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COSGRESSIOSAt.
IN SENATE,
February 15.
Tire following resolution, submitted
vcsterdav by Mr. Preston, was considered.
Resolved, That the President be re
quested to communicate to the Senate the
proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, re
cently held at the city of Frederick, by
virtue of orders No. 0-5, and No. OS, so
far as the same relates to ihc causes of
delay in opening and prosecuting the
campaigns in Georgia and Alabama in
the year 1S3G.
Mr. Preston said that it was with a
deep feeling of regret, he had seen in
the official paper ol yesterday, a commu
nication from the President ol the United
Stales, relative to the result at which the
Court of Inquiry convened at I rederick
had arrived, in reference to the case of
Gen. ScotL lie could wish to see the
imputation at present resting against the
character of that brave and gallant officer
removed at once-, and he was disappoint
ed at not seeing iu the comfnunication in
question, such an expression of feeling
as would have indicated the favorablo
opinion of the Executive, as regarded
the -result of tlic inquiry into Lhe conduct
of Gen. Scott.
Under ordinary circumstances, he (Mr.
P.) should be the last to move in a matter
of this kind; hut, in looking at the prece
dents existing, he found it was not unu
sual to make culls iu connexion with sub
jects like the present; he hail therefore
made this call for the satisfaction of con
gress and of the public. And he believ
ed that if ever there was an occasion for
Congress and the people to know what had
been done in reference to a court of inqui
ry, this was the case. Gen. Scott’s repu
tation had been exposed, and placed in an
equivocal position as far.back as June
last, when lie was superseded in the com
mand of the army in the Creek war.-—
He was superseded in consequence ol a
letter written by Maj- Gen. Jesup, direct
ed to the editor of the Globe, and mark
ed “private,” but which that individual
showed to the President ol the Luffed
States, and it was afterwards published
to the world. The result ol these pro
ceedings was, that Gen. Scott, in the per
formance of his duty, was recalled, and
arraigned before a court under certain
charges. And not only he, who occupied
so high a station in our army, which he
won through blood and slaughter, had
been thus superseded in his command,
and laid under this suspicion, to say the
least of it, but the. subordinate officer who
penned a letter to the publisher of a
Washington newspaper has been advanc
ed to the command. Yes! his accuser
had been taken from his legitimate sphere,
and placed in a situation where ho would
have an opportunity of reaping those lau
rels, which Gen. Scott himself might
have reaped had he been allowed to re
tain his command.
He (Mr. P.) had looked at the results of
the court of inquiry, on many accounts,
with great anxiety, not ynly as concerned
the distinguished General himself, but
the honor and character of the country,
which wore deeply implicated in this
transaction; and whatever might be done,
if bearing the character of injustice to
him, it was injustice to us, and our na
tional character. We should be deficient
in proper pride, and in gratitude to indi
viduals such as he, who have rendered
so many important services to the coun
try, if we did not take care to see that
they have justice dealt them fairly and
impartially.
The Prcsidcntjif the United States, it
appeared, had thought proper to publish
his dissent from the proeeedingsofthe court
of inquiry, which Mr. I*, believed not to
-be entirely finished. ^Ie conceived the
proceedings of the court to be private, un-
i:ss the executive should think proper to
make them known. The seal of secrecy
having then been broken, and the Presi
dent having published to the world the
secret, with his opinions upon the pro
ceedings of the court, it struck him (Mr.
I\) that Congress was placed in a situa
tion to demand the testimony, and to give
their opinion upon it.
He would not arraign the names of any
individuals before the country. His anx
iety was on account of (Jen. Scott, as al
lied to the dignity', pride, and sense of
honor of the army. He would have the
voice of the people heard on the subject,
if any improper proceeding had taken
place. Nay, lie would go further; he
would have it corrected by congress.—
Mr. P. concluded by expressing his hope
that the senate would indulge him iu al
lowing him to call for the information he
desired.
Mr. Crittenden remarked that he would
wish that General Scoit should have am
ple justice done him for all the wrongs he
had suffered; and intimated his impres
sion that the papers had probably been
remitted to the court, consequcnty the
senator’s resolution, if adopted, would be
unavailing.
Mr. Wright said that if the resolution
should he referred to the committee on
military affairs, they would be able to as
certain whether the senator’s object could
be accomplished; but it was probable dial
the proceedings had been referred back
to the court of inquiry. Mr. W. then
moved that the resolution be referred to
the committee on military affairs.
Mr. Preston was glad to sec that gentle
men concurred with him in getting the
papers. If, however, the president should
not l)o able to answer the call of the se
nate, why then there was an end to the
matter.
Mr. Benton regarded the resolution as
calling for proceedings in a case which
had not yet terminated. He presumed
that the proceedings sent to the president
had been remitted to the court. It was,
therefore, an unfinished affair. And lie
should consider it an act of usurpation, on
the part of congress, to take the matter
out of the hands of the constituted au
thorities, who had not yet finished their
action on it. That would be doing noth
ing less than to forestall public opinion,
and the public judgment, with respect to
the inquiry. He held it was the duty of
g- -•> to refrain from expressing their
opinion upon the facts, until the president
should have approved, or disapproved of
the opinions of the court. And, if the re
solution was to pass at all, it should con
tain this proviso: “provided the proceed
ings of the court of inquiry are finished.”
Mr. Preston said, whether the affair
was finished or unfinished, he could not
take upon himself to say. But this he
would say, that he had not been able to
find a single instance in which the presi
dent had published his decision uj>on the
proceedings of a court of inquiry until
they were finished. Well, them as the
president had published this communica
tion in the Globe, it might be presumed
that finished the affair. Be that as it
might, he conceived tlicrc was no good
ground for the assertion which had been
made, that to send the senate the papers
called lor, would he to forestall the presi
dent in his decision, which he (Mr. F.)
imagined to have been set forth in the of
ficial paper yesterday.
Mr. Cuthbert presumed that his friend
from 8outh Carolina (Mr. Preston) would
himself be of opinion that there should be
no proceeding, on the part of congress,
which would mingle up military matters
with political feelings, and there could be
nothing more at war with the chivalrous
character of the soldier, than to embroil
hinr in political strife. This being con
fessed, it would be most unfortunate for
the senate to rush precipitately into mat
ters of this kind, involving our officers in
difficulties so uncongenial with their pur
suits or their feelings, which it would be
easy to commence, but which could not be
terminated at their pleasure. The only
matter which it appeared that his friend
from South Carolina objecle*! to, was the
form given to the subject by the publica
tion of the president’s opinion. It was
not the reference that the gentleman ob
jected to; nor did he assert that the presi
dent was in error; hut he only complain
ed that the publication of the president’s
opinion would operate injuriously on Gen.
Scott. The genet al, lie believed, the uni
versal practice of courts of inq'jiry, was,
to furnish an abstract of the evidence
given before it, with the reasoning con
necting that evidence, together. That
was not the course pursued by this court.
A hare acquittal was rendered, without
giving the- tacts on which it was founded,
an j, an opinion was presented as to the
general complexion of the evidence, with
out a reference to the. facts which led to
the formation of that opinion. Such a
general report would not he satisfactory
to the public, and was not doing justice to
General Scott himself; and it surely
would be desirable to bis friends that the
court should present an abstract of the
evidence, iu order that the country might
render the same verdict of acquittal.—
There was another point iu the proceed
ings of ibis court to which he would call
the attention of the senator from South
Carolina, and that was the extreme irre
gularity by which they referred to matters
not properly before them, and commented
with extraordinary bitterness on the con
duct ol General Jesup. Were tbev as
sembled to inquire into the conduct of
General Jesup? Were they authorized t«
pronounce censure on him iu relation to a
matter with which they had nothing to do?
'l’lie very circumstance of their having
travelled out of the line of their duty,
and referred, without any authority what
ever, to the conduct of an officer not be
fore them, was a sufficient reason why
the president should send back to them
the record of their proceedings. It ap
peared to him, that it was unfortunate lor
the well-being of the army, that a spirit
of faction and rivalry had" been in more
than one instance manifested; and he
thought that congress, so far from enter
ing into any proceedings which might
seem to give countenance to feelings of
jealousy and ill will on the part of our of
ficers to each other, ought to do all in its
power to discourage them.
Mr. Benton observed that the court had
not acted according to the order under
which it was convened, and that was to
report die facts growing out of the inquiry
with their opinions thereof. The disap
proval of the president, then, was on ac
count of the non-compliance with the or
der. Mr. B. considered the case as fully
before the court of inquiry as it was be
fore; as much so as though they had made
no report on the proceedings. He re
peated, that it would be an act of usurpa
tion on the part of the senate to interfere
and forestall public opinion before the
president’s opinion was expressed. The
president’s opinion, as expressed in the
communication published in the Globe of
yesterday, disapproves of the conduct of
the court, not of the officer alluded to.
Mr. Preston made a few remarks ex
pressive of his regret that the senator
from Georgia, (Mr. Cuthbert,) should
have made the observations he had, as to a
spirit of rivalry and jealousy actuating
the officers of the army. He (Mr. P.j
had said nothing to call forth the remark,
nor had he entered into any comparison
of the military talents of Generals Scott
and Jeslip.
Mr. Rives was desious that a course
should be taken w hich.would have the ef
fect of awarding to that distinguished of
ficer, General Scott, the full measure <Tf"
justice. He (Mr. R.) did not wish that
any act should be done by this body which
should be nugatory. If it were true,
however, that the proceedings in relation
to the case of General Scott, had been re
mitted to the court, the adoption of the
resolution, in question would be nugatory,
and could produce no result. Now he
thought the proper reference of it would
be to'the military committee. He could
not agree with the senator from Missouri
—the expression was too strong—that it
would Ire an act of usurpation to forestall
the opinion of the president, but he would
say, that it might be irregular. Air. R.
then went on to say, that he felt deeply in
regard to the character of General Scott,
and lie did not doubt, whatever might be
the decision of the president, the nation
would do him justice. But he (Mr. R.)
was desirous that this military question
might not be mingled with any thing of a
political character. He believed that
there would be very little delay, so far as
the case of General Scott was concerned,
the papers being referred back, merely for
the purpose of collating, and affording an
opportunity to the court to give the infor
mation not furnished, to enable the presi
dent to judge of the facts, and thereby
make up an opinion. Mr. R. apprehended
that the reputation of General Scott was
composed of too durable materials to be
affected by a little delay, and that he en
tertained no doubt the general would have
justice done him. He thought the resolu
tion should go to the committee on milita
ry' affairs.
Mr. Cuthbert knew that it was not im
possible but that a senator, out of person
al vanity, and in the mere struggle lbr vic
tory, might continue a debate after all the
arguments on either side had been ex
hausted, and long after the whole senate
wished the debate to cease. He should,
therefore, avoid taxing the patience of the
senate by an unnecessary recapitulation of
what had already been touched upon, and
what was well understood, and, with one
single observation, would resume his seat.
His friend from South Carolina (Mr. Pres
ton) took up the paper purporting to be a
decision of the court, and asked, were not
these [the parts read by him] facts stated
by the court. lie (Mr. C.) would answer
No. It was the opinion to which the court
came from nn examination of a mass of
facts, and not to a statement of the facts
themselves. Ilis friend thought that, with
regard to General Jesup, this court had
done nothing not warranted by the cir
cumstances of the case, and not in accord
ance with the practice of courts martial.
Was this so? Was it the practice of
courts of inquiry to pass censure on wit
nesses, called before them, for conduct
previous to being summoned. General
Jesup was not before this court in any oth
er way than as a witness, and therefore
though they had a right to examine and
weigh his testimony, and pass upon it, yel
they had no right whatever to pass cen
sure on the previous conduct of that of
ficer.
Mr. tatrnn^e thought it must be appa
rent that the call made bv the senator
from couth Carolina could be attended
With no good, and probably might result
in great mischief. 'Pile matter was yet
inchoate—was not concluded. When the
investigation should have been closed by
the proper tribunals, and if it should seem
that injustice had been done, it would then
he time enough for the national legislature
to act. The gentleman from South Caro
lina disapproved of the president having
published the communication relative to
the court ot inquiry. Whv, if the presi
dent had published his decision, anil giv
en no reasons for it, there would doubt
less have been great complaint made.—
But he had done no such thing. He did
not say that lie disapproved of the con
duct of general Scott, or that lie might l>c
guilty or not guilty. He merely says: “I
do not affirm the decision of the court of
inquiry, because they have not given me
sufficient evidence to decide upon the
case. A court martial is to obtain facts,
and I cannot decide whether their judg
ment is right or wrong until I see the
facts.” The president says, in express
terms, that the court say there was delay;
hut who caused it, did not appear. Nei
ther did the court say what they consider
ed “unnecessary delay.” “Now all this
[says the president] is necessary to be un
derstood, and therefore, I refer the matter
back to file court, in order that they may
give me the information I require. They
may be right, or may be wrong, for aught
that appears. I leave general 8cott as he
was before the investigation.”
Mr. 8. asked whether it could be com
plained that the president has caused the
delay? Not at all. He left the character
ot the accused precisely as it was. lie
(Mr. 8.) did not think it exactly fair that
the gentleman from South Carolina should
assail the character of a man (gen. Jesup)
not before the senate. He thought it ill
became gentlemen to find fault with the
president tor being desirous to shield the
reputation of one citizen, when they
were so anxious to shield the reputation
of another.
It was surely time enough fir the court
martial to animadvert on the conduct of the
other gallant officer when he should be be
fore them; and he must say, that the court
did stop out of their way in doing so, tor
it was not a matter foi their consideration
then. So tar ns general Scott was con
cerned, Mr. S. thought, that by pursuing
tbe course desired by the gentleman from
South Carolina, injury might be done him,
rather than good. Believing, therefore,
that the call was premature, he would
move to lay the resolution on the table.—
negatived—ayes 17, noes 23.
Mr. Preston contended there was not a
shadow of a shade of suspicion that could
justly rest on the military character of
general Scott. The very men now in
Florida were doing precisely as general
Scott said .they would have to dof They
had found themselves reduced to the ne
cessity of doing what his military sagaci
ty foresaw they must do.
Mr. Cuthbert would make no reply to
the senator from South Carolina, but he
would pul it to him if the course he was
now pursuing would not tend to injure his
friend. If general Scott was at Chippe
wa, was not general Jesup there too? If
general Scott was at Bridgewater, was
not Jesup also there; and was not his
fame as dear to every American bosom
as that of general Scott? Mr. Cuthbert
after a handsome eulogium on the charac
ter and services of general Jesup, depre
cated unnecessary comparisons as to the
relative merits of two gallant officers, and
hoped that the matter woud he permitted
to take the course which wisdom and
moderation dictated, without indulging in
useless comparisons.
Mr. Preston denied that he was making
comparisons between the two officers.
Mr. Cuthbert said that the whole course
of the gentleman’s remarks apjrearcd to
him to have that tendency.
On motion of Mr. Rives, the resolution
was, in the end, referred to the committee
on military affairs—ayes 28, noes not
counted.
The Xtiliant Bank.—The President of this
Bunk, Mister II. A. Breed, has it appears by
the report lo the Massachusetts Legislature, dp.
fra tided it out of its entire capital, §150,000
and §50,000 beyond. Ilezediah Chase &, Co.
have drawn §15,000 iu the same way.
'Silk.—We have been shown some specimens
of silk from lhe Nantucket faclorv. That com
pleted in January, 1830, is good but thin; the
specimens of 1S37 display a very great improve
ment, and the twilled silk, which has a mixture
of the nankeen colored cotton, is an admirable
article, and must soon be in a general use. It
is gratifying to see how rapidly and pros|>crous-
ly the silk looms are increasing.—jV. York
SUir.'‘
INAUGURAL ADDRESS
OF THE
HON. KARTIX VAN BEREA,
Pronounced, at the commencement of his- pre
sidential term, when about to take the oath
prescribed by the constitution, faithfully to
execute the ojf.ee of PRESIDES T of the
UNITED STATES, and to preserve,
protect, and defend the constitution thereof.
Fisllw-Citizkxs—The practice of all
my predecessors imposes on tne an obli
gation I cheerfully fulfil, to accompany
the first and solemn act of my public trust
with an avowal of the principles that will
guide me in performing it, and tin expres
sion of my feelings on assuming a charge
so responsible and vast. In imitating
their example, I tread in the footsteps of
illustrious men, whose superiors, it is our
happiness to believe, are not found on the
executive calendar of attv country. A-
mong them, we recognise "the earliest and
firmest pillars of the republic; those by
whom our nalional independence was
first declared; him who, above all others,
contributed to establish it on the field of
battle; and those whose expanded intel
lect and patriotism constructed, improved,
and perfected the inestimable institutions
under which we live. If such men, in
the position I now occupy, felt themselves
overwhelmed by a sense of gratitude lbr
this, the highest of all marks of their
country’s confidence, and by a conscious
ness of their inability adequately to dis
charge the duties of an office so difficult
and exalted, how much more must these
considerations affect one, who can rely on
no such claims for favor or forbearance.—
Unlike all who have preceded me, the
revolution, that gave us existence as one
people, was achieved at the period of my
birth; and, whilst I contemplate with
greatful reverence that memorable event,
1 feel that I belong to a later age, and that
1 mav r not expect my countrymen to weigh
my actions with the same kind and par
tial hand.
So sensibly, fellow-citizens, do these
circumstances press themselves upon me,
that 1 should not dare to enter uj)on my
path ot duly, did I not look fer the gener
ous aid of those who will be associated
with me in-ihe various and co-ordinate
branches of the government; did I not re
pose, with unwavering reliance, on the
patriotism, the intelligence, and the kind
ness, of a people vlio never vet deserted
a public servant honestly laboring in their
cause; and, above all, did I not permit
myself humbly to lope for the sustaining
support of an cver-watchful and benefi
cent Providence.
To the confidents and consolation de
rived from these sources, it would be un
grateful not to add those which spring
from our present fortunate condition.—
Though not altogether exempt from cm-
barjassmenfs that disturb our tranquillity
at hdme and threaten it abroad, yet, in all
the attributes of a great, happy, and flour
ishing people, we s:and without a parallel
in the world. Abtoad, we enjoy the re
spect, and, with scarcely an exception,
the friendship of every nation; at home,
while our government quietly, but effi
ciently, performs the sole legitimate end
ot political institutions, in doing the
greatest good to the greatest’number, we
present art aggregate of human prosperi
ty surely not elsewhere to be found.
How imperious, then, is the obligation
imposed upon every citizen, in his own
sphere of action, whether limited or ex
tended, to exert himself in perpetuating a
condition of things so singularly happy.
All the lessons of history and experience
must he lost upon us, if we are content
to trust alone to the peculiar advantages
we happen to possess. Position and cli
mate, and the bounteous resources that
nature has scattered with so liberal a hand
—even the diffused intelligence and ele
vated character of our people—will avail
us nothing, if we fail sacredly to uphold
those political institutions that were wise
ly and deliberately formed, with reference
to every circumstance that could preserve
or might endanger the blessings we enjoy.
The thoughtful framers of our constitu
tion legislated for our country as they
found it. Looking upon it with the eyes
of statesmen and of patriots, they saw all
the sources of rapid and wonderful pros-
|>erity; but they saw also the various ha
bits, opinions, and institutions, peculiar to
the wcliare and happiness of all. Be
tween many of them there was, at least
to some extent, a real DIVERSITY of
interests, liable to be exaggerated through
sinister designs; they differed in size, in
population, in wealth, and in actual and
prospective resources and power; they
varied in the character of their industry
and staple productions; and in some ex
isted domestic institutions, which, unwise
ly disturbed, might endanger the harmo
ny of the whole. Most carefully were all
these circumstances weighed, and the
foundations of the new Government laid
upon principles of reciprocal concession
and equitable compromise. The jealou
sies which the smaller States might en
tertain of the power of the rest were al
layed by a rule of representation, confes
sedly unequal at the time, and designed
forever to remain so. A natural fear that
the broad scope of general legislation
might bear upon anil unwisely control
particular interests, was counteracted by
limits strict!}' drawn around the action of
the federal authority; and to the people
and the States was left unimpaired their
sovereign power over the innumerable
subjects embraced in the internal gov
ernment of a just republic, excepting such
only as necessarily appertain to the con
cerns of the whole confederacy, or its in
tercouse, as a united community, with the
other nations of the world.
The provident forecast has been veri
fied by time. Half a century, teeming
with extraordinary events, and elsewhere
producing astonishing results has passed
along; but on our institutions it-lias left no
injurious mark. From a small communi
ty', we have risen to a people powerful in
numbers and in strength; but with our in
crease has gone, hand in hand, the pro
gress of just principles; the privileges, ci
vil and religious, of the humblest indivi
dual are still sacredly protected at home;
and, while the valor and fortitude of our
people have removed far from us the
slightest apprehension of foreign power,
they have not yet induced us, in a single
instance, to forget what is right. Our
commerce lias been extended to the re- j
ture, of our productions has been greatly*
changed; a wide difference has arisen in
tlie relative wealth and resources ol every
portion of our country; yet the spirit of
mutual regard and of faithful adherence
lo existing compacts, has continued to
prevail in our councils, and never long
been absent from our conduct. We have
learned by experience a fruitful lesson;
that an implicit and undeviating adher
ence to the principles on which wc set
out can carry us prosperously onward
through all the conflicts of circumstances,
and the vicissitudes inseparable from the
lapse of years.
The success that has thus attended our
great experiment, is, iu itself, a sufficient
cause for gratitude, on account of the hap
piness it has actually conferred, and the
example it has unanswerably given. But
to me, my fellow-citizens, looking for
ward to the far-distant future, with ardent
prayers and confiding hopes, this retro
spect presents a ground for still deeper de
light. It impresses on my mind a firm
belief that the perpetuity of our institu
tions depends upon ourselves; that, if we
maintain the principles on which they
werp established, they are destined to
confer their benefits on countless genera
tions yet to come; and that America will
present to every friend of mankind the
cheering proof, that a popular Govern
nient, wisely formed, is wanting in no
element of endurance or strength. Fifty
years ago, its rapid failure was boldly
predicted. Latent and uncontrollable
causes of dissolution were supposed to
exist, even by ihc wise and good; and not
only did unfriendly or speculative theo
rists anticipate for us the fate of past re
publics, hut the fears of many an honest
patriot overbalanced his sanguine hopes.
Look back on these forebodings, not has-
( tily, but reluctanctly made, and see how,
in every instance, they have completely
failed."
An imperfect experience, during the
struggles of the revolution, was suppos
ed to warrant a belief that the*people
would not bear the taxation requisite to
discharge an immense public debt already
incurred, and to defray the necessary ex
penses of lhe Government. The cost of
wars has been paid, not only without a
murmur, but with unequalled alacrity.
No one is now left to doubt that every
burden will lie cheerfully borne that may
be necessary to sustain our civil institu
tion*, or guard our honor or our welfare.
Indeed, all experience has shown that the
willingness of the people lo contribute to
these ends in cases of emergency, has
uniformly outrun the confidence of their
representatives.
In the early stages of the new Govern
ment, when all felt the imposing influence
as they recognised the unequalled ser
vices of the first President, it was a com
mon sentiment, that the great weight of
his character could alone hind the dis
cordant materials of out Government to
gether, and save us from the violence of
contending factions. 8ime his death,
nearly forty years are gone. Party ex
asperation has been often carried lo its
highest point; the virtue and the fortitude
of the people have sometimes been great-
13' tried; yet our system purified and en
hanced in value I>\ r all it has encountered,
still preserves its spirit of free and fearless
discussion, blended with unimpaired fra
ternal feeling.
The capacity of the people for self gov
ernment, and their willingness, from a
high sense of duty, and without those ex
hibitions of coercive power so genrrallv
empLved in other countries, to submit to
all needful restraints and exactions of the
municipal law, have also been favorably
exemplified in the history of the Ameri
can States. Occasionally, it is true, the
ardor of public sentiment, outrunning the
ular progress of the judicial tribunals,
or seeking to reach eases not denounced as
criminal by the existing law, has display
ed itself in a manner calculated to give
pain to the friends of free government,
and to encourage the hopes of those who
wish for its overthrow. These occur
rences, however, have been far less fre
quent in our country than in an}’ other of
equal population on the globe; and with
the diffusion of intelligence, it may well
be hoped that they will constantly dimi
nish in frequency and violence. The ge
nerous patriotism and sound common
sense of tfee great mass of our fellow-citi
zens, will assuredly, in time, produce this
result; for as every assumption, of illegal
power not only wounds the majesty of the
law, but furnishes a pretext for abridging
the liberties of the people, the latter have
the most direct and permanent interest in
preserving the great land-marks of social
order, and maintaining, on all occasions,
the inviolability of those constitutional and
legal provisions which they themselves
have made.
In a supposed unfitness of our institu
tions for those hostile emergencies which
no country can always avoid, their friends
found a fruitful source of apprehension,
their enemies of hope. While they' fere-
saw less promptness of action than in Gov
ernments differently formed, they over
looked the far more important considera
tion, that with us war could never be the
result of individual or irresponsible will,
but must be a measure of redress fer in
juries sustained, voluntarily resorted to
by those who were to bear the necessary
sacrifice, who would consequently' feel an
individual interest in the contest, and
whose energy would be commensurate
with the difficulties to be encountered.
Actual events have proved their error;
the last war, far from impairing, gave new
confidence to our Government; and amid
recent approljensions of a similar conflict,
we saw the energies of our country' would
not be wanting in ample season to vindi
cate its rights. Wc may not possess, as
we should not desire^to possess, the ex
tended and ever ready military organiza
tion of other nations; we may occasionally
suffer in the outset fer the want of it; but,
among ourselves, all doubt upon this great
point has ceased, while a salutary expe
rience will prevent a contrary opinion
from inviting aggression from abroad.
Certain danger was lbrctokl from the
extension of our territory, the multiplica
tion of States, and the increase of popula
tion. Our system was supposed to be
adapted only to boundaries comparatively
narrow. These have been widened be
yond conjecture; the members of our con-
numbers of our people arc incredibly aug
mented. The alleged causes of danger
have long surpassed anticipation, but none
of the consequences have followed. The
power and influence of the republic have
risen to a height obvious to all mankind;
respect for its authority was not more ap-
we ought, fer we have just reason, t„ ,
tertain an abiding confidence in the ,. t y
lily of our institutions, and an entire,!!!!'
viction that, if administered
con
form, character, and spirit in which tfo'!
were established, they arc abundantly a P
quatc to preserve to us and ourcliiiclreii >]!,
parent at its ancient, than it is at its pre- j rich blessings already derived from th, j
molest nations; the value, and even nu-1 federacy arc already doubled; and the
sent limits; new and inexhaustible sources
of general prosperity have been opened
the effects of distance have been ave rte
by the inventive genius of our people, de
veloped and festered by the spirit of our
institutions; and the enlarged variety and
amount of interests, productions and pur
suits, have strengthened the chain of mu
tual dependance, and formed a circle of
mutual benefits, too apparent ever to be
overlooked.
In justly balancing the powers of the
Federal and State authorities, difficulties
nearly' insurmountable arose at the outset
and subsequent allusions were deemed
inevitable. Amid these, it was scarcely
believed possible that a scheme of gov
ernment, so complex in construction
could remain uninjured. From time to
time embarrassments have certainly ot
curretl; but how just is the confidence of
future safety'imparted by the knowledge
that each in succession has beeu happily
removed. Overlooking partial and tem
porary evils as inseparable from the prac
tical operation of all humau institutions
and looking only to the general result
every patriot has reason to be satisfied
While the Federal Government has suc
cessfully' performed its appropriate func
tions in relation to foreign affairs, and con
cerns evidently national, that of every
State has remarkably' improved in pn
letting and developing local interests and
individual welfare; and if the vibrations of
authority have occasionally tended too
much towards one or the other, it is un
questionably certain that the ultimate ope
ration of the entire system has been to
strengthen all the existing institutions, and
to elevate our whole country in prosperity
and renown.
The last, perhaps the greatest, of the
prominent sources of discord and disaster
supposed to lurk in our political condition,
was tlic institution of domestic slavery
Our forefathers were deeply impressed
with the delicacy of this subject, and they
treated it with a forbearance so evidently
wise, that, in spite of every sinister fore
boding, it never, until the present period,
disturbed the tranquillity of our common
country'. Such a result is a sufficient evi
dence of the justice and the patriotism of
their course; it is evidence not to be mis
taken, that an adherence to it can prevent
all embarrassment from (bis, as well as
from every' other anticipated cause of dif
ficulty or danger. Have not recent events
made it obvious to the slightest reflection,
that the least deviation from this spirit of
forbearance is injurious to every interest,
that of humanity included? Amidst thr
violence of excited passions, this generous
and fraternal feeling has been sometimes
disregarded.; and, standing as I now do
before my countrymen in this high place
of honor and of trust, I cannot refrain from
anxiously invoking my fellow-citizens ne
ver to be deaf to its dictates?" Perceiving,
before mv election, the deep interest this
subject was beginning to excite, I believ
ed it a-solcmn duty' fully to make known
my Sentiments in regard to it; and now
every motive for misrepresentation Uis
passed away, I trust that they will be
< andidly weighed and understood. At
least, they' will be my standard of conduct
in the path before me. 1 then declared
tint, if the desire of those of my country
men who were favorable to my election
was gratified, “I must go into the Presi
dential Chair the inflexible and uncom
promising opponent of every attempt, on
the part of Congress, to abolish slavery
in the Dislriet of Columbia, against the
wishes of lhe slaveholdingStates; and also
with a determination equally decided to
resist the slightest interference with it in
States where it exists.” I submitted also
to my fellow-citizens, with fullness and
frankness, the reasons which led me to
this determination. Thejrsultauthorizes
me to believe that they have been approv
ed, and are confided in, by' a majority of
the people of the United States, including
these whom they most immediately affect.
It now only remains to add, that no hill
conflicting with these views can ever re
ceive my constitutional sanction. These
opinions have been adopted in tlic firm
belief that they are in accordance with
the spirit that actuated the venerated fa
thers of the republic, and that succeeding
experience has proved them to be humane,
patriotic, expedient, honorable and just.
If the agitation ofthis subject was intend
ed to reach the stability of our institutions,
enough lias occurred to show that it has
signally failed; and that in this, as in eve
ry other instance, the apprehensions of the
timid and the hopes of the wicked, for the
destruction of our Government, arc again
destined to be disappointed. Here and
there, indeed, scenes of dangerous excite
ment have occurred; terrifying instances
of local violence have been witnessed; and
a reckless disregard of the consequences
oftheir conduct has exposed individuals to
to popular indignation; but neither masses
of the people, nor sections of the country,
have been swerved from their devotion to
the bond of union, mid the principles it
has made sacred. It will be ever thus.
Such attempts at dangerous agitation may
periodically return, but with each the
object will be better understood. That
predominating affection for our political
system which prevails throughout our ter
ritorial limits; that calm and enlightened
judgment which ultimately' governs our
people as one vast body; will always be
at band to resist and control every effort,
foreign or domestic, which aims, or would
lead, to overthrow our institutions.
What can be more gratifying than such
a retrospect as this! We look back on
obstacles avoided, and dangers overcome;
on expectations more than realized, and
prosperity perfectly secured. To the
hopes of the hostile, the fears Gf the timid,
and the doubts of the anxious, actual ex
perience has given the conclusive reply'.
We have seen time gradually dispel every
unfavorable foreboding, and our constitu
tion surmount every adverse circumstance
dreaded at the outlet as beyond control.
Present excitement will, at all times, mag
nify-present dangers; hut true philosophy
must teach us that none more threatening
than the past remain to be overcome; and
to make our beloved land, for a tlioo^j
generations, that chosen spot where hann
ness springs from a perfect equality of,;
litical rights.
For myself,'therefore, I desire to d» cla r
that the principle that will govern in e °
the high duly to whic h ray country cJl-
me, is, a strict adherence to the letter
spirit of the constitution, as it was
edhy those who framed it. Looking bac'"
to it as a sacred instrument carefully !',, i
no! easily framed; rciueml>erin<r tlmt it
was throughout a work of concession n- |
compromise; viewing it as limited to ^
tional objects; regarding it as ieavin™ It ,
the people and the States all power°n,!!
explicitly parted with; l shall endeavor i!
preserve, protect, and defend it, by any!
iouslv referring to its provisions fonliri ,..
tion in every action. To mailers ol'do-
mestic concernment which it ha
entrusted
to the Federal Government, and tosuclu
relate to our intercourse with foreign ua-
tions, I shall zealously devote invscjf; |„.
yond those limits I shall never pass.
To enter, on this occasion, into a turther
or more minute exposition of mv views ot*
the various questions of domestic policy!
would be as obtrusive as it is probably
expected. Before the suffrages of rny
countrymen were conferred on me, I sub
mitted to tlii'm, with great precision, mv
opinions on all the most prominent offers?
subjects. Those opinions I shall endea
vor to carry out with ray utmost ability.
Our course of foreign policy has been
so uniform and intelligible, as to consti
tute a rule of executive conduct which
leaves little to my discret ion, unless indeed
I were willing to run counter to the limits
of experience and the known opinions of
my constituents. We sedulously cultivate
the friendship of all nations, as the condi
tion most compatible with our welfare,
and the principles of our Government.
We decline allimces, as adverse to nor
peace. We desire commercial relations
on equal terms, being ever willing to five
a fair equivalent fer advantages rccehed
W e endeavor to conduct our intercourse
with openness and sincerity; promptly
avowing our objects, and seeking to esta
blish that mutual frankness which is as
beneficial iu the dealings of nations as of
men. We have no disposition, and we
disclaim all right, to meddle in disputes,
whether internal or foreign, that may mo
lest other countries; regarding them in
their actual state, as social communities,
and preserving a strict neutrality' in all
their controversies. Well knowing lie
tried valor ol our people, and our cxhaust-
Iess resources, we neither anticipate in.r
fear any designed aggression; and, iuur
•onsciousuess of our own just conduct, wc
feel a security that wc shall never he cal
led upon to exert our determination, never
to permit an invasion of our rights, with-
out punishment or redress.
In approaching, then, in lhe presence
of my assembled countrymen, tomakctlie
oleinn promise that vet remains, and to
pledge myselfthat I will faith fully ex c itc
the office j am about to fill, 1 bring with
me a settled purpose to maintain the in-
titnlions of my country, which, f trust,
will atone for the errors 1 mnv commit.
In rec eiving from t ,- c people the sacral
trust twice confided to mv illustrious pre
decessor, and which he has discharged si
faithfully and so well, I know that 1 can
not expect to perform the arduous task
with equal ability and success. Hut,
united as I have been in his counsels, a
daily witness of his exclusive and unsur
passed devotion to his country ’s welfare,
igreeing with him in sentiments which
is countrymen have warmly supported,
nd permitted to partake largely ol bis
onfidence, I mavhopc that somewhat of
the same cheering approbation will be
found to attend upon my path. For him,
I but express, with my- own, the wishes of
alP—that he tnav vet long live to enjoy the
brilliant evening of his well-spent life:
and, fer myself, conscious of but one de
sire, faithfully- to serve my country,! j
throw myself, without fear, on its justin’
and its kindness. Bevoml that, 1 only
look to the gracious protection of the Di
vine Being, whose strengthening support
I humbly solicit, and whom I fervently
pray to look down upon us all. May it be
among the dispensations of his providence
to bless our beloved country with honofl
and wit h length of days; may her ways!*
ways of pleasantness, anil all her patln be
peace.
Extract of a letter from a correspondent oftba
New York Evening Post, dated Washington
City, February 20, 1837.
“No liule anxiety has been manifested 1°
know who arc to compose the next cabinet. The
inquisitive appear to have forgotten that lhe l >ff '
sident elect intends to carry out the measures
and act upon the principles of General Jackson,
and hence that no immediate important chats
ges can be anticipated. lie cannot at once |* £ '
mit the long-tried friends of the President to &
tiro, as if with their chief they had accomplid*’ 1
all that the country expects of them. IJes:d£^_
there is one of the present cabinet, to whom f-
pendent of his eminent services in sustaining'
great principles of this administration, and *■
honor to the country at home and abroad, • *•
Van Burcn is indebted more than to any inline-
ual in or out of power, for a masterly defend®
his public and private reputation, at a tin**
the combined talents of Clay, Calhoun, W eksie*>
and their less able but not less zealous cowj*! 61 I
of the Senate, had set their all upon a cast,
that east was intended to ruin the fortuasso* • ‘
Van Buren. That Cabinet Minister is John
syth of Georgia. Now that time gives cool'
to the most infuriated of those who sought to '•’* I
grace Mr. Van Buren, and to annihilate his I I
litical pospects by his recul from the court ’■* I
James, even they must confess to tbe truth 0 ' I
following voluntary and splendid burst of'c'’ 1 ^ I
and eloquence in ihc secret session of the So* I
in 1832. After having set Mr. Poimiox' fr . I
the threatened negative on Mr. Van *» uren 'I
nomination at defiance, Mr. Forsyth said" I
“But this mission to England was no** 1 " 6 . I
by Mr. Van Buren: his friends know that " . I
reluctantly accepted at the earnestsclic'-a" 0 I
friends who were satisfied that it would I
his own reputation, and redound to the > I
and welfare of the nation. I will not folio"’ |
thcr the Senator’s lead. Long known to ****[
politician and a man, acting together m l 101 ‘
adversity-, when we had lost all but ourh ^
a witness of liis movements when
power, and in the possession of the conhde
the Chief Magistrate, and of the U rcal