of
another. The opposition have u formidable
candidate in the field under their own name, and
on their own principles. Were every vote
claimed forjudge White conceded to him, lie
would still be far short of a majority. Every
vote, therefore, thus directed by his influence
from the democratic candidate, strengthens the
powerof the whigs. General William II. liar,
rison is the candidate held up in most of the
northern, western, and middle States, where the
name of Mr. Webster, of tlic same political
feelings, notions, and associations, is required to
keep the vote of a Slate fron being given Mr.
Van Buren. To use local partialities and
southern prejudices, so as to take a few demo
cratic votes from Mr. Van Buren, without the
prospect of success for their own professed fa
vorite, and with the certainty of multiplying the
chances for the election of an avowed tariff lati-
tudinarian-internal-improvcmout, bank and ab
olition candidate like General Harrison, seems
now to be the desperate object of the struggle of
the opposition here. If they do not in this Stale,
as in Virginia, enter into an avowed political
bargain to bestow their votes for White or Har
rison on the doctrine of chances, giving them
where they can make the most political profit,
they are moving with equal clearness of purpose
to gain till' same object in the house of repre
sentatives, who e presidents may be made by
intrigue or purchase, and where the votes of
seven States—an awful responsibility—are in
the gift of seven individuals!!
Fenorr-ciiizcns—we have thus described to
you, as briefly as the importance of the occa
sion will admit of, the contradictory professions,
the anti-republican character and tendencies,
anomalous constitution of the new party among
you, that advocates the election of Hugh L.
White for president. Is our picture faithfully
drawn? We have appealed to the record, lo
cite their pledges and prove the forfeiture. We
have cited their grave legislative declaration of
doctrines and purposes, and pointed to the un
erring evidence of their conduct to prove this
insincerity. Look around you, and ask who
are they that form this incongruous coalition?—
Is there a violent nullifier, a declaimer against
the general government, as bloody, hateful, and
tyrannical, for not submitting the laws and con
stitution of the Union to the dictation of a few
leading South Carolina disorganizes? He is an
advocate for Judge White. Is there an ultra
friend of the tariff—a partisan of Clay and
Webster, a latitudinarian who believes in the
omnipotence of congress over all subjects con
nected with the “general welfare”—he is an ad
vocate of White. Is there an ancient reviler
of General Jackson, one who has been, year
after year, venting his hate for that inflexible
patriot and illustrious statesman in the most vio-
lent epithets—he is, invariably, a partisan for
White. Is there a supporter of the land bill,
that gigantic scheme of spoliation, which would
reduce Alabama to the rank of a tributary,
whose substance would be eaten out by grasp
ing cupidity, thirsting lor a share in the distribu
tion of the public lauds—he is an advocate, and
in this, a follower of Judge White, who voted
for that odious bill. Is there a political friend
of Mr. Clay, an admirer of Mr. Webster, a
follower of General Harrison—mark how in
variably all these come cordially into union
with nullifiers, to sustain Judge White. In
short, wherever in this State, and elsewhere,
there is a foe upon any pretence to Jackson or
his measures, a personal enemy of the vice pre
sident, or a dissentient, however opposite the
grounds of dissent from any of the acts or prin
ciples of the democratic administration—no
matter how discordant their professed principles
among each other—they come cordially to
gether, and coalesce harmoniously for a joint
attack upon the democratic party, administra
tion, and candidates. The alacrity to destroy
what is established; the eagerness to bumble an
adversary; resentments for thwarted plans and
disappointed ambition, and the instinct of undy
ing hostility towards a successful rival; these
form the principal bond of cohesion, and tiie only
community of feeling among the coalition
which in this State assails Mr. Van Buren, and
opposes the administration. Such arc most un
worthy elements of political action. They are
not only dangerous to the existence of our go
vernment, of the constitution and of liberty,
because they are, in their essence, incapable of
drawing into their communion a sufficient num
ber of votes, to enable them to make the peril
ous experiment of profiting by success. The
imagination can hardly conceive a state of
things more disastrous, than the ascendency of
such an incongruous party, laboring by mutual
bartering of principles and sacrifices of con-
science, to set up a rickety administration, des
tined to bring the country to shame, if it should
survive long enough to struggle into any thing
like action. The instinctive dread with which
the contemplation of this remote possibility
strikes every reflecting mind, should be, among
a right toinking people, a full guaranty, that
power will he sedulously preserved from taking
so fatal a direction. In the virtue, sagacity,
and principles of the people, is the safety of
their government, from the incalculable evils of
such a catastrophe.
So much has been said of the character of
our opponents and their purposes that little re
mains to be enforced in behalf of the democrat
ic cause and candidates. We pride ourselves
upon the plain, coherent, republican simplicity
of our tenets; the unvarying integrity of the
principles to which all "democratic measures
conform, and the stern accountability to which
all are held for their fidelity to popular rights
and the permanency of the Union. Sensible
of this, our adversaries refuse to meet us upon
any well defined ground of political principles.
Our coherence and harmony would contrast too
fatally for them with the multitudinous discords
of their combination. But they have made
this struggle a war upon an individual. By dic
tation from any quarter whatever, no earthly
consideration could induce us to yield him our
support, or to recommend him to your confi
dence.
The democratic party, in selecting a candi
date for the picsidcncy, have not been unmind
ful of their obligations to themselves, or ol their
duty to their country. I hey present you with
a candidate who was born and nurtured in the
purest schools of Jeffersonian democracy, and
whose public life has evinced his devotion to the
political principles they inculcate. On the sub
ject of the abolition of slavery, Mr. Van Buren
has solemnly declared himself “the inflexible mid
uncompromising opponent of any attempt, on the
part of Congress, to abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, against the wishes of the.
slave-holding Statesand he has announced
“the determination equally decided, to resist the
slightest interference with the subject in the States
where it exists.” He says, “the constitution ol
the United States carries with it an adjustment
of all questions involved in the deliberations
which led to its adoption, and that the compro
mise of interests in which it was founded, is
binding in honor and good faith, independently
of the force of agreement, on all who live under
its protection, and participate in the benefits of
which it is the source.” “That the relation of
master and slave is a matter exclusively be
longing to the people of each State, within its
own boundary, and that any attempt by the ge
neral government to interfere with or disturb it,
would violate the spirit of that compromise
which lies at the basis of ihe federal compact.”
“That we can only hope to maintain the Union
of the Slates by abstaining from all interference
with the laws, domestic policy, and peculiar in
terests of every other State.” “That all sucli
interference which tends to alienate one portion
of our countrymen from the rest, deserves to be
frowned upon with indignation by all who cher
ish the principles of our revolutionary fathers,
ami who desire to preserve the constitution by
the exercise of that spirit of amity which ani
mated its framers.”
In regard to the abstract question of the pow
er conferred upon congress by the constitution
to “exercise exclusive legislation mall cases what-
ever,” over the federal district, it is the opinion
of Mr. Van Buren, that it confers on that body
no other authority over the subject of slavery,
than would otherwise have been possessed by
the States of Maryland and Virginia, and he
adds: “I do not hesitate to give it as my delib
erate and well considered opinion, that there are
objections to the exercise of this power, against
the wishes of the slave-holding States, as im
perative in their nature and obligations, in re-
•mlating the conduct of public men, as the most
palpable want of constitutional power would
be.”
No stronger evidence has been, or can be fur
nished by any man than is contained in these
declarations, of uncompromising hostility to the
principles and objects of the abolitionists.—
They arc made, too, by an individual who dur
ing thirty years of public service, has been
steadily advancing, etop By step, in public esti
mation, challenging confidence by the force of
his talents, the propriety of bis conduct, the
soundness of his principles, and the purity of
his morals. On this subject, as on all others
connected wilh the constitutional administration
of the government, is identified a principle, feel
ing, and action with the great republican party
of the nation,—and, in conclusion, fellow-citi-
zr.ns, we support Mr. VAN BUREN for the
Presidency, and recommend him to your choice,
because of his admitted integrity, his eminent
ability, his great experience in public affairs,
his love of the Union, and his devotion to the
constitution. Under his administration of the
government, our country will continue prosper,
ous and happy; the heart of the Patriot will be
gladdened, and the friends of liberty all over
the world will have an occasion to rejoice.—
But, if by supineness and inattention, we per
mit our adversaries to carry the election of pre
sident into the House of Representatives, a dark
and portentous cloud will overshadow otir pros
pects, and whether our institutions will survive
the shock can only be known to HIM in whose
hands is the destiny of Nations.
T. SANFORD,
VVM. M. HARROW,
J. E. BELSER,
ROB’T. M. GARVIN,
JOHN D. PHELAN.
Mobile, August, 183(1
Extract from an address to the people of Mis.
sissippi, by John F. II. Claiborne, one of
its members in Congress.
******
We have space only for the following, from
this able paper. We ask for it an attentive
perusal; it carries sincerity and truth upon its
face. Will the opposition presses give it, and
then the letter of Mr. Van Buren, so that their
readers may have a sprinkling of both sides of
the question. We will publish Judge Porter’s
speech, at Nashville, if the Advertiser will give
the letter of Mr. Van Buren in full.
“It now only remains forme to show that the
parly lo which 1 belong, are not chargeable
with the agitation of this subject in Congress or
out of it. I am constrained to do this in self,
defence; because it is well known, that as a
freeman and a voter, I have always expressed
my determination to support Mr. Van Buren.—
During my canvass on every occasion, I freely
avowed my confidence in his patriotism and ox-
emption from all sectional prejudices; but there
are those who consiantly denounce him and his
friends as tinctured with abolition. To this
charge I will succinctly reply, without animad
verting on the conductor impcaching the mo.
tives of assailants, who are much more vulner
able themselves.
“Mr. Van Buren’s opinions on the movements
of the abolitionists, are well known, and have
repeatedly been expressed. No portion of his
friends have more confidence in his regard for
the rightsoftltc South, than hissouihern friends
who are familiar with his views. It is well
known, that in the event of his election to the
presidency, he wouid never sanction any act
going lo destroy or impair the guarantees that
have been thrown by the constitution around the
institution of slavery. Tlie stale charges that
have been made against him, as to his being a
Missouri restrictionist, and voting for negro
suffrage, &c. have been triumphantly repelled,
and it tasks my charity to believe, that those
who repeat ihcse charges, think them suscepti-
hie of proof. On the contrary, Mr. Van Bu
ren has always stood up fin- the vesied rights of
every portion of tho Union, and only a few days
since when the Senato camo to vole qpon Mr.
Calhoun’s bill “to prevent the circulation of in
cendiary documents by mail,” a bill of such
vital importance to the tranquillity of the .South,
he gave the casting vote in favor of the bill. Hud
Mr. Van Buren voted against this bill, how loud
and bitter would have been the denunciations of
the opposition press. He would have been held up
as an enemy of thp South, while Clay and Web
ster, (who voted against this bill,) are suffered
to pass without rebuke. Wherever the Iriends
of Mr. Van Buren are in the ascendant at the
North, the public opinion is sound. When the
legislature of Now York recently assembled,
governor Marcy called the attention of that
body to the subject of abolition, and it promptly
responded in a series of resolutions, cheering to
the heart of every patriot: and to carry out
these opinions by a large majority, they elect
ed to the office of Attorney General, Mr.
Beardsley, a bosom friend of Mr. Van Buren,
and who, a short time before, bad put himself
at the head of a party, and driven the anti
slavery convention from their head-quarters,
at Utica. The New York legislature consists
of one hundred and filtv-six Van Buren men,
and twenty-eight whigs, anti-masons and aboli
tionists. Similar resolutions iiave been proposed
and passed, within the last twelve months, by
every legislature at the North, where this gen
tleman is known to have a majority of friends.
Let us contrast this with the proceedings in the
last general assembly of Pennsylvania, where
the democratic party, owing to its divisions,
were defeated. Resolutions affirming the right
of Congress to abolish slavery in the district,
were sustained by the bank-men, anti-masons
and abolitionists, and opposed by the Van Bu
ren party.
“On joint ballot there are ninety-four whigs,
and thirty-nine democrats.
“Satisfied with these evidences of a sound
slate of public opinion at the North, let us look
at a few of the events that have transpired
during the present session of Congress. Ihe
test vole of the present session, in the Senate
was on Mr. Buchanan’s motion to receive and
reject the prayer of the Society of Friends, for
the abolition of slavery. The Van Buren party
unanimously voted in the affirmative. Messrs.
Davis, Hendricks, Knight, Prentiss. Swift and
Webster, the great apotheosis of the whig party
in the negative.
“In the House of Representatives, the journals
will bear me out in the assertion that those who
agitated the subject of slavery arc unanimously
opposed to Mr. Vail Buren, whilst his friends
from every quarter of the confederacy, with
but two or three exceptions, stood in solid
phalanx, in defence of our vested constitutional
rights.
“During the present session, prior to the
adoption of Mr. Pinckney’s resolutions, one
hundred and sixty-nine petitions for the aboli
tion of slavery in this district, have been pro
sented. Of these, one hundred and forty-nine
were offered by the opponents of Mr. Van Bo
ren, and only nineteen by his friends. The
whole number of signatures to these petitions
was thirty-two thousand six hundred and sixty,
one, of whom nineteen thousand six hundred and
fifty-five were females, (upwards of one-third
ascertained to be boys) ;iud twelve thousand six
hundred and ninety-seven males. The me-
mortals submitted to the Senate exhibited tli
same result.
“Fellow-citizens, I came to this city with as
much southern feelings, as much regard for
southern interests as any man, and was prepared
to abandon Mr. Van Buren the moment I dis
covered in Ids acts or opinions, or in the acts or
opinions of Iiis leading friends, any bias against
southern institutions. My scrutiny has been
close, rigid, uncharitable—and I am bound in
candor to avow, that iny early faith in him, and
in conservative doctrines ol democracy, remain
unshaken. I have found his friends as libera!
as his opponent;; VCti-g large sums for the re
moval of Lostilo Indians from the southern
States, millions for the defence of our exposed
frontiers; voting too, without decision or re-
striction, for the admission of slave-holding
Arkansas, sympathizing with the patriots of
Texas, and expressing an ardent hope, that at
no distant day, her bright star, in its maiden
benutv, may flash from the glorious banner that
streams from the summit of the camtol.
“My personal intimacy with many distinguish
ed gentlemen of the opposition, and respect for
their motives, will not allow me to illustrate my
opinions, as I might well do, by placing in
juxta jiosition the acts of the two parties on the
exciting subject of this address. But the in
structive incidents of tho present session satisfy
me, that the great bulk of the people of the
North, and those favorable to Mr. Van Buren
especially, will neither interfere themselves,
nor sanction the interference of others witli the
institutions of the South.
“With these convictions, I submit myself and
my course, to the verdict of my constituents.—
The youngest member in the House ol Repre
sentatives, a plain planter, unversed in the game
of politics, and pretending to no superior dis.
crimination, I might well err upon a theatre
where master spirits of the age have so often
erred.
“Althoughseverely afflicted during the greater
part of last session, I have endeavored most
conscientiously, and in the spirit of liberality
and conciliation, to discharge my duty. I shall
not complain oftho censure that may be passed
upon my acts. This is the legitimate right of
the electoral bod); but when my motives are
impugned, as they have been, when lamcharged
with deliberate treachery to the South, where
all my affections and interests are concentrated.
I shall appeal as I now do, to the intelligent and
generous people of mv native State.
JOHN F. H. CLAIBORNE.
“Washington City,.June 25, 1836.”
whig presses may have made on tho minds of
tiio friends of general Scott in this quarter.
Petersburg Constellation.
From Ihe Richmond Enquirer.
The Richmond Whig slicks at nothing
which is calculated to misrepresent Mr. \ an
Buren. The following is one ot its recent,
reck less asseve ro tions:
“Congress will abolish slavery in the Dis
trict, and president V. Buren, should it be the
will of fate to elevate him to the station, will as
certainly appiove the bill as that it passes. It
were idle and absurd to expect otherwise—to
expect him whose conscience even now per
ceives no objection to the measure but considera
tions of “expediency”—trrsacrifice himself, his
popularity, his power, and his office, fur the
south. None can believe the day-dream.—
None can affect to believe but the most invete
rate hypocrite.”
It were just as courteous to declare, that
“none can affect to believe the above, but the
most inveterate hypocrite.” Mr. Vail Buren
has solemnly declared before the world, that he
should “go into the presidential chair, the in
flexible and uncompromising opponent of any
attempt on the part of congress to abolish slave
ry in the District of Columbia, against the
wishes of the slave holding States.” He has
declared it us his “deliberate and well-consid
ered opinion, that there arc objections to the
exercise of this power, against the wishes of
the slave.holding States, as imperative in their
nature and obligations, in regulating the conduct
of public men, as the most palpable want of con
stitutional power would be.” He lias declared
it as his “clear and settled opinion, that it is the
sacred duly of those whom the people of the
United States entrust with the control of the
action (of the federal government,) so to use the
constitutional power with which they are invest
ed, as to prevent it.”
And another fact, for which we pledge our
selves in the most positive manner. We know,
that Mr. Van Buren has sanctioned the follow
ing version of the above declaration:
“Who then can doubt Martin Van Buren’s
solemn, deliberate, and well considered deter
mination to exercise all his influence, all the
power with which he may ever be invested, to
prevent the slightest action of congress, cither
in the district or in the Slates; and if it should
ever come to that, (which Heaven in its provi
dence forbiJ!) he is ready lo pul the presidential
veto upon it, and to arrest the evil. He is com
mitted to this course by every high and holy
consideration which can bind his conscience, af
fect his character, anil concern the eternal in
terests of Iiis beloved country.”
Yes, we vouch for the truth of this statement.
In fact, it is but the echo of his own words.—
And yet, this idle slang*hanger of the Whig
glibly runs off the ridiculous declaration, that
Mr. Van Buren will certainly approve the bill.
Bill we stake our character against that of the
Whig, that congress will never abolish slavery
in the District. By the way, theslangwhangor
treats the resolutions of Mr. Pinckney as
“weak.” This is a part of the panic it is once
more attempting to get up. Weak! What,
then, will the Whig say of the following reso
lution of one of its own candidates for the Vice
Presidency? Mr. Tyler submitted it to the se
nate, on the 21st of January last:
“Resolved, That to alter, change, or abolish
the right of property in the District of Colum-
bia, without the consent of the owners, would
bo unjust and despotic, and in violation of the
constitution of the United States.”
If Mr. Pinckney’s be a weak resolution,
what is Mr. Tyler’s? Here he expressly ad-
mils the rights of congress to abolish slavery',
with the consent of the people of the district.—
Mr. P. makes no such concession in his report.
So far from it, he holds that such an attempt
would be a violation of faith, not only' to the
people of the district, but to the States of Mary
land and Virginia—and not only to these States,
but to all the slave-holding States. This, too,
is substantially the doctrine, and the views of
Mr. Van Buren himself.
Ever since whig mendacity invented and pro-
pagated tho falsehood, that Mr. Van Buren
was instrumental in effecting general Scott’s
recall, and that he was so from private pique,
on account of some fancied slight to his son,
major Van Buren, we have been tempted again
and again to contradict the statement, which
we had the very best reasons for believing to be
utterly destitute of truth. Considerations as to
the propriety', under any circumstances, of pub
licly adverting to conversations held at a gentle-
man’s private table, have thus long restrained
us from doing both father and son that justice to
which they were both rigidly entitled, and which
we could not be suspected of improperly with.
holding from them. The industry with which
this slander has been circulated, and the impro
per impressions it is calculated to make, induce
us no longer to hesitate as to tho propriety of
our course. It is no secret to many of our
readers, that we disapproved of the method
of conducting the Semino’e campaign; if proof
were wanting, we think that the result of that
campaign is some evidence, that although gene
ral Scott is a brave and able officer and a most
skiiml military taclitian, yet that he is not deeply
skilled in the art and mystery of ‘hunting In
dians in their Florida fastnesses. This opinion,
it we have not urged often publicly, we have
unhesitatingly expressed in private, and on one
occasion lately in the presence of major Van
Buren, and his father, the vice-president of the
United States. The former very promptly en
tered into a defence of general Scott from the
imputations anil reflections which the press at
the South was then, without distinction of party,
very' generally casting on that distinguished
officer, and minutely detailed to ns the difficul
ties and embarrassments in prosecuting the cam-
paign, which had beset the general, from the
moment he entered Florida, particularly de
scribing the impediments which the hands of
nature had placed in the wav of successful mili
tary operations, the unfavorable nature of the
climate and weather, and various other circum
stances which had contributed to thwart his
plans, which convinced us that the hero of
Bridgewater had been hastily and harshly judg
ed, although we were not convinced, that he
was skilled in the proper method of warring
against tho Seminoles. Tiie letter quoted by
the Enquirer, does major Van Buren but bare
justice; it will, we hope, with our own state,
ment of facts, remove any unfavorable impres
sions which the vile fabrications of unscrupulous
By an amendment introduced by an overwhel
ming majority of tiie House of Representatives,
till the features of the bill which went to make
the proposed transfer of tho money to the States
a loan or gift were struck out, and as the act
now stands, they are to be mere repositories,
like the banks in which tiie public moneys are
now kept.
We hazard nothing in saying, that had the
bill passed as it went from the Senate, as anxious
as tlie President was to see the public deposites
regulated by law, and as painful as it would
have been to separate on any subject Irom many
of his most valuable friends, it would have re
ceived Iiis decisive veto. We have been sur
prised that any one who has read his annual
message of 1829, and his veto messages on the
Maysville road bill, and Mr. Clay’s land bill,
would for a moment anticipate any other result.
We are actually warranted in saying the pres
ident has approved the amended bill, not be
cause he thinks it judicious to make tiie Slates
the depositories of the money of the United
States, but because tho plan is not obnoxious lo
constitutional objections; because ii has been pre
sented by a majority of the people’s representa
tives, to whom (he question of expediency on
this subject peculiarly belongs; and because, by
settling the question in relation to the public de
posites, it disarms faction, and renders it more
difficult for the money power to reorganize it
self under the charter of a new national bank.
lie thinks it impolitic and unsafe to mix up
the affairs of the United States with those of the
several States, and that the chances of perpetu
ity for our admirable system of Govcrmenl are
increased in propotion to the clearness with
which the lines which separate their several
powers, duties and interests are, defined and
maintained. It is probable he will take some
fitting occasion to make known to Iiis country,
men, in detail the views he entertains on this vi
tal subject. It is only necessary now that they
should know; that in approving the deposite
bill ho does not intend to countenance, in the
least degree, the idea of raising money by the
General Goverment for distribution-among the
Slates, thus lessening the responsibility oftlie
State Goverments in taxing tho people, and at
the same time encouiaging extravagant expen
ditures; makingthc States instead of independent
sovereignities, the mere stipendiaries of ihe Gen
eral Goverment; perverting the power of taxa
tion given in the constitution to purposes nev
er thought of by its framers; corrupting the sour
ces of legislation; tending to consolidation; and
ultimately destroying till that is pure and valua
ble in the structure and admonition and ad
ministration of our political system.
The President believes that it is had policy,
as well as unconstitutional, to raise money from
the people fir the purpose of distributing it
among tho States. He believes that when the
revenues of tho General Goverment-shall pro
duce more than enough to supply its legitimate
wants, it is the duty of Congress forthwith to re
duce the taxes upon the people. To collect for
the purposes of distribution, is neither politic nor
economical. It is not politic, because it neces
sarily increases tho corps of public officers and
consequently the influences of tho Goverment.
It is not economical, because the people have
to pay the salaries of those who manage the pro-
cess and guaranty their integrity. Is it not bet
ter that the farmer’s dollar should be left in Iiis
own pocket, than that it should be taken cut by
taxes, direct or indirect, and after a year's
detention, be handed hack to him or his State
Legislature, with a deduction of twenty cents to
pay collectors and clerks who have been em
ployed to take it away and bring it back? Tho
same principles apply to all classes of society
and to society itself, with the exception of those
only who profit bv high taxes,— Washington
Globe.
From the Washington Globe.
PRESIDENT’S RECEPTION AT COLUMBIA.
The Columbia Democrat states that at
least five thousand persons met the presi
dent at Columbia. The strongest mani
festation of unabated attachment and con
fidence was exhibited on the occasion.—
The popular enthusiasm ot Iiis fellow-ci
tizens has been strongly awakened in
Tennessee by the abuse of the bank-
bought presses, with which lie is pursued
in that ijuarter, to effect the objects of the
opposition in other States through a schism
in his own. Personal malice, too, is led
by this traduction at borne; but the charges
of dictation, of corruption, of abandonment
>f principle, which are heaped upon him,
are repelled with indignation by the peo
ple of Tennessee. We give below the
address which general Pillow, in behalf
of the people of Maury, delivered to the
president, with the reply. The latter is
characteristic. The chief magistrate as
freely exposes himself to the poisoned
arrows of political knaves aimed at his
character, as the general did his person to
the weapons of the savage in ambuscade,
or the English in the open field. His pa
triotism makes him tiie mark of all tlu
enemies of his country.
ADDRESS OF GENERAL PILLOW.
General Jackson—In the name and
on the behalf of this meeting, and the
people of Maury county, J. welcome you
among us. We hail your arrival as the
joyful occasion upon which to tender you
the congratulations of your fellow-citi
zens upon the prosperous condition of our
happy country, aud the brilliant success
of your eventful administration.
Previous to your acceptance of the ex
ecutive chair, the government had been
administered bv a chief magistrate, in
whose election the will of the majority of
tire American people was defeated, and
xvhose elevation many believed was pro
cured by the sacrifice of principle, and
the corruption of the chief officers of the
government.
Having obtained the presidential chair
in violation of the will of the people, aud
at the cost of that rare pearl, principle, it
was not to have been expected, that your
predecessor, in the administration of tho
government, would be trammelled by
constitutional checks, or “palsied by the
will of his constituents.”
Accordingly, the government run wild
in his hands. Magnificent schemes of
internal improvement were projected, and
as an auxiliary thereto, a high and ruin
ous protective tariff was passed. In
short, the splendid American system,
with all its abominations and curses, was
fast putting in practical operation, pros
trating in its course the most vital princi
ples of the constitution, and sweeping
before it, by its corrupting influence, the
virtue and purity of our national coun
cils, and destroying the peace and harmo
ny of our nation. Such, sir, were the
inauspicious circumstances under which
you were called upon, by the voice oftltc
American people, to preside over the des
tines of this great republic—lo correct
the errors of your predecessor—and to
bring hack the government, and place its
administration upon those principles of
constitutional law, upon which it had
been originally based by Washington,
and subsequently, more permanently by
Jefferson. This your friends confidently
believed you would effect. Such were
the high expectations of all your country
men, and such the arduous duty they im
posed upon you. Have their expectations
been realized? The voice of this meet
ing—the voice of Tennessee—the' voice
of the American people answers, they
have—and we meet you here this dav, to
offer you our hearty approval of your
course in the administration oftlie govern
ment, arid to assure you that the confi
dence of your fellow-citizens in tiie wis
dom and patriotism of their distinguished
chief magistrate is unshaken and v-ndimin-
ished.
In the school of tho revolutionary war,
you early learned the rights of man, and
by Washington was taught to defend
them. Washington was the chosen in
strument in the hands of Providence of
liberating this great and free nation from
the yoke of British thraldom. He a-
chieved our liberties and independence.
Jackson defended and maintained them.
Washington repelled haughty and insolent
Britain from our shores, and compelled her
to acknowledge the natural rights of man.
Jackson conquered the pride ot Britain,
and taught her that she was not sole mis
tress of the ocean. As chief magistrate
of the nation, Washington placed our in
tercourse with foreign nations, upon prin
ciples of eternal t ruth and justice. Jack-
son re-established them, and exacts their
strict observance from the most powerful
and haughty nation on earth. Sir, it has
been your singular good fortune to run a
parallel of usefulness and glory, with
him, who has been justly styled the father
ot his country. This is the opinion of
your coteuqxmiries—such will he the
judgment of posterity—and such the
parallel which tlie pen of the impartial
historian will ttace between the career
of George Washington and that of An
drew Jackson. This is honor enough—
no patriot should desire more.
He who is great and useful, however,
will be misrepresented by the ignorant,
and calumniated by the malignant.—
Hence we sec, sir, that no man since the
days of Jefferson has been the subject of
such unmeasured abuse—of sucli bitter
and vindictive opposition as yourself.—
Scarcely had your name been placed be
fore your countrymen for their suffrages
as chief magistrate of the nation, till it
was proclaimed in a voice like peals of
thunder, that “war, famine and pestilence'”
would not be so great a curse upon the
American people as the election of An
drew Jackson. But your countrymen
knew the voice to be that of disappointed
ambition, and hearkened it not. They
hailed your election by so triumphant a
majority, as the jubilee of Republicanism.
Nor have your enemies since permitted
you to run your high career of usefulness,
without continually assailing vour mo
tives, misrepresenting your conduct, and
at every step endeavoring to blast your
reputation, and destroy the confidence of
the people in tiie measures of your ad
ministration. To effect this, every thing,
which a corrupt, venal, and degraded public
press could do, has been accomplished.—
Hitherto these efforts have been confined
to the enemies of republican principle,
and have fallen harmless at your feot-J
The papers of the country have of lat e
however, among other calumnies, bcrV
lifted with the cry of dictation and
tion in the executive, of corruption in t ]
government, and its rapid tendency
But, sir, I pronounce these cliarop s
to be false, and cull for the
proof. (
challenge its production, else I will Jj,, r |
them back into the teeth of tli, lsc w .j
made them, as vile calumnies upm
purest of patriots.
How far your enemies have succeeded
in their desperate and ceaseless efforts to
undermine you in the confidenc e of the
people, may best be judged by those wL
have witnessed the enthusiasm with which
the freemen of Tennessee hail vour ar
rival among them. It is fortunate, sir
for the cause of human liberty and the
happiness of mankind, that the American
people are too intelligent to be thus duped
—loo pjtre to be corrupted, and too virtu
ous themselves not to appreciate the puri
ty of heart, the honesty of purpose, um(
the exalted patriotism which have actu
ated the conduct of their distinguished
chief magistrate. While the people re
main intelligent and pure, our rights arc
safe, our liberties are secure; but once
Corrupt this fountain, and the whole
stream must be polluted. Then, and not
till then, should the patriot despair of the
republic. Then, and not lift then, may
we bid farewell to American liberty, h,
conclusion, sir, permit me to assure vou
that your countrymen have honor for vour
valor—love for your virtues, and gratitude
for your distinguished services to vour
country: and while virtue has an abiding
place in the human heart—while patriot
ism has a home in the land oftlie free—
while one single pillar of this splendid
edifice of human liberty, which was
erected with the blood and treasure of our
fathers, and which you have so nobly de
fended in the field, and as chief magistrate
of the nation, sustained with such dis
tinguished ability, shaft remain steadfast,
the memory of Andrew Jackson will fo
cherished us the most invaluable legacy
to his countrymen, and the sun of his
glory will shine brighter, and brighter, as
the stream of time flows on, until by its
brilliancy it will eclipse that oftlie greatest
benefactors of mankind.
TIIE PRESIDENT’S REPLY.
Sir—The flattering terms you have em
ployed to express the feelings entertained
towards me, by this numerous assemblage
of my fellow citizens of Maury county,
find me without tho power to convey an
adequate sense of the obligations under
which they place me. The diffidence with
which I entered upon the arduous duties
of the Presidency, was founded in a dis
trust of nly abilities, too sincere to allow
me to form any higher hope, in respect tn
the success ofmv labors, than that my fel
low citizens would look upon them with
tlie indulgence due to the good intentions
that directed them: and the same feeling,
now, that my public career is near its
close, makes mo receive with unaffected
humility, the more elevated tributes which
are paid to the agency assigned to mv ad
ministration in promoting the happiness
and prosperity of our beloved country.—
Conscious of the insufficiency of my own
powers to fulfil the great objects which
the people had in view when they clothed
me with the duties oftlie Chief Magistra
cy, I was supplied with the strongest mo
tives to study those models of patriotism
and wisdom to which you have alluded, anil
to seek that aid and support which could
be furnished by the people themselves, in
the maintenance of the measures required
to uphold the Constitution and the republi
can institutions it guarantied. If, there
fore, I have had the good fortune to rea
lize any of the results you have too favora
bly described on this occasion, the merit
belongs to the people and to the force ut
those maxims and principles of public
policy which the father of our country
and the illustrious Jefferson so plainly
illustrated.
That my situation, sir, has been one of
toil and privation, was to have been ex
pected. No great political good has ever
been accomplished without exposing its
friends and agents to the frown of those
interests which have been organized
gainst it; and generally in proportion to
tlte extent and importance of this good,
have the antagonist princ iples to it been
marked by violence and recklessness.—
This truth was not more manifest in our
revolutionary struggle for independence,
and in the difficulties which were ex
perienced in founding our system ol go
vernment upon the will of the people,
than it has been since in the various con
tests which have been necessary to se
cure to the people practically the sovereign
ty they theoreticalhj established in the fed
eral constitution.
Let us then, not be surprised at the ex
citement which prevails at the present
day. Let us rather rejoice at the man)?
fruits it has produced of public virtue,
and at the encouraging proof it afford
that the bone and sinew of our land
never tolerate a power which can p'fl
their will, or trifle with their rights. 1 ^
injustice of a high protective tariff—
dangers of a system of internal iinpr" vC "
ment, which claimed a power of appro
priation as unlimited as the term genet' 1 '
welfare—the unhallowed attempts to nul
lify the laws of the Union and disnaenr
her the confederacy, were not to he over
come and repelled without creating ex
citement. Nor can we hope to see our
domestic relations entirely tranquility
as long as there is a power within their
bosom capable of uniting sucli heteroge
neous elements of discord into one com
mon foe to the principles of republican
ism. That power is the Bank of the l-
nited States. Notwithstanding its admit
ted and well-ascertained corruptions, the
country is full of proof that this institu
tion is yet in the field of politics, in full
connexion with the various interests
which have for the last seven years been
aiming to mould the Federal Government
into an instrument to extend the partial
and sectional, at the expense of tho gen
eral and constitutional, interest of all tK
members of our confederacy. To sup
pose that such tin institution as this, fc*
subtle and undefined in the mode of
operations as it is rich and powerful (u
its iueans, will not have advocates m
pubtfte press and elsewhere, ol'c.ycry hue