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fcraco with equal intanscness of affection tac re
mote and tiic near. SJucu an organization would
lead us c iustauily to intermeddle with what we
would but imperfectly understand, and olten to
do mischief, where we intended good. But tne
(Senator is I'm from being liable to such a charge.
His affections, instead of being too wide and
boundless, are too c< nccntruted. As local as
his uitacnment is, it does not embrace all witn-
iu its limited scope. It takes in but a class even
there—powerful actions, and so absorbs ids af-
fections as to make him overlook large poi lions
*>f the Union, of which 1 propose to give one
or two sinking illustrations.
t must then remind the Senator that there is
a vast extent of our wide-spread Union, which
lies South o: Mason and Dixon’s line, distin
guished by ils peculiar soil, climate, situation,
institutions, and productions, which he has ucv.
er encircled within tiic warm unbraces of his
universal patriotism. As long as lie i as been
in public life, lie has not, to the best oi my know i-
edge, gi ven a single vote to pro ote its inieresy
or dune un act to defend its rights. 1 wish not
to do him inju-t ce. If 1 could remember a fin-
insiance I would cite it; but I cannot, in
•casting my e)es over Ins whole course, ca 1 to
•mind one. As boundless and aideut, then as is
bis patriotism, according to his own account, it
turns out that it is limited by metes and bounds,
that exclude nearly one half of tiie whole
Union!
But it may !>e said that this total absence of
all manifestation ol attachment to un enure sec
tion of the Union is not to be attributed to tin-
want « f an aidem desire to promote its interest
and security, but of occasion to exhibit it. Un
fortunately lor the Senator, sucli an excuse is
without found .lion. Opportunities are daily
and hourly offering. Tne section is the weak
est of the two, and its peculiar interest and in
stitutions expose it con tantly to injustice and
oppiession, which afford many and line oppor
tunities to display that generous and noble put
riotism which the Senator attribuies to himself,
and winch delights in taking the side of the as-
aaiied against the assailant. Even now, at this
moment, there is an opportunity which one pro
fessing such ardent and universal attachment
rto the whole country us the Senator professes
would greed.ly embiace. A war is now, and
lias been systematically and fiercely carried on
in violation of the Constitution, against a long
standing and wide!»-ex'-ended institution of that
section, that '.s indispensable, not only to its pros
perity, but to its safety and existence, and which
calls lou !y on every patriot to raise his voice
and arm in its defence. How has the Senator
acted? Has he raised his mighty arm in defence
of the assailed, or thundered forth hisdenunc a-
tioa against the assailant.-*? These are search
ing questions. They test the truth of I,is uni
versal and boasted attachment to the whole
country; and in order that the ^senate may com
pare his acts with Ins professions, I propose to
present more fully the tacts of the case and his
course.
It is well known,then, that the section to which
I refer, is inhabited by two rac'-s, from different
-continents, and descended from different stocks;
and that they have exis cd together under the
:• present relation from the first settlement o the
country. It is also well known that the ances
tors of t"e Senator’s constituents (I include the
■section,) brought no small portion ol the ances
tors of the African, or inferior race, from their
native home across the ocean, and sold them as
slaves to the ancestors of our ^nistum tils, and
pockeud the (nice, and profited greatly by the
trafic. It is also known, that when the Consti
tution was formed, our section felt much jealousy
lest the powers which it conferred should bous
ed to interfere with the relations exis; ing bet ween
the two races; to allay which, and induce our
ancestors 'o enter the Union, gu ilds, that were
•deemed effectual against the supposed danger,
-were inserted in the instrument. 1: isalso known
• that the product < f the labor ofllie infeiior race
Jias furnished the basis of our widely exien ed
--commerce and ample e>cnue, which has sup
ported the Government and diffused wealth and
prosperity through the other section. This is
•cue side of the picture. Let us now turn and
look at the other.
II -w has the other section acted? ! include
not all, i.or a majority. We have had recent
proof, during the discussion of the resolutions i
offered at the commencement of the session to
what great extent just and patriotic feelings ex
ist in that quarter, in reference to the subject
under consideration. I then narrow the ques
tion, and ask, how has the majority of the •Sen
ator’s consti uents acted, and csp. cially a large
portion of his political supporters and adinoe-s?
ilave they respected the title to our propc-iy,
■which we trace back to tm-ir ancestors, and
which, in good faith and equity, carries with it
an implied warranty, that binds ttu-m to defend
and protect our rights to the property sold us?
(lave they regarded their faith plighted to us un
entering into the constitutional compact which
formed the Union, to abstain from interfering
with our propei ty, and to defend and protect us
in its quiet enjoyment? Have they acted as
those ought who have participated so largely in
-the profits derived from our labor? No: they
eare striving, night and day, in violation of j .s
lice, plighted faith, and the Constitution, to divest
us of• oar properly—to reduce us to the level of
those whom they sold to us as slaves, and to
overthrow an institution on which our safety de-
• pends.
■I come nearer home. IIow has the Senator
himself acted? He who h is such influi nee and
weight with his constituents, and who boasts of
••his universal patriotism and brotherly love and
-affection for tne whole Union? Has lie raised
his voice to denouttee this crying injustice, or
his arm to arrest the blow of the assailant, which
threatens to dissever the Union, and forever al
ienate one half ol the community from the oth
er? Has he uttered a word in condemnation of
violated faith, or honor trampled in the dust?—
No; he has sat quietly in Ins p'ace, without mo
ving n finger or raising his voce. Without
raising liis voice, did 1 say? 1 mi-take. H s
Voice has been raised, not lor us, but our assail
ants. Mis arm has been raised, not to arrest
the aggressor, but to open the doors of this cham
ber, in o:der to give our assailants an entrance
here, where they may aim the most deadly blow
against the safety of the Union, and our tran
quility and security. He has thrown the man
tle, not of protection over the Co istitution, but
over the motive and character of those whose
daily avocation is to de-troy every vestige ol
brotherly love between these States, and to con
vert the Union into a curse, instead ol a blessing
lie has done more. The whole Senate Imsseen
him retire irnm his seat, to avoid a vole on one
of the resolutions that I moved, with a view to
rally the patriotic of every portion of the com
munity against this fell spirit, which threatens
to dissolve the Union, and turn the brothciIv
love and affection in which it originated into
dcad'y ha e, wh-ch was so obviously true he
could not vote against, but which he dodg' d,
rather than throw hia weight on our side, and
against our assailants. Aud vet while these
things a re’fresh in our recollection, notorious,
and known to nil, the Senator rises in his place,
and proclaims aloud that he comes in as the rep
resentative of the United States; that, if lie was
born lor any 7 good.it was for the good <.f i|»e
whole People, and defence of the Constitution;
that lie alwavs acts as if under th eyes of the
iraircrs of the C'-iisutnlion; that it would be
•easier to drive these pillars from their bus s, than
him from his lofty purpose; that lie will do no.
thing to destroy the brotherly love between these
Slates, and every tiling, that the Union may ex
ist forever, beneficially and thoroughly for all!
What a contrast between profession and perfor.
monce! What strange and extraordinary self-
delusion.
But this is not the only instance. There is ano
ther in which the contrast between the course
of the Senator and his lofty pretension of un
bounded and ardent patriotism is not loss aston
ish ng. i refer to the protective tariff, a d ins
memorable and inconsistent course m re. at i on
to it.
Its history may be told in a few word-s. It
rose sulisi quent to the late war witn Great Brit-
>nn. Tile Senator's associ .te in tins attack was
us leaking suppo.ter and author. Its theory
rested on the prtnctp'e, that all articies wlucu
couth he make in our country stiou d b protec
ted, and it w.iS an axiom of t e system that its
perfection consisted m prohibiting the iutroduc-
IIOII ot all such articles from abroad. To gtve
tne rest i ictious on commerce necessary to effect
ns object a plausible appemance, they were said
to he for the production of home industry, and
mw system itself received the imposing name ot
tne American system. Jis effects were desola-
ting m the staph Suites. Tne heavy duiies nn-
poseii on their toieign exchanges left scaicely
enough to the planter to feed and dome Ins
slaves, and educate his children, while wealth
and prosperity bloomed around tiie favored por
tion ol’ me Union.
The Senator was at first opposed to the sys
tem. As iar back as the autumn of 1 82J, ne
delivered a sj eecli to the citizens of Boston, in
Faueuil Hall, in opposition to it, in winch lie
questioned its constitutionality, and denounced
its inequality and oppre-siott.
His .speech was followed by a series of reso
lutions embody itig the substance of wlial he had
said, mid which received the sanction of tom-
self and constituents, who, at that time were
lessimerested in manufactures than m commerce
and navigation, which suffered in common wi n
the great staple interests of the South. 1 ask
the Socretaiy to read the resolutions:
Resolved, That no objection ought ever to lit;
made to any amount ofmxes equally apportion
ed and imposed for the purpose of raising leve
nue, necessary fur the support of Government;
hut the taxes impos'd on the people lor the Sole
benefit ol’ any class of men, aie equally incon
sistent with the priiicd lus of our Constitution,
and with sound judgment-
“Resolved., That the supposition of that until
the supposed tariff, or some similar measure,
he adopted, we are and shall he dependent on
foreigners for the means of subsistence and de-
feuce, is in our opinion, altogether fallacious and
fanciful, and derogatory to the character ol the
nation.
“Resolved, That high bounties on such do
mestic mauulactuies us are principally benefit-
led by that tariff, favor great capitalists rather
t an personal industry, or the owners of small
capitals; and therefore that we do not petceive
its tendency to promote national industry.
“Resolved, That we are equally incapable of
discovenng its beneficial elf cts on agriculture,
since the obvious consequence ol its adoption
would he that the farmer must give more than
he now does lor all i.e buys, and receive less for
all lie sells.
“Resolved, That n our opinion, the proposed
tariff and the principles on which it is avowedly
formed would, if adopted, have a tendency,
however different may he the motives of those
who recommend them, to diminish lire industry,
impede tin: prosperity, and corrupt the morals
of the people.”
What can be more exp icit or decided? They
hold the very sentiments and language which
1 have so often held on this floor. That very
svstem was then pronounced to he unconstitu
tional, unequal, oppressive, mid corrupting in
i s effects, by the Sena'or a d his constituents,
for pronouncing wnie.t lie now acus. s me as he
ing sectional, and holding langu ig ■ having a
mischievous effect on the rising generation.
Four years after this, in Apri , 1824, tiie Se
nator delivered another speech against t ie sys-
\ t'm n reply tothetY n S, e iker, and now hi-* as
soc ate on iliis occasion, in which he again de
! nouuced the inequality and oppression of the
| systi m with equal f >rce in one of tiie ablest ar-
gumenis ever delivered on the subject, and in
j which lie completely demolish'd the reasons of
! Ins iIk n opponent. But an ev lit was t mil last
J approach ug which w .s destim d to work a in gii
1 ty and sudden revolution in tns vi< ws and feel
i mgs. A lew mouths after, the Fiesid'-ntial elec-
; ti< n rook place; Mr. Adams was cl cled by the
| co-operatio.i of tiie author of the A me; ican s s
| tern, and the now associate of the Sena or.—
These who nad been enemies came together.
New political combinations, were formed, and
the result was a close alliance between the East
and the West, ol which that sys urn formed t ie
ba-is. A new iigiit bursted in on the Senator.
A sudden thought struck linn; hut not quite as
disinterested as that of the German sentimental
ist. Ho made a complete .summerset, heels over
head; wem clear over; deserted the fico trade
side in a twinkling, aud joined the restrictive
policy, aud then died out that he could no long
er act with me, whom he had ielt staud ’jg where
he had just s ood, because I was too sectional!
At once every tl mg the Senator had evei said
or done was forgotten; entirely expunged irom
tiie tablets of his memory, llis whole nature
was changed in an instant, and thereafter no
measure of protection was too strong fur his pa
late. With a few co tortious and slight cho
king, he even gulplted d nvn, a few years after,
the hill of abomiua ion—tne tariff of’28; a mea
sure which laised the duties so high as to pass
one-half of the aggiegate amoun in value of
the whole imports into the public Treasury. 1
desire it to he noted and remembeiod that, out
of an importation of sixly-luur millions of dol
lars, including every description of imports, the
free and dutiid articles, the Government took
for ils share tiiiity-lwo millions under the taut)
ol 1828, aud llut the Senator, yes, he, the de
fender ol the Constitution and equal protector
ol every section and interest, voted lor that
measure, notwithstanding his recent denuncia
tion ot the system as unconstitutional, unequal,
and oppiessive! But he did more, and things
still more surprising as the sequel will show.
The protective tariff did not change the cha
racter of its operation with the change of the
Senator. Its oppressive and corrupting effects
grew with its growth, till the burden became
intolerable under the tariif of ’28. Desolation
spread itself over the entire staple icgton.—
Their commercial cities were deserted. Charles-
ton parted with its last ship, and grass grew in
her once busy streets. The political condition
of the coun ry picsenled a prospect not less de a
ry. A deep and growing conflict between the
two great sections agitated the wnule country,
and a vast revenue, beyond its most extravagant
wants gave the Government, especially the Ex-
exutive branch, boundless patronage and powe ,
which were rapidly changing the character of
the Government, and spreading corruption far
and wide through every condition of society.—
Something must be done aud tnat promptly.—
Every hope of reformation, or change through
this Government had vanished. The absorbing
fotce of the system had drawn into its sttpp ut
a fixed majority in the community, which con-
troll'd triesistihly every department of the Go
vernment. But one hope was left short of rev
olution, and that was in the States themselves,
in their sovereign Capacity as parties to the
constitutional compact. Fortunately fur the
country and our institutions, one of the members
ol the Un on was round hold enough to interpose
her sovereign authority, and declare the pro
tective tariff that had caused all this mischief,
and tlirea encd so touch more, to he unconstitu
tional, and, therefore, null and void, and of no
effect within her limits; and thus au issue was
formed wlncY brought events to a citsts.
We all rent tnber whm followed. The Gov
eminent nrRpaicm! to nsseit by force its usurped
powers. The Proclamation was i-s ied, and
tiie War Message and Force Bill followed, and
tiiefe ate aimed to maintain her consbDuionul
rights. How. now, 1 ..sk, did the S' nator act
in this f ari’ul cris;-; he wh<> had, hm a short
tune before, pronounced itie svstem to be uncon
stitutional, unequal, unjust, and oppressive?—
Did he feel • ny sympathy for thus* who felt
and thought as he d d bat a brief period before? riotism. If we turn to the West, my
Did b? make any allowance for their falling course will at least bear comparison with
into the same errors (it such lie then considered his for liberality towards that great and
them) into which ne hansel I had t alien? Did growing section of our country- To pass
he snow that ardent d vo; on ... preserve the = ver ol , jer utstances, I ask him what mea-
brotherly love between the n-mbcisol the Un- compared with theces-
ion he now so boasungiy prolessesr Did he, . * , . , ,
who calls himself the defender of the Constitu- | *«>" I have proposed of the public lands
lion, feel any compunction in resorting u>force, , to the new States on the liberal conditions
to execute laws which lie had not pronounced proposed? It is a measure above all (dit
to be in xiolation of the Constitution? Did he, j ers calculated to promote their iivcrest, to
who mamfi-st' d such d-ep distrust_of those in elevate their character, to terminate their
power, who had been foremost in proclaiming po i; la . a j dependence, and to raise them to
their usurpations, and calling on the patriotic £ c , ete equality with the old States
of all parlies to oppose them, show any dread lh e mutual benefit ol us and them,
iii cocsigijing t< them un.iimied power to •rush .... it i
one o; tiie members of tiie Union, and which, I “» st J < tioiul, US I Util represented
alter accomplishing that, might be -~o read ly I to be, proved too liberal lor the Senator,
turn 'd j» crush the lib nty of all? Q iite tne j with'nil his wide-exiended and ardent at
tachment to the whole Union.
But it seems that I mean something ve
ry sinister in my call on the South to unite
—and the Senator very signific antly asks
me what is meant. I have nothing todis-
guise, and will readily answer. It he
would look at home, and would open his
eyes to the systematic and incessant at
tacks made on our peace and quiet by his
constituents; if he would reflect on his
threat lo renew the system of oppression
from which we have freed ourselves with
such difficulty and danger, and bear in
mint! Ural we are the weaker section,aud
without union among ourselves we cannot
resist the danger that surrounds us, he
will see tliai there is neither mystery nor
danger in the call. 1 go farther. Our
Union is not only necessary to our safety
and protection, but is also to lhe success
ful operation of our system. We consti
tute the check to its over-action; and, as
experience proves,the only power through
which, when disordered, reformation can
be petu eably effected. Our Union is dan
gerous to none, and salutary to all. 'l he
machine never works well when the South
is divided, nor badly when it is united.
The Senator next tells us that I declar
ed 1 would march oft' under the State
Rights banner, witch he seized on to im
pugn my patriotism and to boast ol his
own. it is an easy task, by misstating
or garbling, to dis.ort lhe most elevated or
cot reel sentiment In this case, the Se
nator, by selecting a single member of
the sentence, and throwing a strong • nt-
phasison ‘‘oil,” save a meaning directly
the opposite of representing tne as alian
cloning the cause of the constitution and
country, and himself sis being their chtiui-
pion, which it seems was sufficient for his
purpose. The declaration is taken from
my opening speech at the extra session;
aud, ihutilie Senate may judge lor itself,
1 shall give the eutirepassage:
“ We are about to’take a lresli start. I
move oft’ under the State Rights banner,
and go in the direction in whic h I have
been so long moving. 1 seize the oppor
tunity thoroughly to reform the Govern
ment ; to bring it back to its original prin
ciples; to retrench, economize, and rigid
ly to euli>rce accountabili v. i shall op
pose strenuously all attempts to originate
a new debt, to create a National Bank, to
reunite the political and money power,
(mure dangerous than Church and State,)
m-any form or shape.”
This is u hut 1 did declare, and which
the Senator represents a deserting the
constitution atul country; and this is the
way I am usually answered. 1 know not
whether 1 have greater cause to complain
or rejoice at the fact that there- is s_*arcel\
an argument or sentiment of mine, which
is attempted to be met, that is not garbled
or misstated. If I have reason to com
plain of the injustice, I have at the same
lime the pleasure to reflect that it is a
high implied compliment to the truth and
correctness of what I say.
There still remains ail important chap
ter to complete lhe comparison between
the public character of the Senator and
tuyseif— 1 mean lhe part which we took
in the kite war between Gieat Britain aud
this country. I intended at one time to
enter on it,and to trace the rise and pro
gress of the war, with its various vicissi
tudes of disasters and victories, and the
part which the Senator and his political
associates acted til that important period ;
but those are by-gone events, belonging
to the historian, in whose hands 1 am con
tent to leave them, and shall not recur lo
them, unless the Senator should provoke
me hereafter by a renewal of his attack.
Having now despatched the personali
ties of the Senator, I turn next to his ar
gument, which, as have stated, consists of
three parts : the preliminary di.-course on
credit and banks; the discussion of the
question at issue; and the reply to my
remarks at this and the extra session. 1
shall consider each, ns I have begun, in
the reverse order. The argument of the
Senator is indeed so miscellaneous and
loosely connected, that it is a matter of
hut little importance in what order it is
considered.
W! icn he announced his intention to re
ply to my remarks, both at this and the
extra session, I anticipated that they*
would be met fully, if not satisfactorily,
point by point. Guess, then, my suprise
on finding him pass by, without even at
tempting an answer to the numerous ob
jections which 1 made to the union of the
political and money power, as affecting
the morals, the polities, the currency, the
industry, and prosperity of the country,
which, if the fourth part he true, is deci
sive of the question, and noticing but two
out of the long list, in his reply. If we
may judge of the strength of those which
he has passed overby his inconclusive
answer (as I shall presently show) to the
two which he selected; my argument
may be pronounced to be impregnable. I
shall begin with his reply to my remarks
at the present session.
It will be remembered,^among other
objections against the connexion with the
banks, I urged that the Government had
no right to make a general deposite in
bank, or receive the notes of banks in the
public dues. I placed the first on the
ground, that when public money was
placed-in deposite in banks, and passed
to the credit » f the Government, it was,
reveise. A sudden thong t again si ruck him.
Me again, in a twinkling, forgot Die pa>t, and
lushed over into the arms of power; and took
his position in the front rank, as the champion
of tin* most violent measures to enforce I ws at
the point of the bayonet, which he had pronoun
ced uncunstiiuiio tal, unjust, and oppressive?—
Aud this too at t ie hazard ol civil war, and tiie
manifest danger oi subvert'ng the Constitution
and liberties of the country; refusing all terms
of adjustment, and resis ing tullie last with vio
li-nc" the bill winch compromised and settled the
conflict! And yet, wiili ad this lresli in the re-
codeciiou of himself and all present, he can
ns'' in his place and proclaim himself the uni
versal patriot; the defen ler of the Constitution,
and benefactor of every portion of tne Union;
the man who has done every thing t» preserve
brotherly love between its members, and who
is ready t" make every sacrifice to make it ben
eficial to all the patties!
But what is more extraordinary, what is tru
ly wood 'fui and astonishing, is, wliih* these
words were on his tongue, he, in the same breath,
with a lull knowledge of all the disastrous c n
sequences which have and must necessarily fol
low the renewal of the protective system, should
declare that he anticipates the speedy arrival of
the time when he wiil again undertake to revive
ihesyst'tn! More cannot be added. The con
trast between die Senator’s mu se and the cha
racter which he ascribes to himself cannot be
rendered more striking. 1 shall not add anoih
er instance, so many of them are at mv com
mand. A volume would no: more conclusively
prove how unfounded are his pretensions to that
lofty, universal, and ardent patriotism which tie
churns for himself, aud how strong tlie delusion
under which lie is in regard to his true charac
ter.
Let ns now turn and inquire what has
been my course; I whom he represents
as sectional, whose course lie pronounces
to he unfriendly to the Union, because I
now*call "the protective system unconsti
tutional and oppressive; who, he animates,
desires to unite the South for no patriolic
purpose, and represents as goingoft’under
the State Rights banner. Anil here, Mr.
President let me say, I put in no claim
to the lofty destiny to which the Senator
says he was born. Instead of coming
here, like the Senator, as lire representa
tive of the whole People, L appear in lire
more humble character of lire represen
tative of one of the Stares of this Union,
sent here to watch over her particular in
terests and to promote the general inter
est of all, as Iar as the Constitution has
conferred power upon us, and as it can be
done without oppression to the parts.—
These are my conceptions of my repre
sentative character, with the trust confi
ded to me, and the duties attached to it,
which l endeavour to discharge witli in
dustry, fidelity, and ail the abilities which
il ii ts pleased my Creator to confer on me.
Instead of filing short of wh it I profess,
I trust my pftblic life, ifexunined with
candor, will show that 1 have ever so in
terpreted my duty to my State as to per
mit it in no instance to interfere with the
just claims of the Union. It is my good
fortune to represent a Slate which holds
her character far above her interest, and
which claims the first place, when a sac
rifice is to he made for the safety and
happiness of all, and would hold me to
strict account, if, in representing her in
terest, 1 should forget what is due to her
honor among her confederates. All her
acts prove that she is as liberal in making
concessions, when demanded by the com
mon good, as she is prompt and resolute
to resist aggression to promote the inter
est of others at her expense. Acting in
the same spirit, as her representative, I
have never tailed to meet and repel aggres
sions, while f trust, 1 have on no occasion
been unmindful of her honor and the gen
eral interests of the whole Union. Hav
ing made these remarks, I shall now pro
ceed to show that, as humble as my pre
tensions are, and as sectional and unpat
riotic as lie has thought, proper to repre
sent me, my course for liberality and a just
regard to the interest of every portion
of the Union will not suffer in compari
son with his, as lofty as are his preten
sions.
In making the inquiry T have into the
course of the Senator in relation to the
section to which I belong, I called on him
to poii.t out a single instance, with all his
boasted patriotism, in which he had given
a vote to promote its interests, or done tin
act to defend its rights; but now, when
the inquiry is into my course in relation
n> his section, I propose to reverse the
question, and to apply to myself a much
more severe test than I did to him. I
ask, then, from what measure, calculated
to promote the interests of his section,
have I ever withheld my support, except,
indeed, the protective tariff and certain
appropriations, which, according to mv
mode of construing the Constitution I re
gard as unconstitutional, and would of
course be bound to oppose, wherever the
benefit should fall? I call on the Sena
tor to point out a single instance; and, if
he desires it, I will yield him the floor iri
order to give him an opportunity to do so.
Will the Senator, call, on his part, for in
stances in which I have supported the
interests of his section? I can point lo
numerous; to mv early and constant sup
port of the Navy; to my resistance to the
system of embargoes, non-importation,
and non-intercourse acts; to my generous
course in support of manufactures that
sprung up during the war, in which mv
friends think I went too far; to the liber
al terms on which the tariff’ con!roversv
was settled, and the fidelity with which I
have adhered to it; and to the system of if ever, in the Treasury; and that it could
fortifications (or the defence of our har-| not be drawn out atul used for any pur-
bors, which I projected and commenced, 1 pose, unless underan appropriation made
and which is so important to the two great by law, without violating an express pro
interests of commerce and navigation, in vision of the constitution, which provides
which his section has so deep a stake.— that no money should be drawn out of the
To which I might add many more; but Treasury but inconsequence of appro-
these are sufficient for one, represented priation hv law. I then urged, that to
as so sectional, against the blank list of place money in general deposite in banks,
the Senator in relation to my section, with ivitli the implied understanding always
all his claim to ardent and universal pat- 1 attached to such transactions, that they
sliould have the right to draw it out and
use it as they please, till called for by the
Government, was a manifest violation of
ibis provision of the constitution.
In support of the other objection against
receiving of bank notes in the public dues,
I laid down the known and fundamental
rule of construction on all questions
touching the powers of this Government,
that it had no right to exercise any but
such as are expressly given by the consti
tution, or that may be necessary to carry
into effect the granted powets. 1 then in
sisted that no such power was granted,
nor was its exercise necessary to carry into
power into effect, and then concluded,
that the power could not be exercised un
less comprehended under one or the oth
er head. To which 1 added the further
objection, that if we had the right to re
ceive the notes of State banks in our dues,
as cash, it would necessarily involve the
right of taking them under our control and
regulation, which would bring this Go
vernment necessarily into conflict with the
reserved rights ol the Sta es ; and to this
I added, that the receipt of bank notes by
the Government tended to expel gold at d
silver from circulation, and tlepreciateaud
render their value mot e fluctuating, aud,
of course, could not be reconciled with
the object of the express power given to
Congr ss to coin money, and regulate the
value thereof, to which it is as repugnant
in ils effects, as the debasing or the clip
ping the current coin would be. 1, at the
same time, conceded that the pradiie of
the Government bad been the opposite
from its commencement. Such are my
reasons, and how have they been met?
The Senator commenced by slating,
tba he would consider the two objections
together, as they were connected; but,
instead of that, lie never uttered another
word in relation lo the right of making a
general deposite. That was surrendered
without an attempt to meet my objections,
which at least proved his discretion. He
next undertook to show iliat precedents
were in fa\or of receiving hank notes,
which 1 had conceded,and no one disput
ed. Among other tilings, he stated, I was
the firs! to authorize the receiving of bank
notes bv law, and, in proof, ref. rred to
my amendment to the joint resolution of
1>1G, w hich authorizes the receipt of th'
notes of specie paying banks in the dues
of the Governna m. He stated, that the
resolution, as proposed bv himself, pro
vided mat nothing hut gold and silverand
die notes of the United States bank should
be rei eived, a nil that my amendment ex
tended it to lhe notes of State banks. This
is all true, but is not the whole truth. He
forgot to inform the Senate that,at the time
the notes of non-.sjiecie-paving banks, as
well as specie-paying, were re( eived in
the dues of the Government, and that mv
amendment limited, instead of enlarging
the existing practice. He also forgot to
slate that, without mv amendment, the
nines ot the United States bank would
have been exclusively received in the
public dues, and that I was unwilling to
bestow a monopoly of such immense va
lue on that institution, which would have
been wonh ten times the amount of the
bonus it gave for its charter.
After bestowing much time to establish
what none denied, the Senator at length
came to the argument; and what do you
suppose were the convincing reasons he
urged against my positions? Why, sim
ply, that hr had no time to reply to them!
with which, and the erroneous assertion
that I had denied that the Government
could exercise any incidental power, In-
passed over the objections 1 bad urged
against the constitutionality of receiving
and treating bank notes as cash in the
public cues. It was thus he met the on
ly argument he attempted to answer ol
-the many and strong ones which I have
urged in support of my opinion on this
important question, and to which he pro
posed to make a formal reply.
1 shall next notice the reply he attempt
ed to my remarks at the late session. And
here, again, he selected a single argu
ment, and to which his answer was not
less inconclusive and unsatisfactory than
to that which I have just considered.—
Among other objections to the union o!
the Government with the banks, l stated
that it would tend to centralize the circu
lation .and exchanges of the country; to
sustain which, I showed that no small
portion of the credit and i irculntion of the
banks depended oh th° public depnsites,
and the fact that the Government receiv
ed and treated their notes as cash in its
dues. I then showed that it was that
|)O li n which pre-eminent! v «ave a control over
ihe circulation and exchanges of the country.
In illu't'atiun. I asked if the Government,when
it first went in o operation, had selected a mer-
chant of New Y'»k, and entered into a contract
with him that he should have the free use of the
public revenue from the time it was collected
till i' was disburse I, and that nothing hut his
promissory notes, except gold and silver, should
he received in the public dues, whether ii would
not give him a great and decided control over
the ciiculalion and exchange- of the country,
accompanied with advantages >o ihe port when*
he lesided over all ntheis ? I next asked whe
ther the location of a bank ol the U Slates, at
the same place, with the same piivileges, would
not give equal control and advantages? Nay,
much greater, ns, in addition, it would conceit-
tra'e at the same place an immense amount of
capital collected from every portion of the cun
,r >*
( To be Continued.)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Thursday, Mat 3. f838.
INDIAN APPROPRIATION BILL.
On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the
House resolved itself into a Committee of the
Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. Howard
in the chair, on the. bill making appropriations
for preventing and suppiessing Indian hostilities
for tfie year 1838, and for arrearages fur the
year 1837.
The question was on lhe amendment submil
led on tin- 21st instant, by Mr. Bell.
Mr. TURNEY concluded his remarks in reply
to Mr. Bell, in the course of which he comment
ed upon that gen lemun’s oou'se at different pe-
finds of his political career with great sevcity.
Mr. BELL rejoin< d. aud commenced by say
ing he hoped he should he indulged with an op.
portuniiy lo rejoin to the unprovoked attack of
his colleague. He said that his personal r« la.
:ions with his colleague had not been familiar,
bui had always been civil, and not unpleasant.
He knew but littleof bis course previous to meet,
ing him upon that floor, and did not suppose his
attack was dictated by personal malice or ill
will. He looked upon him ns the voluntary
scavenger of others, not acting from the prompt
ings of his own heart; but as the fit, apt, volun
tary conduit of the malice of others. He had
found the political associates of the gentleman,
hi the House and out of it, equally desiilute of
private tumor or public principle. He hud so
charged of them and against them in his own
district, and in tun vicinity of their homes, among
ilieir neighbors; but they were never willing to
meet him there nor here. He hoped they
would meet him piivately and personally, and
noi continue to make these attacks upon the floor
ol' the House. He hud accused them at home
and hereof bad faith, falsehood, and hypocrisy,
but they had never tnouglil fit to meet him there
or tieie. He repealed that lie did not think his
colleague [Mr. Turney] was actuated bv pri
vale malice, but was the willing, voluntary in
strument of oi hers, ihe tool of tools.
Mr. TURNEY. It is false! it is false!
Mi. STANLEY called Mr. Turner >oorder.
At the same moment both gentlemen were
perceived in personal conflict,* and blows with
ihe fist we e aitne.; by each at theoflier. Sev.
eral members interfered, and suppies-ed the
personal violence; others culled order, order, and
some called for the intuit’ rence of the Speaker.
Tne .SPEAKER hastily limit the chair, and
insisted upon ordei;but troth g< nileineti continued
sirugglirg, and endeavoring, notwithstanding
the constraint of ilieir fine, ds, to strike each
other.
. Ti e SPEAKER called upon the Serjeant at-
Arms to preset ve order; which, without the in.
tei eience oi tlnn officer, was restored.
The SPEAKER then read the rule of the
Manual applicable to the case, which rule re.
quires that in a case ol" personal contest, both
parlies shall he required to give a pledge to tile
House that they would earn the ma'ter no fur
ther; and that the precedent ill such a case, was
that the Speaker ook the chair to preserve
order, and ihe Hons" adjourned.
Mr HOW A RD made au explanation, tha'
the unfoituiiete occurrence, which he deeply ie-
gretted, had occuried so promptly, sudden!v,
and unexpectedly, tnat, though disposed to pre.
serve order, he had not au opportunity to inter-
post- before the Sp aker had taken the chair, ns
was his right and duty; the regular officer of the
House, Heeled to preside over their delibera?
lions, having more power and influence than a
mere temporary chai r man ol'a comin ttee, not
elected by the House i sdf.
Mr. WIS.. remarked that there ha I been a
sudden excitement, w.nch had already blown
over. If any exein-ment exis’ed; there was no
exhibition oi it He Mould propose, as the best
mode, for the House logo into committee again.
That, he thought, would he tiie best way to get
rid of the subject.
The Speaker said his impression was that
would he the best mode.
Mr. MKRi ER referred to his having made
an at empt to get t • • iule of tne House nloici d
0 a firm > oceasi n, in wh cn h failed; tie
w uld no make tiie attempt now, but lie con
sniei- d that the ru es o tne House were the laws
ofilie House; and unless the Ifi u-e would en.
foice its laws, ne would not ictnain a member
01 it.
The- SPE \KKR was about to put the question
upon going into C"n m nee, when
Mr. FLETGHERuf Vermont said, that as
a new in mber, it might, perhaps, be deemed un-
h coming in him to expu-ss an opinion on a sub
j c. iike ties, in the presence of old i numbers;
hut it did appear to him, and lie could not avoid
expies-ing it, that to go into committee now
wovld not he respectful to the H aj.se itself. Tne
privileges ol the lb use had In en trampled noon
t • say the least of this painful occurrence; and
he 'ie-ire<l to see those privileges respected. Mi.
F. was proceeding, when
'I ne G. air pronounced him to he out of order,
as no proposition was pending.
Mr. Fl„E rCHKR explained that his remark
were ill reference to the monon to go in o com
niittee; but as he had said, substantially all he
intended. In- would therefore, take his scut.
Mr. 1 ELL, expressed an earnest hope that
the g- iiilemnn Irom V rginia, (Mr. Mercer.)
would not make any distinct proposition of the
cuaracier lie had adverted lo. It might seem
a little extraordinary that a* gentleman from
A i kansas should get up there as a peace maker,
hut nevertheless it was so, and as such lie en
treat'd Mr. M. not to present his proposition, for
Mr. Y. was convinced the matter could he qni
eied and settled without further difficulty. He
had the pleasure ot’ knowing b ith gentlemen,
and laid known them long; and he well knew too,
that il tiie House alien.pled tocarrx out Mr.
\l’s proposition, these two ge tlemen would be
severed so far assuuder that tin y would ne'er
ci m • together again; and that which was the
result of temporary heat, would he converted
into a lastingdiflereuce. Mr. Y was in favor
oi Mr. Wise’s motion; as the best mode of dispo
sing "f the inat'er, for, to (h.-cuss such a subj'-c
m the House, would he io commit both gentle
men.
Mr. WISE remarked, that he felt thankful
to the g'-niiemnii from Ai kansu-. (Mr. Yell,) t"r
his suggestion. He h;.d always found that such
mterli lence had always produced inoro eX'te
inenl; and from the age. and standing of both the
gentlemen', the House might feel sure that such
proceeding was unnecessary. He felt suro that
both felt ashamed of the hasty occurrence; and
that both were already more punished than they
would he by any action of the House in the en
lorcement "f tiie rule.
Mr. DUNCAN asked if the question was not
upon going intoCommitite<>f the Whole?
'Ihe SPEAKER said a question of privilege
would overrule tnat motion.
Mr. MERCERsaid he was preparing a propo-
si ion.it he could have time, and in a few min
utes lie otfeied Die following:
Resolved, That warm words and a mutual
assault having passed between two members of
this House, viz: the Hon. John Red and the
Hon. Hopkins L. Turney, of the State of Ten
nessee, they be called upon by the Speaker to
declare in their places that they will not prose
cute the quarrel between them any further.
Mr. PUTTER moved to lav this resolution
on the table.
Mr. REED called for the yeas and nays;
which were refused:
Mr. MERCER called for tellers; which were
ordered; and were—yeas 80, noes 52.
So the resolution was laid on the table.
After some conversation inspecting the situa
tion <>fthe bill, &c. between Messrs. Sheppard,
Bronson and Bouhlin,
Mr. PENNYBACKKRsubmitted the follow,
ing resolu ion :
Tne Hon. H. L. Turney and Hon. John Bel!
having violated t ie privileges of this House, by
assaulting each other in tile House whilst silting,
it is. therefore,
Resolved. That the said H L. Turney and
John Bell do apologise to the House for violating
its privilege and off ndiug its dignity.
Mr. P. s.nd it was a farce to have laws unless
they wers to be enforced, and he insisted that it
was the duly ot the House to enforce the rules
Mr. YELL inquired if the resolution wa.
not the same as the one off -red by Mr. Mercer.
The SPEAKER said it was not.
Mr. YELL then moved to lay it on the table.
Mr GK.\N F call.-d f r the yeas and nays; &
while the Clerk was calling the names of mem
bers—
Mr. WISE rose, and said it was unnecessary
to go ihrough with Ihe proceedings, for he Was
authorized by both the gentlemen to say that
they weie both ready to volunteer their apolo-
gies lo the House.
The suspension of the call being objected to,
it was completed, and resulted—yeas 21, nays
155
Mr. BELL and Mr. TURNEY severally
made tlieir submissions to the House, for their
violation of order in its committee, both of them
disclaiming, in the most unqualified terms, the
remotest intention of violating the rules and or
ders of the House.
*yir. BELL gave the firrt blew.
| The loregoing resolution or Mr. Pennvbicksr
! v r i,s li "' n ’ on muU0 ” of Mr - Taylor, i,j d l
th" table without a division, and,
On motion of Mr. Wise, the’ House avam
went in o Committee 6
Mr. BELL resumed his remarks, and Woilt
into a reply in full, to the allegations of Mr
Turney, and other charges made against him a j
home, for the purpose of vindicating his prev ;
ouscourse, and exonerating Ids chaiacter
The discussion was still going on wheu our
columns were clos* d.
From the Ulohe
MR. CLAY'S PAPER .MONEY r.ESOt.LTlOX
'I o understand Mr. Clay’s resolution to C o
pel the Government to make a national riT*
rency out of Ioq.I bank paper, it is necessJ*
to understand his character and objects (j-
character is always to appear as the author of
all the important events which are taking place
and now that some of the banks have resumed •
and all the solvent ones will resume in a f e *
mo .ths. contrary to i.is efforts and his p re dj*
* lie is lo. claiming the honor ol the event
and to set up fir its candor by bringing j„ r
resolution to aid them to do what they’ ha» 0
already don-, and when !he whole power of the
Biddl. - bank cannot prevent them from doing.
I ids is Ins ammeter. His object is to rui'il t?,*
cunency and the finances, in order to cortv<ei
the establishment of a National Rank. [)„■
knows very well that such a resolution as he
has introduced would ruin the cum ncy in 0He
year; that it would drive out tue gold andsilv er
which has poured m upon us; tempt the hanks
t° "Ver.issues; produce a new expansion and
then enable him to commence a in w erv for
a N. tional Bank. Tin’s is I.is object." Mr.
Clay’s political fate is wrapped up in ihe q UW ’.
tiou ofu National Bank. His political Iff* »
siak'd upon that issue. He is for a Nationil
Bank, and he is for every thing that will lead
to that object. For this purpose he opposed ths
correction of the erroneous gold’standard ia
1834. It was hecaus ■ the establishment of a
national gold currency would supercede theds-
mand for a National Bank paper currenev.-
For this purpose he abused the State cfcnk*
the veto session, and panic session, tinddid all
ir. Ins |rower to create ruins upon hi nt, and-1*
break them; for this purpose he lias opposed tfl
measures to terminate the teignof sliin-p after*•
and depreciated bank paper; for this purpoa*-h»
proposed a few weeks ago to make irredeema
hie paper the currency of the General Govern,
meni to he paid in and paid out by it; for this pur.
pose he has supported all measures for forcing
paper mone* upon the Government; and forthia
purpose iie has now brought lie ward a resolu.
lion .o in ke tiie notes of 11 the hanks in th«
l lined coatqs the medium of all par meins to and
ran the Tieasury. Iu all this he has but on#
ohji ct—and that object is, to keep the finanew
um! tiie currency in a state of disorder and ruin
until the people, worn out with such a state of
tilings, shall give up, and take refuge in h Na
tional Bank. Never did an old dowager dutch-
ess of the Fauxbourg St. Germain sigh fur the
return of the Old Bourbons more than Mr. Clay
si_rhs for the restoration of his dear, adored,
lost National Bank !
One thing ought to escape no one’s attention;
and that is, that Mr. Clay himself and all hia
supporters say that the local banks will all fail
again; that the resumption cannot las:; that all
that'resume will slop again in a few months; sad
now, let ii remembered, he is proposing ia
resolution to exchange all the public lands fur
the paper of these hanks which he tells you »n»
to Fail again ! He is for receiving the paper of
all these hanks for all debts, dues, and taxmiti#
t tie Government! for leaving the Government
no alternative hut tot; ke paper money ad infui-
it m! He is for paying out ihe paper ol all
tnese banks m dwcaarge of all deinm ds upon
iliepuUic Treasury !—And he is for doing ail
tnis, wnile dec armg that these banks will all
fad again ! \Y. at is this hot anopen request
the A ministration to ruin the finances and the
currency,and t" disgrace itself, forthu purpose
ol enabling tuiii Ut say, “1 to/d you so; lyuu ran
never gel on wdhout a N.tionalHank; these State
bunks have jaded again, us I laid you t.iey
would.”
We repeat, let no one forget that Mr. Clay
is openly, pu.diciy, persevering'y proclaiming
another failure of the Slate banks while in tha
very act of endeavoring to make tln ir paper the
currency of the Federal Government! !
The Legislature ot South Carolina adjourn
ed on Friday ast. The bill for the rebuilding
• f part of ihe city of Charleston destroyed by
fire, passed both hous- s; by the House of Rep
resentatives, 74 yeas 30 nays; by the Senate,
31 yeas, 9 nays.
The following resolutions, submisteu by Mr.
Davie, pass' d both houses by large majoriiie*:
1. Resolved, That in the opinion of this Le
gislature, the resolutions adopted at the last'•»*.
.••ion, recommending the separation of the Gov-
einmcnt irom Banks, and the eventual collection
and disbuisement of he public moneys of the
United Slates, in the constitutional currency,
have received the approbation of the people of
lies State.
2. Resolved, That in the opinion of this Le-
gislaiure, the policy indicated by those Resolu
tions ts essential to the best interests of thecoun-
t'\; and that any public servant who refuse*'
to promote tiie same, pursues a course injurious
totlie welfare aud prosperity of the State.
3. Resolved, That tiie presiding ofticor* of ’
this Legislature, be requested to transmit cop
ies of these Resoiu'ions to the Stnaror* and
Representatives of tins State in the Congress of
the United States.
GOING AS FREIGHT.
An Irishman whose funds were rather low
had looied it all the way to Wheeling and wii
still desirous to get as tar as Portsmouth, tht-ncs
to proceed by canai to a point not far distant
from tiie latter place where work was to be ob
tained. Having worn his toes through hoots
and the heels o( a pair of old shoes quite low, ho
gave up the idea of using Shanks’ mare aDY
longer. There were plenty of steamboats puf
fing Hiid blowing at the landing, and he became,
quite fascinated at the idea of such an easyntsd*
of conveyance.
‘Captain dear,’said he, steppi :g on board a
beautiful craft—'Captain, dear, aud what H JO
charge to take me to Portsmouth?’
‘S ven dollars, ia the cabin.’
‘Seven dolla s! arah! seven dollars. Why
captain dear, I liav’nt the half of that sum.
‘Oh, never mind that Pat, I’ll take you as a
deck passenger for three dollars, it yOul II half
work your passage, that is help the hands to
wood ihe boat.’
Pat mused some minutes on this proposition,
and then put another quesuon.
‘And Captain dear, what’ll you take about a
hundred and sexty pounds of freight for?’ f
‘I’ll charge you seventy-five cents for that.
‘Then Captain, you see, I’m just the boy that
weighs that—so you can enter me as freighh an
I’ll stow away snug enough somewhere below
stairs.’
A proposition so novel pleased the Capt fllB
highly, and calling one of the hands he ga ye
directions to have Pat stowed carefully away t*
the hold—and ordered the clerk to enter on t *
fregiht list—“ One Irishman weighing 1
pounds.”
Pat kept snug until he reached Portsmout *
distance of 356 miles—having shown hinise
but twice and for only a few minutes at a tint#
during the whole passage. There he paid j 1 *
freight of seventy five cents honorable and ' v a*
next seen with his bundle tramping it along t e
tow-path of the canal for his desired destination*
Balt. Athenaun.
MODERN DEFINITION.—Pise or r, . l T y- ’4/w