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of the nation which first dispensed with,this
rharous aggravation of the horrors of war.
hut genomus liosoni hut must glow with ho.
liquation at seeing a ship (alter a brave
, her decks covered with her dying peo.
And her masts lying ulongsidc,) set on fire
jwn up bv the enemy that durst not hoard
rry her into port? The Inst instance we
j2»f an attempt »f this kind, made by the
ishat sea, was in the fight off loulon in
■ar 1774, and it received from the lustori-
that duv ils merited reproach. * liougli
tpC
/ History.
resident Burnet's Reply to Santa Anna.
ho protest of Santa against his detention and
moment in Texas, contrary to treaty bc-
„.,n liimsclf and the government oftlial c mn-
i, having been published in the United Slates,
give the reply of President Burnet:
Exkcptivk DEfAxrursT, t
Velasco, IOiUJuiic, 193G. 1
Alt EtccUrnr.i! tl,r. Piwident,
General Antonio Impez dc Santa Anna.
Sscullhnt Sik—Your communication or
Dlti instant, purporting to he a protest pub-
shod to the civilized world, lias been present
ed to me.
The government of Texas clicenully re-
cognise to your excellency the right to make
known to the world every grievance and injus-
ticc that you may have experienced at their
hands. I admit that this government has been
constrained by the influence of n highly excited
|iopulur indignation, to deviate, for a season,
J’rom the terms of that article of the trouty,
made between this government and v«ur ex
cellency, which relates to your transportation
to Vera Cruz; and in making l l, ' s admission, I
profess a profound mortificati'-'* 1 , f° r d'ics not
belong to the spirit of this government, to make
oven a slight deviation from its solemn engage-
mauls. But the cantos that have produced the
constraint under which the government have
acted, arc not unknown to you; and I should
regret to believe that you were incapable of
giving to them a just appreciation. The citi
zens and citizen soldiers of lexas, have felt,
and do fed, a deep, intense, and righteous indig
nation at the many atrocities which have been
|K;rpc-trail'd by the troops lately under your ex
cellency’s command; and especially of the bar
barous massacre of the bravo Colonel Fannin
and his gallant companions, flow far your ex-
uellcncy participated in that abominable and
inglorious slaughter-, I am not disposed to con.
jecture; hut it is natural and true that the peo
ple of Texas impute it to your excellency’s
special command.
When the government of Texas solemnized
the treaty of the 14th ultimo with your excellen
cy, they did it in good faith, and they intended
religiously to observe every stipulation of that
treaty. Vour embarkation on board the armed
xehooncr Invincible was an ofTect of that inten
tion, but your excellency lias had too much ex
perience in the way wardness of popular cxcito.
merits, not to feel the necessity which prompt,
ed your subsequent debarkation, and the post
ponement of your stipulated dc|>arture.
1st. Your excellency “protests, firstly for
having been treated more like an ordinary
criminal than as a prisoner of war, the head of
a respectyblc nation, even after the agreement
had liocn commenced.”
I do not precisely comprehend the character
of the treatment objected to, and would have
-been pleased l« Vavc had the specifications. If
your excellency alludes to the accommodations
which have been assigned to you, I would reply
that I have cheerfully subjected mv own sick
family to many hardshi|n, in order to render
Jo your excellency the best accommoda
tions in oar jiower. Thai wc arc at present
destitute of the ordinary comforts of lif« is
mainly attributable to your excellency’s visit to
««ir new country; and on this account wc
feci less regret that you should partake of our
privations.
2d. Your second protest, relating to the
treatment experienced by the Mexican General
Adrain Woll, involves some facts which i sin
cerely deplore, but for which this government
is not strictly responsible.
Your excellency is sensible that wo have done
ail in our power to guarantee the safe return of
General Woll to the Mexican camp. But our
orders have been contravened by the com
mander of the Texian army, at a remote dis
lance from the seat of government. The rea
sons that have actuated that officer, have not
been fully detailed to us, but we are informed
that they arc predicated on some alleged im
prudences of General Woll, whose good dis
cretion we know, has not been very conspicu
ously manifested during his stay amongst us.
3d. The third article of your protest is
“.against the non.fulfilment of the exthango of
prisoners stipulated in the 9th article, inasmuch
ns up to the present time, not one Mexican
prisoner of war lias been set at liberty, notwith
standing the lilicrty given to all the Texians in
possession of the army under my coinmaud.”
Your excellency seems to have a more
minute intelligence on this subject, than has
come to my knowledge; for 1 have no informa
tion of a single Texian prisoner having been
given up under the Iroaly. Some of the in-
tended victims, the companions of the murdered
Fannin, have happily cllected their escape, and
rifely arrived amongst m; but these cannot be
considered as liberated in the sense of the treaty;
whereas this government has gratuitously dis
charged several Mexican captives, and defray
ed their expenses to New Orleans, the destina-
lion which they solicited.
4th. The fourth clnuso of your excellency’s
protest, has been antecedently answered in part.
Your excellency’s recollection has betrayed
you into nil error, when yon say, “the president
himself and the cabinet of Texas, being con
vinced that 1 had punctually fulfilled all my
engagements,” &c.
This government wore convinced that your
excellency had complied with some of your
stipulations, and this conviction aggravates the
moutification which the late events have inflict-
ed Oj>ou them. But they were not informed
that “all the properly had been given up,” or
that any of the prisoners had been restored, as
your excellency erroneously imagines. On the
contrary, wc were advised that large herds of
cattle had been driven in advance of the retreat
ing army, and that a few only of the slaves
that had t>ecn abducted were returned.
It is duo to your excellency to say, that the
government confidently believed that these
restorations would bo effected, as early as a
proper convenience would admit. Hut I am
induced to advert to another fact, in relation to
which it would Lie difficult to extend the same
charitable exculpations, to the officers of the
Mexican army, it has been reported that the
walls of the Alamo at Bexar, have been pro
strated, and that the valuable brass artillery
attached to that lorlress, have been melted down
nnd destroyed.
There were many painful and pleasing and
glorious reminiscences connected with that
Alsui'h which renders its wanton dilapidation
isiculiarly odious to every Texian spirit; and
vour ox«aUoocy needs not to he informed that
the destruction of it was an infraction of tho
armistice, and in violation of the treaty.
5th. 1st reply to your excellency's fifth pro.
testation, I remark, that the painful circum
stances which induced the government to direct
your debarkation on the 4th instant, Itavo al
ready been adverted to in a spirit of frankness
and self humiliation, which a consciousness of
2rror could alone extort. It were superfluous
Ul repeal the causes which induced this govern
ment to vary its discretion in regard to tho time
they should deem the departure uf your excel-
jency tu be proper. I am not sugaible of any
act of “violence nnd abuse” to which you were
exposed, that was not necessarily concomitant
on your return to shore. Your excellency has
acquired too great a celebrity in Texas, rn>t to
lie an object of curiosity with the multitude;
hut 1 believe you will bear testimony to the
magnanimity which restrained a tumultuous
and highly exasperated crowd from offering any
indignity to your person. If such outrage had
been committed, it would have been properly
chastised. “The president and cabinet” enter-
tained no intention of “making a show” of your
excellency, whose condition ns a prisoner of
war, lias invariably commanded their highest
veneration, and towards whom they have ex
hibited every attention that was compatible with
tlieir official duties, and within their power to
bestow.
Gill. Your excellency’s final denunciation is
probably the result of excited feelings. While
you are detained as a prisoner, it is inevitable
that the ordinary precautions be observed.—
I am not apprised that more than this has been
done. Your excellency is not ignorant that tin
members of this government are remote from
their own home, and arc very indifferently ac
commodated; that the scat of government is not
permanently located, and therefore no public
buildings have been erected. To these facts
you will find no difficulty in attributing your
being placed in “a narrow prison;” and your
excellency knows that the room you occupy is
more commodious than that which constitutes
both my office and my family habitation. It is
vividly fresh in my recollection that about two
months ago, the best accommodations this new
government have enjoyed, were broken up,
when the army under your excellency’s com
mand conflagrated the town of Harrisburg.
With high consideration, I nm your obedient
sorvant, DAVID G. BURNET.
PUBLIC DINNER TO THE HON.
G. W. B. TOWNS.
A respectable portion of the citizens of
Tallxit county, the political friends anil
neighbors of Col. Towns, having deter
mined to give him a dinner, as a testimo
ny of tlieir respect, &e. the following
correspondence ensued:
Tai.bottov, Ga. Nov. 16, 1S36.
Hon. G. JV. D. Towns:
Sin—Your short stay among us after
your return from the seat of the General
Government, and your long absence since,
has precluded us the opportunity until
now of tendering to you our cordial ap
probation for the able and ellicicnt man
ner in which you sustained the principles
of the administration and the republican
party, nnd defended the rights and inter
ests of the South, during the last session
of congress.
In testimony, sir, of our lvigh regard
f«»r your public services and our private
friendship, we, in behalf of a numlier of
your fellow-citizens and neighbors, desire
that you will name some day when it will
he convenient for you to meet us at the
Talbotton Hotel, to partake of a public
dinner which will be prepared for the
occasion.
Accept, sir, in behalf of those whom
we represent and ourselves individually,
our respectful consideration and esteem.
EDWARD DELONY,
C. MURDOCH,
T. W. ROBERSON,
R. W. ItOFFE,
T. H. PERSONS.
Talbotton Nor. 17, 1836.
Gentlemen—Your polite letter of in
vitation to a public dinner, at such time
as would suit my convenience, I had the
honor of receiving this morning.
Allow me to .assure you, gentlemen,
that I feel grateful for the flattering man
ner you have noticed my public service.
I lay no claim to such distinction; much
less had I exjiectcd so cordial a reception
from you. The compliment you tender
I cannot refuse, without doing violence to
that generous, ardent, and warm attach
ment that has characterised our inter
course for years. I suggest the 19th inst.
as the time most convenient to me.
Gentlemen, please accept the assur-
nnce of my very high regard for each of
you personally, and those you represent.
Your obedient servant,
G. W. B. TOWNS.
To Messrs. Dclontj, Murdoch, lloberson,
lloffe, and Versons.
On Saturday, the 19th, a considerable
number of the citizens of Talbot county
having assembled at the Talbotton Hotel,
Joseph Pou, Esq., was called on to pre
side. A substantial dinner was prepared,
and on removing the cloth the following
sentiments were offered and drunk with
groat good feeling anil unanimity.
By the President. Success to the Re
publican party—Down with that kind of
whig ism, composed of federalism, nullyism,
and abolitionism.
By Daniel C. Mound Esq. Gibson
Clark, one of the electors of president for
Georgia, says that Harrison is his choice
after White. If Harriott is elected, may
the said Gibson l»c the first white man
to be sold in Georgia, and his slaves (if
he has any) the first to be set free.
By Thomas W. Roltcrson. Gen Jack-
son—The man to settle Ficnch questions
—fine step further, and he would have
given Louis Phillippe “a hot potato.”
By Thomas Landrum. The Union
parly of Georgia—With such material as
compose it, and with such principles to
govern and guide it as ils votaries pro
fess, it will continue to triumph. A cloud
may occasionally dim its bright prospects,
but, like the morning mist, it will soon
dissolve into the brilliancy of a more glo
rious sun.
By G. I. Wallace. Wm. H. Harrison
—The ostensible candidate of the oppo
sition for the presidency, although a thor
oughgoing abolitionist, federalist, high
tariff and internal improvement man.—
If he is elected, the nullincrs nnd White
union men of Georgia will have contri
buted largely to his success.
By It. H. Bradford. Howell Cobb—
A Hobson’s-choiee-man; White or none
with him; and if he can’t get White, the
Devil may take the country for what he
cares. Now he’s a rare lark, aint he?
By Richard W. Ruffe. Gov. Schley
His able administration, and indefatiga
ble zeal for the liest interests of Georgia,
deserve and will receive the confidence
and approbation of those who placed him
in his present responsible station; they
who desire a compromise candidate for the
next governor to the contrary notwith
standing.
By James M. Holscy. Hon. George
W. It, Towns—A firm and uudeviating
republican. His resignation rather than
sacrifice Iju principles, command* our
approbation, atul our highest admiration
of his independence and integrity.
After the cheering which followed the
announcement of this sentiment had sub
sided, Col. Towns rose and said—
I am aware, gentlemen, of the gener
ous hospitality, the warm personal attach
ment, growing out of the recollection of a
thousand endearing incidents, which has
prompted you all in this public demonstra
tion of the regard you entertain for my
private and public course. You, gentle
men, are my neighliors, my earliest ac
quaintances; and to l»e esteemed by you,
to have your confidence, is no small gra
tification to one of my humble preten
sions. Could 1 but believe that any pub
lic service which I had rendered the
country deserved such complimentary
notice by you, I should indeed feel doubly
gratified tor that first confidence of yours
which called me into public life. I can
truly say gentlemen, in the station which
I now fill, as well as in others in which
I have been placed by ray lbllow-citizens,
I have ever mistrusted my ability to meet
the just expectations of the public; and if
left entirely to my own judgment, would
have yielded to others more experienced
and better qualified for the task of discharg
ing the duties which have devolved on
me. But, gentlemen, unpractised as I
am in ceremony, poor as I am in compli
ment, I tender you all my thanks; anil,
though expressed in a homely style, 1 know
you believe, as I led, the sentiment is
nearest my heart.
Gentlemen, the toast just drank and so
cordially received, by reason of the brief
explanations which 1 have had an oppor
tunity of making to many of you as to
my intended course in the present crisis
in Georgia, deserves a more attentive and
extended consideration at this time. We
can no longerentertain a reasonable doubt
as to the result of the late election. Elec
tors friendly to the elevation of judge
White to the chief magistracy of the U-
nited States first, and in favor of either
of the other candidates in preference to
Mr. Van Buren, have doubtless, from the
latest advices from Milledgcville, receiv
ed a majority of the votes polled on the
first Monday of this month. The time
has now then arrived when it is due to
tnc and to the people of Georgia that I
should explicitly state the grounds upon
which I return to them the trust which
they have conferred upon me, to repre
sent them in part in the Congress of the
United Slates for two years from and af
ter the fourth day of March, 1S35. I will
not, gentlemen, urge reasons of a charac
ter entirely domestic anil not unknown
to most of you, which would justify my
retirement for a season. Strong as they
arc, I will pass them by, .and would rea
dily submit to any sacrifice not involving
principle.
In order to understand my position be
fore the people of Georgia, it is proper
to consider the question as to the right of
instruction on the part of the people and
of obedience or resignation on the part of
the representative. It will not be denied
by any that it is one of the well defined
and warmly cherished principles of the
republican party, that the people have the
right to instruct and that the representa
tive is bound to oliey or resign. The
right of instruction when exerted imposes
on the representative the simple obliga
tion, cither to do the particular act requir
ed, or to surrender up the trust, that a-
nothcr may he selected who can and will
perform the duty in accordance with the
will of the people. It is obvious, there
fore, from the doctrine of the right of in
struction, that there is a sound discretion
to lie exercised by the representative. If
he differ from the majority which instruct
him; if in this difference his judgment
and his conscience are perfectly clear, he
would be hut a “supple tool” who could
violate both the one and the ether to hold
office. But, on the contrary, if his judg
ment be not decided either the one way
or the other; if his conscience he merely
passive as to the propriety of the act re
quired to be done, he would, in my opin
ion, be warranted in obeying the will of
the jieople. Let these principles be ap
plied to my case. First, is it wise, pru
dent, and safe, as regards the liberties of
the people or the durability of the feder
al constitution, to defeat them in making
their chief magistrate through the electo
ral colleges, and referring the selection of
that functionary to the house of repre
sentatives? But a few years ago, gentle
men, had there been an individual amom
us so entirely reckless of all the obliga
tions of patriotism as seriously to have
urged such a doctrine, I am sure he would
have been scouted from every circle. I
remember at the time of the elevation of
the younger Adams to the chief magistra
cy, that many were the denunciations,
and loud the complaints against mem
bers of congress who were supposed to
have voted contrary to the will of the peo
ple in supporting Mr. Adams. Why, sir,
do you not rememlier that although there
were a majority of the people of that day
in favor of Gen. Jackson, that by semi in
the election to the house, he was defeated,
and the people compelled to accept for
four years a president not of tlieir own
choice? and for this we all icmcinbcr the
charge preferred against Mr. Clay—a
charge, whether true or false, he has had
great cause to remember and the country
to deplore. Sir, if there was any one
question upon which the people of Geor
gia were united, it scores to rnc it was
their opposition to the policy of carrying
the election of president into congress.—
“It was denounced by them;” and so
loud was the denunciation, that strong
and powerful were (he efforts in the con
gress of the United States so to amend
the constitution in that respect as effectu
ally to guard against any future occurrence
of the like kind. Well, sir, if it was
wrong then in principle, is it right now?
If it was patriotism then to denounce it, is
it patriotism now to advocate it? Has the
principle changed in Georgia, or have the
people changed?
But, gentlemen, I will now proceed to
show, in iny humble opinion, that the will
ofthe people of Georgia, as expressed on the
first Monday of this month, establishes die
doctrine they have uniformly condemned
—condemned up to a late period—and
which I now condemn, and cannot now
subscribe to its correctness under all the
consideration I have been able to give the
subject. First, let it fie remembered that
if Judge White were to receive the vote
of the Electoral Colleges in all the States
where he is run simply, or in connection
with General Harrison, he could then
only receive but one hundred and four. I
need not say that the supporters of Judge
White are not ignorant of this fact—sure
ly none in Georgia will pretend to be so.
What, (hen, will the impartial historian
say was the principle that governed the
White party in support of that distinguish
ed individual? Every hotly knows that
in order to elect a president by the Elec
toral College, (in other words, by die peo
ple,) one hundred and forty-six votes are
necessary. Will any man seriously insist
that this fact does not conclusively show
that the object of the great body of ike
White party is lo carry the election into
the house? Do they believe that, he
can lie elected by the colleges with loss
than one huudred and forty-six votes? Or
will they pretend to insist that he is to
receive the votes of States where he has
not had sufficient strength to start a ticket?
No, gentlemen; I have too much regard
for the private worth of the supporters of
Judge While in this State to supjxise them
capable of disguising the true issue in
volved. It is to send the election to the
house, as I respectfully consider, and
then by management to make a president.
But, gentlemen, take the other alterna
tive, that the electoral ticket which has
lately succeeded in this State may cast
their vote for some individual other than
Judge White in order to prevent the elec
tion from going into the house; it will not
be pretended, I apprehend, in that event,
that Mr. Van Buren would be voted for.
1 then ask lo whom the vote of Georgia is
to be given? Not to Mr. Webster. Wc
know it will not be given to Van Buren, for
the electors—some of them at least—as I
have reason to believe, have expressed
themselves fully on this point, and that
they would prefer cither of the candidates
to Mr. Van Buren. Now, I ask, who is to
receive the vote? Gentlemen, it follows
as a necessary conclusion that the electors
of this State, under such circumstances
would vote for General Harrison? And
permit me to inquire, what doctrine docs
General Harrison hold upon any of the
great cardinal principles of this govern
ment that should render him a favorite of
Georgia? Is it, gentlemen, for his pre
posterous notions on the subject of the
surplus revenue? Is it because of his de
votion to the American System, Internal
Improvements, and United States’ Bank?
I ask my fellow-citizens if they are pre
pared to place in the executive chair a
man, however otherwise he in a} - stand,
sustaining no one principle in common with
the doctrines we all have professed to
advocate?
Having presented, in my judgment, a
correct view of the subject, I will now
proceed to the consideration of the charac
ter of the instructions as given by the re
sult of the late election. There is a pro
bable majority of two to three thousand
votes for the electors in favor of Judge
White in the first and General Harrison
in the second place—for if I am warrant
ed in believing it is the will ol thc people
of this State that Judge White should re
ceive the vote in the first instance, I am
also bound lo believe that it is equally the
pleasure of the majority that in the se
cond instance General Harrison should be
voted for. I cannot affect to misunder
stand the majority as to a part of their
will and pleasure on this subject. I will
not trifle with them by saying I under
stand their first choice to lie Judge White,
but that I am uninstructcd as to the indi
vidual occupying the second place in tlieir
affections. No, gentlemen, there can be
no distinction in my mind between Judge
White and General Harrison, so far as the
late vote operates as instructions, except
that the firmer, doubtless liecausc of his
support of the “Bloody Bill" and “Proc
lamation,” is first to be voted for, and the
latter is to come in for a/l the other odd
chances.
The remaining point to be inquired into
is, whether I am bound to regard the late
election as instruction to me as to the
vote I should give in the event the election
was to come into the house. Situated as
I am in regard to this point, differing from
others of my honorable colleagues, in not
having an opportunity of answering a call
that was made, I cannot regard it, under
the l>cst consideration I have been able
to give the subject, in an}- other light than
instructions to vote, should I be a member
of congress, Ixith for Judge White and
Mr. Harrison, in preference to the other
candidate that may be returned. This is a
duty I neither can nor will perform. To sup
port Judge White, would concede the
doctrine that the people should defeat
themselves in making their president
through the Electoral College. To sup
port General Harrison either directly or
indirectly, or countenance in any shape
his pretensions to the chief magistracy of
these States, I should regard as an utter
abandonment of every principle of the
republican parly. But I may lie told it is
not yet certain that the election will go
into the house, and therefore, under m3'
own rule, I am not compelled to resign
until that fact is ascertained. No mistake
is greater. In the first place, to retain
my scat after I am instructed, would be a
full recognition of the propriety of such
instructions. Again, if I retain my scat,
feeling as l do that the people of Georgia
prefer first Judge White and secondly
General Harrison, I should acquiesce in
all the principles that have influenced
them in their support of the White elec
toral ticket. This I cannot do. One
alternative only is left me, to retire from
a station l can no longer hold without a
surrender of my independence and prin
ciples. These arc sacrifices that no friend
can ask, none need to expect.
I am aware, gentlemen, that some
valued friends believe I should hold 103'
scat under the present aspect of affairs—
but I am sure if they condemn the act,
they must approve the motive. I may lie
wrong, but I am hereafter to be convinced
of tny error. The man, gentlemen, who
wants firmness to act upon his own judg
ment in a matter involving principles that
lie at the very root of 3'our political insti
tutions is not worthy to represent a free,
patriotic and intelligent people in the con
gress of tho United States. And although
I shall retire from congress for the present
session for the reasons I have given, 1 am
not to be imdcrstood as reflecting I he
slightest cc-nsurc upon any friend wIk?,
situated like myself, may think property
pursue a different course. Each must act
upon the result of his own judgment; aud
I may add that whilst I know that patri
otism and a conviction of duty alone will
govern my colleagues in their course, I
would rejoice if I could consistently retain
my' seat. But a paramount obligation
points to me adifferentcourso, and I must
abide the decision of an impartial public.
Feeling that I am sustained upon princi
ple and reason as well as expediency, I
retire, carrying with me no dissatisfaction
or hatred, and no desire to inflict a wound
upon the feelings of any. There are
doubtless many individual exceptions to
the principle involved in the support of
Judge White. There are doubtless those
who have gone into the support of Judge
White from long nnd fixed hatred, mistrust
and suspicion of Mr. Van Buren and his
principles, w ho. anxious to shun, as they
believed, a _ at man, have fallen into the
support of a most ruinous principle to
the liberties of the people in the support
of Judge White.
Gentlemen, one w’ord more. It has
been stated, as I am informed, that I am
preparing to remove from the State. This
is a mistake; I have no intention, no ex
pectation at this time of leaving Georgia.
It is my home, my native Slate; .and as I
have heretofore been, so I shall continue
to be, uncompromising in the support of
the principles you advocate. Your desti
ny, gentlemen, so long as you adhere to
the republican doctrines, will tell the stoiy
of my political history. When 3'ou and
your principles shall fall, will the sun of
my political existence set. In all condi
tions, in every change of life, I shall never
forget the friends who have known me
longest, were the last to suspect, and the
first to approve the motives that have in
fluenced me in returning hack to the peo
ple a trust I could not conscientiously ex
ecute.
Allow me, gentlemen, in conclusion, to
offer 3'ou a sentiment:
The citizens of Talbot county—Stead last
in private friendship; firm in tlieir political
opinions. They were my first, as they
have been my best friends. Mv highest
ambition will be, whether in retirement or
public station, so to act, as to deserve a
continuance of their confidence.
Colonel Towns then retired, when the
following sentiments were offered:
By Dr. E. YVells. Colonel Towns—
an able and honest republican; the Union
party of Georgia will duly appreciate his
worth and talents.
Dr. Edward Dclony. Our Union dele
gation to the present congress—Justice to
themselves, to the principles of the re
publican party, and the \xjiresscd trill of a
majority ofthe people of Georgia, require
that they should all forthwith resign
tiieir seats, nither than obey instructions
under the present aspect of the presiden
tial queston, and thereby aid William H.
Harrison, an avowed abolitionist, to the
presidential chair.
Thomas H. Persons. Talbot count3'
is proud; and well she maybe, for she is
the home of that talented patriot Colonel
Towns, who so nobly defended the rights
of the South.
E. Reeder. The ladies of Georgia—
more especially those who advocate the
doctrines of union.
C. R. Wynn. Colonel G. W. B. Towns
—one of Georgia’s brightest ornaments:
well may the Union party be proud of
him.
S. Whitehurst. The Union party of
Georgia—on the first Monday in October
next it will be found as strong as ever.
L. B. Smith. The rights of the South
are secured when defended by the talents
and patriotism of a Towns.
Dr. Dclony. The Surplus Revenue—
the people’s money, paid out of their own
pockets; let them have it again, and justice
will be done.
William S. Goss. Honorable G. W. B.
Towns,—the able and patriotic states
man; Georgia will boast of his firmness
and reward his devotion to principle.
C. R. Wy-nn. The president of the day,
a worthy^ citizen, a firm republican;
Talbot county will appreciate his worth.
John C. Hamilton. Martin Van Buren
—a statesman and patrioL; may he tri
umph overall combinations; and may the
honorable G. W. B. Towns, lor his deter
mination to resign rather than obey in
struct ions to vote for White and Harrison,
receive the reward due to firmness, prin
ciple, and patriotism.
Adam Files, (a revolutionary soldier.)
Andrew Jackson—the man of the people;
when he returns to retirement, may his
seat not be disgraced by the petticoat hero
and abolitionist, William H. Harrison,
especially with the aid of Georgia.
Execution of Indians.—The sentence of
the law was enforced on Frida3 r , the 25th
inst., by the hanging of six Creek Indians
at Girard, Alabama, immediately oppo
site our cit3'. Hundreds of persons lrom
the surrounding country, attended to wit
ness the execution, and retired, perhaps,
with their curiosity less satisfied, than
when in the morning they left their homes,
eager to witness the breaking of an In
dians neck. Such were the cruelties of
the Indians during the late war—and so
vivid and striking is the picture of their
horrid deeds, still before our eyes, that
we can scarce know pity for the race, un
der any circumstance; vet we are well a-
warc that the most prominent actors in
the bloody drama which has but just clos
ed around 11s, have escaped the grasp of
justice, and in the execution of which we
arc now speaking, doubtless some unlucky
son of the forest suffered in the very
midst of his innocence. But it cannot
be helped—blood for blood, life for life, is
the golden maxim; the wail of the widow,
and the cry of the orphan, sued for re
venge in tones of thunder. Columbus
Herald, 29th ult.
Meteors—Again.—VVe learn that tho people
in the neighborhood of Maybington, Newberry
district, witnessed the fall of an immcusc num
ber of Mclcors, which made their appearance
nt about twelve o’clock on Saturday night last,
and continued tlieir descent until daylight the
next morning. It is said their number was not
near so great, as at the “falling of the stars” (ns
it is usually termed) three years siucc; but the
spectacle is represented as having been vory
brilliant nnd unusual.- It will be rccoIlec»od that
last Sunday was the 13th; and that the last me-
tooric display of nature’s (ire-works too(; piaco
ou the same day of the month, and nt about the
same hour, as in, have twit Ivarnt
riLL 1 ■ " 1—-- ■ 1
whether these rttetoor* were visible at »nv
other place than the above, but presume lliey
veto.—-Greenville Mountaineer.
SENATORIAL DEBATE
On Mr. McAllister's Resolutions, on the ‘-list
ultimo, requesting the Representatives from
Georgia not lo tote for William H. Har
rison in the- event of the election of Presi
dent ofthe United States being curried into
the Lower House of Congress.
[continued,]
Mr. Floyd. Mr. Sjieaker, it is true, as
remarked by several gentlemen, that 1
supported White at tlie ballot Ixrx. As
stated l»y the gentleman from Chatham, a
newquestion is presented by these resolu
tions. It is a question of the North and
the South. It is not between Union and
Nullification. A question is exhibited to
the South, on which wc ought to present
an undivided front. But there are some
among us who go only for themselves. I
do not refer to any senator on this floor;
hut there arc some such. The question
is not, whether we prefer White or Van
Buren; but whether our representatives
ought in an3' event to abandon White.—
It has been remarked by the senator from
Oglethorpe, that Harrison has never been
brought before the jieople of Georgia.—
Throe men have been licfore the people
of Georgia. Harrison has been before
them, and has been rejected. Van Bu
ren also has been licfore them, and the3'
have rejected him in a voice echoing from
the Cherokee mountains to the Atlantic
co:ist. The question is decided, and the
candidates for congress stand pledged to
vote lor White; and the senate cannot re
lieve them from this pledge; we cannot
absolve them from their obligation to the
people of Georgia.
From whom do these resolutions come?
From one who has opposed While. It
little becomes those in the minority to di
rect the White men what shall he the
course for them to pursue. What is the
course proposed by the resolutions? It is
to induce the representatives to abandon
W hite. Should they do so, they would
sacrifice the choice of Georgia to a bar
gain at Washington, and charge it to the
resolutions. But this would not make an
excuse for them. If they had declared
that they would vote lor Van Buren, they
would not have been re-elected. But
shall it be said, that the Union men arc a
majority here? This is no choice of par
ties as to Union and state-rights; it is Van
Buren and White; or rather, North and
South. The voice of the people is not
heard, from the arrangements made
among the states. Van Buren is in a mi
nority; and it is anti-republican that the
state sliould be so cut up as to give power
to a minority.
It has been said by the senator from
Chatham, that he did not wish to east a
firebrand among 11s. We did not charge
him with it. I will place my views be
fore the senate. It is, whether it is not
the duty of our representatives in congress
to vote for While. I am not for raising a
barrier between the North and the South;
but when they plan to take from us our
dearest rights, the qneslion is between a
southern man anil a northern man.—
Should we say to our reprcsentaiives,
that they arc to abandon White, it would
be the same as to say, that we will lay
down our southern interests and princi
ples. We should present an undivided
front, and show to the North, that we will
never support a man in the position of
Van Buren. I confess with shame, that
I once voted for Van Buren. If I can get
forgiveness, I will never repeat it. The
gentleman from Chatham has talked of
the acts of Van Buren in the convention
of New York; but he did not talk of his
frce-negro vote. YVliy not tell his faults,
as well as his virtues? There is but one
question between the North and South; it
is slavcr3' or abolition. Van Buren voted
for excluding Missouri from the Union,
until she should give up slavery'. This
verges towards alxililion. There is but
one course—to vote lor White, because
he is a southern man and a slave-holder.
There is another reason for opposing Van
Buren, and for which I must prefer Har
rison. Y'an Buren is the heir-apparent.
I respect Jackson; but he has deviated
from the republican course. General
Jackson has used means for securing the
election of Y'an Buren. If this prevails,
awaysgbes the right of election. I would
use all incans for securing the election of
White.
Mr. McAllister. I am indisposed lo
say more, but I cannot avoid it. If this
were a question between White and Har
rison, 1 would support White. I am a
native of Georgia, and feel as much af
fection for her as any other man; but I am
also a citizen of the United States. I
would never let the expression pass from
my lips, that I would not support a nor
thern man. Tho opinions of General
Washington have become unfashionable:
and the time seems to be coming, when a
man who shall quote them will be deem
ed visionary. Little did I think, that 011
this floor a senator could declare, that he
would vote for a man because he was
born in a particular latitude, in the thirty-
second degree. If he could look down
lrom heaven on us, and could sec such
doctrines prevail, lie would say that the
European opinion is true, and that the
Jieople are incajiahle of self-government.
[Mr. Floyd made a remark in explana
tion, which wc did not hear.]
Mr. McAllister. I will now show the
jiosition of jiartics. Do gentlemen jircler
an open enemy, to a man who only doubts
on a single jxiinl? The expression of that
doubt is a jiroof of his sincerity. The
first charge was, that he was a magician.
But our jieople could not lie made to be
lieve this; it was suited to the sixteenth
eentury. But he opjioscd the war with
England! So far from this, lie was the
father of the classification bill, the strong
est war-measure. But he is an alxilition-
ist!! How will you jirovc it? By his
declarations? But he voted for free-nc-
gro suffrage! He lived in a state which
jiermilted free negroes to vote; and wish
ed to jiermit this privilege of voting only
to a small number of them possessing a
certain estate. What witness will you
calk to prove that he is an abolitionist?—
Nathaniel Macon is a witness. He will
say, that fie sat near him, and observed
his conduct for years in the senate; and
that (in never saw any thing to support die
charge that he js an abolitionist.
Wiltkiti) Smith is avail her witness. j„
offc state lie is selected as a candidate li, r
the vicc-jircsidency; and in anotlier state
he is a candidate for the place of elector
He contradicts tlie charge that Mr. Y at *
Buren is an abolitionist.
General Jackson is another witness.-.
His enemies generally admit him to |„
honest. He also says, that Mr. Van |{ u .
rcti is not Aft abolitionist. But nur yrr M n„
politicians know better than these aged
witnesses. If there were any reason t»
lielieve that Mr. Van- Buren is tinctured
with abolitionism, I worth! be fijs j, M ,
man to supjxirl him. I behove the g C n-
tlcmcn are honest when they shy that ilu-v
ojrpose Y'an Buren for abolitionism; |,|,V
there is another class of politicians, v .b<c
are governed by different principles.—
When Slade, a professed abolitionist, w a .
elected, those who sa3' so much alxuit ai>-
olitionism, and among them the Savannah
Republican, rejoiced in bis success.
The debate was further continued |, v
General D. B. Mitchell, and other sena
tors. In the course of his remarks <Jen-
cral Mitchell observed, that he had seen
General Harrison for a month in the se
nate; and he could not do more than any
man on this fhxir. He c<’uM move a liiif,
resolution, and give a vote; and no mw.
From the Jacksonville Conner, 2Uh u/t.
The War.—Since our List, the armv,
under the command of governor Ua|]
has marched to the Wilhlacooehec,
Pierce with die fricmlh' (’reeks, :t i>,, ut
throe hundred rogulais, and Col. Mills’
battalion of East Florida volunteers,
crossed the Withlacoochee tlio 13th inst.
The following letter from Col. Mills, din
ed, camji Okoklikana, west side of the
Withlacoochee, furnishes the particulars
uji to the 14th.
“Wc crossed the Withlacoochee Yes
terday with seven hundred Creek Indians
and three hundred regular troops and nn t
no enemy to ojijiosc us. We, with our
command, pursued on a trail of Indians
several miles, and had to return from tin-
total impracticability of going farther into
this region of mud and water. Tlie ene
my had abandoned all tlieir houses at this
strong hold and retired, (we arc it,formed
by n. captured noo-ro) to Wahoo Swamp.
“YY e march uji in the morning with the
Indians and two hundred and filiy regular
troojis, to scour the Walioo Swanqi. Tin
Tennessee brigade go uji on the cast side
of the river and unite with us at Wakon
Swamp.
“Gen. Reed is in camp. lie was un
fortunate with his stcaudioat. It was
snagged and obliged to be abandon! d Itv
him low down.
“Thi s is the most dreadful country I
have ever been in. An immense scarf -
mud and water as (liras the sight extends,
and studded with little Islands, on most
of which was an Indian settlement.”
Evening before last an exjiress arrived
at Black Creek from the am iv, bringimrlln-
intelligence that there had hern two skir
mishes with the enemy. At Vann
Spriug, the other side of the Withlacoo-
cliceand not far from Walioo Swumji,a
detachment of tlie Tennessee volunteers
fell in with a party of Indians, \i ho were
engaged in jerking beef. They altn< knl
and comjiletcly routed them. Nineteen
were found dead. There arc suppled
to have been almut lour hundred, as tiny
took that number of jiacks, filled with
tlieir clothes and provisions. The de
tachment, with their liootv, joined tlie
main body under governor Call.
The next day, govcrnoi Call, with tin-
whole of his division of the army, met.
as they' supposed, the great body »>f the
enemy, in the Wahoo Swamp. After a
short brush with them, it being near night,
it was thought liest to retreat a short di.~
tanee Lo encamp; where our informant
slates, it was the intention ofthe governor
to remain, until he could effect a junction
with the other division ofthe same. It is
here the Indians are doubtless jireparrJ
to fight. Animated hy their foriue| suc
cess, and urged by the desjxmding alter
native to die or go west, they' will fight
desperately'. The whole force that Mi
Fort Drane, twenty-two hundred, is net
too large when acting together, to meet
such an enemy, atul ensure success. The
enemy are already too much elated with
their former victories. Another defeat i«
this stage of the campaign, would be
most disastrous, it would prolong the war
another year—an evil which we lropc
may lie averted.
Our forces had five killed in tin sc
skirmishes. The number wounded we
are unable to learn. On their route (bey
took two Indian negroes, who say tfo;
many' of the Indians are disjxtsed t*> give
up, and will do so if they meet the Creeks
and regulars. The negroes report, that
jimvder is scarce with them. Tlie infor
mation obtained from Indian negroes arid
squaws, has liccn of little service hereto
fore. When an attempt has been made
to reach their strong holds they ha’*
fought most desjieratelv, as all will Utf
witness who have made the ntlemjit. 3
After the second skirmish a field j'iei 1
was fired which was answered hy a
piece or jtlatoon, nupjmscd to be i» Ucd- t
Jesuji’s camp. This renders it jirnbabk
that there has been some hard lighting
this.
Gen. Armstead passed here on M" n ‘
day last in the steamer Santee, onhis" J .'
to join the army.
Provi sions are again ordered to Yob"
sia to supply- the army there.
A report reached this jilaco
last, that a few Indians wue seen si* ,,r
seven miles distant. Detachments
captain Dell and Ross’ companies, went
in search of them, but saw none. Tr.i' ! '
have been pursued and the remnant'
tlieir fires seen in the vicinity <>• |1 ’
place, where Mr. Johns was killed a sin" 1
time since. Whether they were suaf
ling Creeks on their way to join the fien*"
noles or a jiarty come to wreak their vc*"
geancc on the capture of the squaw
children, wIhi were brought here u"‘
long since, there arc no means of «M r '
mining.
Gen. Hernandez has received ord# 3
from Gov. Call, “in raise and organ' 2 *
the effective force of his brigade in
a manner as in the judgement ol the
manding general will Lest serve the p 11 ’’
lie interest.” The necessity of tins tH
der arises from the entire “withdrawal 1
the United Stales’troops to serve lU
tin
approaching campaign,” leaving the i ,il!