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Address of'-'C ’don. Joel K. Poinsett.; With respect to the charge of cxtnntpganec
!■ eJ<ow-Citize ltt _ Shortly after I accepted • so loudly mode by the opposition, and Btiu-
the office I r , )W hold, and when last I had the j tained by the most glaring misrepresentations
honor to ‘ a4 ]J ress you, l exhorted you to sac- i and misstatements, i again refer you to the
rifice a 1 ’, former feud ou the altar of our com- ! public documents, and plead the facts as they
mou country, and to lend the aid of your tal- j are there recorded. They prove incontesti-
e, ’.ts and influence in support of those, who i bly that the real expenses of the government
equally with yourselves, arc animated by an j have not increased, beyond what the aug-
earnest desire to promote its happiness and i mentation of our population, and the exten-
prosperity, and firmly determined to maintain
its honor abroad, and preserve its institutions
and peace at home. I assured you that the
administration, of which I formed- a part,
would never violate the principles of the
Constitution, nor suffer them to be violated by
others: and that the peculiar rights and inter
ests of the .South would be protected: and I
pledged myself should any of the great land
marks of Democracy he disregarded, to be
found once more in your ranks, ready to aid
you in vindicating the rights of the jicople.—
The period is arrived when I feel cal let! -upon
to appeal to you to decide whether the assur
ances I then gave you have been fulfilled, or
whether the allegations which have been so
freely made against the administration are true.
It is on its trial before you, not only upon ge
neral charges of alleged misconduct which, if
substantiated, would render it utterly unwor
thy your confidence and support, but those
charges arc in no inconsiderable degree foun
ded on official acts of my own. Citizens of
my own State, between some of whom and
myself, relations of personal friendship for
merly existed, have felt themselves justified in
arraigning me before you, and through me the
administration of which I am a member, for
acts of weakness and extravagance, and even
for devising plans stigmatized as designed to
subvert the liberties of the country. Called
upon, by a Committee of Congress, at a mo
ment when the country was threatened with
war, to prepare for its defence and to rc-or-
ganizc the militia, I submitted a plan for that
purpose, which has beeu the fruitful theme of
attack, by the opponents of the administration.
It is unnecessary to recapitulate the objections
which have been urged against this measure.
They are known to you all: hut I will briefly
explain its provisions, in order that you may
judge how far those objections aie valid and
appli cable. It is j imposed to diminish the
burthen now imposed upon the people by turn
ing out for training every aide bodied mail in
•the country at the same time; a system which
operates as a direct tax upon you, amounting
to many millions a morally, and is as unnecessary
as it is hu rthmsome—for under no circum
stances can it be required to bring into the
field two millions of men—one-tenth of that
number is amply sufficient, and it was intend
ed that this force should be failed out at con
venient seasons, for ten days in each year, and
litat you should all lie trained in tutu. De-
jtots of arms were to lie established at conve
nient stations, in order that when turned out
to drill, you should not have to march far, and
never out of your own .State, and only when
oil the borders out of your own districts: and
when on rite ground, be furnished with United
States arms and ammunition, and lie paid for
the time you were so employed—which need
not have exceeded ten days of every year for
four years, after which you would have been
exempt from militia duty, except in rases of
actual invasion or insurrection. You were to
have been commanded by officers of your own
•choice, as now, and if subjected to the rules
and articles of war, when in service, as you
are under the present law, you were to be
tried for all military offences, by your own of
ficers only—your ucighliors and friends, front
whom you have no injustice to apprehend. In
this manner, the least onerous tliat could be de-
' ised, an efficient, force would have lteen in
constant readiness, to suppress insurrection or
repel invasion, at a trifling cost, to lie defrayed
by the General ( rovernnient.
Bo not deceived by the silly cry of “Stand
ing Army,” raised by the opponents of the
people’s rights, to oppose the efforts of a Dctn
ocratic Administration, and to bring discredit
on tlieni for flic attempt to organize the mili
tia. It is evident that the people must protect
themselves, or pay soldiers to protect them—
hud it is equally obvious that tliey cannot effec
tually protect themselves, without being or
ganized, nor devolve this duty upon others,
without peril to their liberties. I have as
' mtmh • oos&lencc as any man, in the brave
hearts and .strong arms of the mass of the
' people, and am willing to rely upon them for
the defence of the country, whenever there
; < time to prepare for it: but if ever the thun
der of the enemys cannon shall be suddenly
heard in any of our seaports, which arc all
: iw too accessible and indefensible, they
:ight be destroyed or captured before the
. rts could be garrisoned or one blow be struck
. i defend them. Or if ever our Southern
planters shall bp awakened by a yell more stari
ng than that of the Indian, many a brave
heart will be pierced, and many a strong arm
will be paralysed, before an efficient force
. ruld be collected, armed and organiz-
t 1 to protect their wives and children. It
t.iavlie popular doctrine, but it is neither wise
nor safe, to deceive the people on this subject
; ad leave them to the hazard of one day weep
ing their improvidence in tears of blood.
There is no pillion of our country so deep-
iinterested in this measure, ;is the South,
t he South must depend upon itself for pro-
; ction, and there never was a period in the
history of our government, when this portion
• f our common country, was more loudlv call
ed upon by imperious circumstances, to pre
pare for its self-preservation. Your enemies
surround you on every side: the word is up
jo anas to deprive yon of yonr property.
'The interests of nztinus and the fanaticism of
iudividmib, are united against you from with-
•ouit—while within yonr own bosom, men
Minded by party zeal, combine to lull you in
to a false and fatal security, and strive to excite
your suspicions against those faithful public
servants, who call upon you to prepare lor
the contest. To counteract the attempts of
your friends t<i,organize and arm you, and to
enable you to present such an imposing front,
as may awe fanatics who are seeking your des
truction, they cry “Beware of Executive In
fluence.”—Beware of “Standing Armies”—
although they, know full well, that standing
armies are only necessary w here the people
arc unarmed and unorganized, and that liber
ty is alone cndangcicd by the supiueness of
its legitimate guardians. What, in feet, can
l»e more untrue, or more insulting to the peo
ple, than to be told that they, the source of all
power, are not to lie trusted with arms, nor
taught the use of them! What lea# can there
be that one-twentieth, or one Tenth part ofthe
military of each state, composed of your own
fellow-citizens, of your own friends and rela
tions will turn their arms against you and
seek to deprive you of your liberties! what
danger is there that you, yourselves, will do
so when your turn comes to assemble at your
own neighboring depot, and have anus placed
iti your hands! would you march against your
fSlow-cirjzens, at the bidding of a tyrant!
* Surely not. Why then, should you be ipd to
lieiieve that your sons or your neighbors, who
have been brought up to cherish thesanic prin
ciples as yourselves, wolud seek to destroy
institutions, which are as dear to them as to
you, and turn their arms against their country.
The idea is as insulting lo the people, as it is
preposterous. »
But the prejudices of many among you
Lave been roused against this plan, and per-
serviug attempts are made to kcep*iliem a-
jivc, ^'^withstanding the President’s distinct
expression of the opinion and views entertain
ed by fai:» upon the whole ‘ subject; views,
against which the aits of the opposition have
not vet enaeft’d them to /aide a plausnble fu
sion of our commerce, and the rapid advance
ment of our settlements, absolutely required.
Stripped of the extraordinary expenditures
which have resulted from circumstances be
yond the control of the administration the
course #f the Government, instead of lieing
marked by a wascful and profligate extrava
gance, as its opjionents would persuade you,
has been distinguished for the most exact and
rigid economy. The payment of the public
debt, which forms a large item of expenditure,
cannot be charged to the extravagance of
Government, nor can that of the Indian Trust
Fund, of which the Government is the Trus
tee, although that item senes to swell the
general amount of expenditures; even the
money received for indemnities, due the nation
by Foreign Governments, and exacted from
their justice by the firmness and decision of
the administration, is charged to its extrava
gance, because it not only recovered, but dis
tributed these sums.
The payment ordered by Congress to liqui
date the claim of Massachusetts, Connecticut,
and North-Camlina, for their exjienditures
during the war, forms another item of the
charge of extravagance; so too, the three per
cent and the two per cent for roads, payable
to the new States, out of the amount of sales
of public lauds, tinder laws passed years ago,
which increases with the quantity of laud sold
every year. Duties refunded to merchants,
which are to a certain degree, an evidence of
the increasing prosperity of our commerce,
are made to appear an increasing item of ex
travagance. So that in fact, if we had not
paid any portion of the national debt and left
the Treasury notes unredeemed, if we lmd
not honestly executed our duty as Trustees of
the Indian Fund by disbursing them for the
benefit of those tribes. If we had not sold
any public lands, or bad neglected to pay the
new states the five per rent due them upon
tlie amount of sales, and if the commerce of
the country had been paraHzed and the mer
chants failed extensively to import foreign
articles, the government would, according to
the reasoning ot the opposition, have been
administered most faithfully and economical
ly; a reputation which would have been
founded upon its bad faith and destructive
policy. These disbursements for the years
1S36, ’37 and ’38, amount to 829,152,145 41.
To these items should be added, the amount
of appropriations for the payment of pensions,
for the District of Columbia, survey of the
coast, taking the census, exploring cxjiedi-
tion, the removal of Indians, which are all of
a temporary nature, and are rertainly not.
chargeable to the present administration; and
those for durable and fire proof buildings, for
arming and equipping tire militia, for the im
provement of the navy, for roads, canals and
breakwaters, and river ami harbor improve
ments, under laws passed many years ago, for
fortifications and purchase of lands f rom the In
dian trilies in order to free the individual
states from the presence of this population,
and to benefit essentially the whole Union.
All which charges, amounting in the aggre
gate to a large sum, must be considered as
expenditures for the security of our common
country, ami for the lieucfit of jiosterity; am!
are not therefore properly chargeable upon the
present administration, as they were authoriz
ed before its commencement. These deduc
tions, including the expenses growing out of
the operations upon out Northern and Eastern
frontiers, to preserve our national faith with a
neighboring and friendly nation, and those
which have been incurred in protecting the
southern portion of our country from Indian
aggressions, being the annual expenditures of
those years to the moderate amount of-S 13,000
000. One word as to the exjienditures grmv-
out of these wars which have been a froit-
jection.
ful theme of accusation and reproach against
the administration. The wars of the Creeks
ami the Scmiaolcs originated in the perfidious
and cruel conduct of those Indians. They not
only refused to oomjdy with their treaty stipu
lations, but attacked anil destroyed the while
settlements, and butchered the inhabitants.—
The Government, in the fulfilment of one of
its most imperative duties, took all the meas
ures in its jHiwcr to protect the country which
was exposed to these merciless savages. Tile
very limited regular force and the want of
proper organization of the militia, rendered
those efforts more feeble tluin they would have
been under other circumstances, and much
more expensive. The militia or volunteers
cannot Ik: brought to act on foot, the best if not
the only ilescrijition of force suitable for find
ing and subduing tlie roving-savages in Flori
da ; and under the most economical arrange
ment for supplying horsemen, its cost compar
ed with that of the regular soldiers is as six to
one; that is to sny one mounted militia man
costs the government as much as six regular In
fantry; and yet the adiuiustration is blamed for
not covering 40,000 square miles of the territo
ry with volunteer cavalry, and sweeping the
whole territory as with a net, an operation
which would certainly require at least 50,000
men, and cost for otic campaign of six months,
not less than fourteen millions of dollars, with
out enumerating the interminable claims aris
ing from the loss of horses, or the amount of
pensions for wounds and disabilities. To some
extent this jrolicy was pursued in 1837 and 183S
when double the force required by fonnergen-
erals who had commanded in Florida, was
sent there and jrlaced under an active and skill
fill and exjierienccd commander. Volunteers
were brought from Tennessee, Georgia and
Missouri, men counted among the liest and
bravest of their citizens, Indian scouts were
assembled from the Western frontier, every
tliiug was done that zeal, courage, persevere-
ance and endurance could effect, but still the
war was not ended. The Indians ceased to
concentrate their forces and to resist the ad
vance of our men. They scattered and be-
carne the most terrible banditti that everinfest-
cd and devastated a country. Large columns
of iittack became unnecessary, and the large
lxxHcs of volunteers hitherto employed were
succeeded by detachments of regular troops,
who are both more efficient and less costly.—
The militia of Florida has been embodied to
protect their own settlements, and the regular
forces will be char ged with the more active du
ty of’breaking up the Indian camps, and of
forcing those savages to sue for jieace. This
arraugemeut has reduced the expenses of the
Florida war, from five millions a year, to not
more than two. Stories of the extravagant
exjienditures of Government officers have been
made up by insinuations and inferences equal
ly as unfair as false statements. It is said that
a “ steam boat was'freighted for $350 a day,
which is $90,250 a year,” leaving it to lie in
hered that Government paid that sum for the
hire of the boat; when in point of fact, the
the boat was only taken upon an emergency
and for a few (fays; that wood was brought
from New-Orleans to aspotwhcrc it was grow
ing abundantly without stating the additional,
fact that these woods were occupied by Indi
ans, and that it would have required a large
escort to protect the wood cutters, and trans-
portation to bring soldiersto jierform this duty,
from otlier stations where their presence was
more needed. I mention these things only in
justice to any predecessor. No such transac
tion has taken place under the present admin
istration. It is equally due to the several com*.
manders in Florida to stater and€ do it without _
f<?ar ot contradiction, that in tlie Creek and
Florida wars, more Indians have been des
troyed, captured and removed, than in all for
mer wars against Indian tribes since tlie com*
mencemcnt of our Government, and that this
has been accomjilisbed under the most difficult
and discouraging circumstances.
Notwithstanding the existence of these wars,
the administration, by its energetic efforts to
E roduce economy in the public expenditures,
33 been enabled to effect a large reduction in
ajiprojiriations, amounting annually if averag
ed, to not leSfi than 4,000,000 of dollars.
I will close the observations which I have
felt it my duty to make on the subject of the
expenditures of the government, with an ex
tract from a letter addressed l»y tlie President,
on the 15th inst. to a citizen of Tennessee, in
reply to an interrogator}’ “whether in his ojiin-
ion, there could lie auy further reduction of
the expenditures of the government, without
detriment to the interests of the jieople.”
“I do not doubt the practicability of a furth
er reduction in the expenditures of the govern
ment, without detriment to the interests of the
peojile; and it has been the object of my active
and unceasing exertions to cause it to be made.
The appropriations for the year 1837 were
made before I came into office. Our ordinary
disbursements, without including those on the
public debt, the Post Office and the trust funds
in charge of the government, had been largely
increased before the commencement of my
term, by ajiprojiriations for the removal ofthe
Indians, for repelling Indian hostilities, and for
other less urgent exjicuses which grew out of
ati overwhelming Treasury. Indejiendent of
the jiublic debt and trusts the gross expeudit-
ures of seventeen and eighteen millions in 1834
and 1835, bad, by these causes, swelled to
twenty-nine millions in IS.1C, and the ajipro-
priations for 1837, made as before stated, pre-
vious to the 4th of March of that year, raised
the expenditure to the very large amount of
thirty-three millions. I caused immediate ami
unremitting efforts to be made throughout tlie
public service, to reduce these large exjiendit
ures as sjieedilv and tons low a point as could
lie done consistently with the jiublic interest; an
object which 1 have the best reason to know
was one of great solicitude on the jiait of my
predecessor, though bis efforts to acconijili.sk it
were greatly impeded by causes beyond bis
control. We succeeded during tlie year 1S38
in somewhat reduciug the amount, notwith
standing the continuance of our Indian embar
rassments, and the necessity for a longer time
to make all such efforts comjiletely successful.
The results of 1839 were so, to the gratifying
extent of a reduction of more than seven mil
iums below the expenditures, even of the jire-
ceding year. Of these facts and results Con
gress were informed at the last session, and
you may judge for yourself, whether their
accuracy has been many way im|ieaclieu'.”
The estimates for 1S10 were directed to'be
subjected to the severest scrutiny, and limited
to the absolute requirements of the public ser
vice; and our best exertions have been made
throughout the year, to effect a still further re
duction. They have, I am happy to inform
you, been crowned with the desired success.—
Tlie expenditures for tlie first six months of
1840, compared even with the reduced amount
of 1839, are in round numbers, as follows: in
1S39 812,(500,000—for the same period in
1840,810,100,000—compared with 1838 tliey
stand thus, in that year, .815,800,000, in the
present .810,100,000—compared with 1837
(being those under apjirojiriations made tic-
fore I caine into office) they stand thus—for
the first six months of 1837, 816,635,000 “and
as I stated, in 1810, during the same months,
810,100,000. Although it cannot best a ted
with accuracy that the result of (be whole
year will lie, yet, from the best means of infor
mation, we have reason to believe that the ex
penditures will not exceed 822,000,000. Only
using in the accomplishment of that result, the
power conferred ujion me by Congress, to
postjKinecertain exjienditures under enumera
ted circumstances, to an extent which is not
likely to diminish the actual expenditures of
the year, so much as a million below what tliev
would otherwise have been. If in this we are
successful, as I have very little doubt we shall
lie, there will, at the end of the year, be a re
duction of the annual exjienditures since 1837
of more than eleven millions and a half—
since 1838 of more than ten millions.”
The President is charged with the intention
of jnoposing direct taxation, liecause by the
jirovisions of an act of Congress, introduced as
amendments to the original bill, by opposition
members, the niai-shafs. and their assistants are
required, in the jirogressof taking the census,
to collect certain statistical in fin-mat ion, which
Congress thought might prove useful and in
structive. It will be apparent, on the slightest
examination, that no measure of taxation could
be adopted on these jiroceedings, as the names
ofthe parties tire not required or taken down
by the marshals. It is scarcely necessary to
say that the inference that such was the inten
tion ofthe President, or of any member of his
administration is unfounded.
In the case of Lieut. Hook of the Navy,
which has liecn rejieatedly alluded to, in or
der to prejudice Mr. Van Bures in the South,
it is sufficient to say, that this officer was con
victed of causing persons to lie flogged contra
ry to law, not on negro testimony at all; but on
the uncontradicted testimony of respectable
and Vtnimjieachable white witnesses; and that
the President would not have done his duty, as
the law now stands, if he had refused to con
firm the jiroceedings of the Court, because ne
gro testimony, bearirg on other charges had
been introduced, but which did not affect the
opinion of the Court. That colored jiersons
should lie allowed to testify at all in rioutliem
ports, is the fault of the law; and Mr. Van Bu-
rkn desired that an act might lie jiasset!, that
should expressly prevent the admission of ne
gro witnesses in Court Martial equally in com
mon Law Courts—a measure which ivas pro
posed by Congress and failed only by the op-
jiosition of the very men, who are now so cla
morous in their censure of the President.
Some honorable gentlemen who have parta
ken ofthe President’s hospitality, have thought
it decorous and projicr in rising from the table
to denounce his style of entertaining them.—
They talk of his jialace, the regal^splcndor of
his furniture, and the magnificence of his’ din
ners. The house, which is vastly inferior in
size and appearance to many town and country
mansions of individuals mother countries, was
built by order of Congress, under the direction
of General Washington, and the furniture
sjioken of was imjiorted by Mr. Munroe, “gilt
sjioons” anil all, and it must lie acknowledged,
is not quite so magnificent in its appearance as
it was twenty-four years ago. I have dined
with every Republican President since tlie
time ofthe Elder Adams, and can jierceive no
difference in their style of living and that of
Mr. Van Buren, except that his is tlie most
simple. f
I have thought it propef to treat all these
subjects of attack ujion the President, because
tliey are relied ujron almost altogether by his
opponents. The great questions of public pol
icy—the vital principles of government and
the imjiortant interests ofthe country are slight
ly touclied ujMin or kept entirely out of view.—
All these questions, principles ami interests
have been practically develojied by the conduct
of Mr.*Van Buren, for the last three years, and
opinions and sentiments in relation to them,
have been frequently and frankly avowed. The
pcatfe of the country-baa beau honorably main
tained, nnd its rights firmly vindicated; the
rights ofthe States, as we understand them at
the South, inviolably preserved, and ouryiecu-
liar interests inflexibly protected.
The vexed question o£l$exican claims which
threatened to involve oux country in a waf with
pur sister republic, aw in a.fair way to befoul-
justed, and out citizen:, who have suffered m
their commercial interests there, are likely
soon to be indemnified for their losses.
The lohg protracted question of our North
Eastern Bouudary, which so severely menaced
the peace of tlie country Las, by tlie wisdom,
moderation and ftmness of Mr. Van Buren,
been jilaced in a train to lie amicably settled.
The report ofthe Commissioners appointed by
the government of Great Britain to make an
exparte survey and examination of the disputed
boundary, contained such novel and startling
statements, that the President deemed it exjie-
dient to appoint a commissioner on our part to
examine the same ground, in the confident ex
pectation that a more deliberate survey will
correct the errors into which tl e British commis
sioners have, as we believe, been led by too
much preeijiitation. In the meantime the ne-
gociation for the joint commission permanent
ly to adjust the boundary is in continued pro-
gress and will jiroliably be concluded before
the meeting of Congress. To do justice to the
conduct ofthe Executive throughout the whole
of this transaction, you must compare the pre
sent condition of this question with that which
existed at the close of the session of 1839. At
that period Congress was so fully impressed
with the idea that war might grow out of the
delicate anil embarrassing situation in which
tlie two nations were placed, that they volunta
rily and unanimously confided to the President
the means of meeting tlie danger if it should
arise—an act of confidence which furnishes a
remarkable commentary upon the abuse lavish
ed ujion Mr. Van Buren liy liis opponents in
and out ofCongress. It may not lie improper
to state here as an instatx-e ofthe unfair char
ges made by the opponents ofthe government
to deceive the peojile, that the sum of ten mil
lions of dollars ajiprojiriated on that occasion,
to be used by the President in defence of the
country, at his discretion, not one cent of which
was expended or drawn from the treasury, is
put down in some ofthe statements among the
items to swell the amount of annual appropria-
tions and expenditures.
The conduct of our foreign relations has, in
all former contests, been a fruitful theme of in
vective against the existing administration.—
They affect the whole country, its interests and
honor, and the nation is at all times most sensi
tive with regard to them. The President can
not spend a dollar without a previous ajipro-
jiriation by Congress: hut he may by a single
act of indiscretion, in management of its foreign
affaire, involve the peace ofthe country; and al
though Site last four years have presented diffi
culties in our foreign relations, seldom if ever
surpassed, we yet see the extraordinary specta-
cle of a Presidential canvass carried on with
unprecedented severity, without one word be
ing uttered against the conduct of the Execu
tive in this most imjioitaut and delicate of his
official duties, and that in which he, more than
any other, acts by himself.
To his former conduct, you must look for his
future course in all that concerns the right of
the South atid the right of the States. Mr.
Van Buren regarded the National Bank, not
only as unconstitutional, but as a fearful politi
cal engine, calculated to subjugate the whole
union to a money power, and to foreign influ
ence—to subject the weaker to the strongest
class, and to expose all interests to unequal
taxation, without any corresponding benefit,
and possessing the power by its control over tlie
currency and the prices of commodities, to de
press or elevate their nominal value, as the mo
nied or political interests of the corporation
might direct. Influenced by these considera
tions, he declared uncompromising hostility to
the National Bank and has encountered its pow
erful hostility in return.
I11 another measure of still greater impor
tance to the South and involving the peace of
the Union, Mr. Van Buren is found with the
State Rights Party. The desire, at one time
so prevalent at the North, to secure to one spe
cies of industry an undue advantage over oth
ers, was defeated by bis eloquent appeal to the
justice and good feeling of his countrymen at
Albany; and from that period the sound sense
ofthe democracy of tlie North has gradually
overcome a system of speculation so destruc
tive to the South, and without injury to honest
industry in any quarter, converted a monopoly
of individnals into a simjile revenue tax, leaving
in the jiockets ofthe tax payers, countless mil
lions. For the course of jiolicy, by which you
have been so largely benefitted, Mr. Van Buren
lias encountered the opposition of the nume
rous and wealthy monopolist, who are mtercst-
The elections, so far- as they have gone, dis
play a fearful combination of fanaticism and
monied interest in favor of this candidate, and
the South, if faithless to its interests, is expos
ed to have imposed ujion it a consolidated
goffernment by the mistaken policy of its own
misguideil sons, approjiriating its vast means
to jiromote measures and execute projects in
imical to the princijiles and directly opposed
to the interests of that jiortion of the Union.
J. R. POINSETT.
Washington, Sept. 26, 1840.
ed in fastening upon the country a high protec
tive tariff. Connected with this subject, and en
tirely dejicndent upon it, is that of Internal Im
provements by the General Government.—
Without this means of absorbing the surplus
revenues resulting from a high tariff, it must
,oO u ,. 0 j and yj|-_ Van Buren is en
titled to your gratitude for uniniti* yvUL C-eri-
Jackson in measures which put an end to that
system and led to the reduction ofthe high du
ties which bore so oppressively ujion the indus
try of the South.
Tlie efforts of Georgia to remove the Che-
rokees, had been foiled by the preceding ad
ministration, aud the federalists of the North,
united to ojijiose this favoite measure of Gen.
Jackson. Nothing tlat their enmity and ac
tivity could devise, was left undone, lo fasten
this jiojiulation ujion Georgia, Tennessee and
Alabama. Emissaries were sent in among
tlie Cherokces to urgethe Indians to resistance,
and John Ross anil his adherents were encour
aged in their contumacy; aud even foreign
influence invoked to put down the State laws
anil prostrate the policy of the administration.
During the whole of this protracted and un
precedented struggle, Mr. Van Buren co-op
erated with General Jackson to free the South
from this Indian population, while.those who
are now his oppoiiert-s left nothing undone to
defeat a mensure'so imjiortant lo Southern in
terests. anil which w;>* only finnlly consumma
ted under his administration.
The last in4lic progress of attacks to be
apprehended by tic weaker jiortion of the
Union, is that which strikes at the slave pro
perty of the South, and at the domestic secu
rity and peace of its citizens. Combinations
arc forming at home and abroad to render the
lalxir on which its prosperity depends, not on
ly valueless, hut dangerous to the existence of
society; to exclude its products from general
use and substitute those of India in their stead,
and to breed a sjiirit of discontent among the
negroes, and encourage their escape from their
masters, by laws enacted and upheld in viola
tion of express provisions of the Constitution.
In every stage of this destructive jiolicy, Mr.
Van Buren has used his personal and political
influence to stay its progress, and at this mo
ment he stands in the breach, assailed by all
the ancient enemies of the South, and by the
new foes who have arisen on every side, and
w-lie strike directly at its prosperity and jieace:
and will the South be so utterly regardless of
its own interests as to lend its aid to raise this
jiarty to powqr, and abandon the Democracy
of the North, who, actuated by a proper re
spect for their constitutional obligations, have
hitherto supjiorted them against the Aboli
tionists ?
Of Gen. Harrison’s principles and inten
tions, nothing can be known: but those of tlie
friends that surround liim, and of the party
that sustain liim, are well understood. He
receives the sujijiort of the Abolitionists and
of the friends of a National Bank, of a High
Protective Tariff, of extensive schemes of In
ternal Improvements, of the assumption of
State .Debts, and of the' distribution of the
Public Lands among the Stated, w'hich would
prove tlie most powerful me^us of establish
ing and continuing a high tariff" of dories.—.
He therefore stands’committed in favor 1 of in-,
terests abhorrent to the South, and against
which the democracy ofthe Union have strug-
Icd so manfully, and thus faruccessfully.—
From the Ohio Statesman.
IS GEN. HARRISON DERANGED ?—
BATTLE OF THE THAMES—COL.
JOHNSON-MORE HISTORY—INDIS
PUTABLE FACTS.
General Harrison is going from town to vil
lage, through Ohio, behaving like a pettish
and blubbering child, making statements as
much out of character for a candidate for the
exalted jiost of President of 20 millions of
intelligent freemen, as they are false and ri
diculous. Gen. Harrison might, with about
the same propriety, say that lie was in the
“thickest aud hardest of the fight” at Fort
Stephenson, as that he rushed into the “ front
of the battle,” “ fool-like,” in Col. Johnson’s
“ forlorn hope,” when he attacked Tecumseh.
If so, why did lie not kill Tecumseh himself'!
We look next for Harrison to assert that he
really did kill that “ big Indian,” and that it
was the “ horrible slanders” of his enemies
that have so long withheld justice from the
real hero! If Gen. Harrison’s friends had
one jKiitielc of common sense, they would
take him home and keep him there. If tliey
sujijiose the log cabin traji, bated with bard
cider and coon skins, lias so debased the hu
man mind, that reason, memory, and every
perception has been driven away, they are
most emphatically mistaken.
The following appeared some two weeks
since in the jiaper from which it is copied :
From the Cincinnati Advertiser and Journal.
We, the undersigned, were present at a
meeting of the Whigs in Carthage on Thurs
day, the 20th instant. While Gen. Wm. H.
Harrison was addressing said meeting, among
other things, we heard him distinctly say, that
lie was in the battle of the Thames. He was
in front of the battle. The front was 110't his
jilace ; but, fool like, anil contrary to tlie rules
of discipline, lie was with Col. Johnson in the
first columns when the charge was made, and
charged with him. He furthermore stated,
that there was no man on the ground but him
self, who was cajiable of drawing up the men
in the order of battle, in which they were
drawn uj>, except one or two to whom he had
imparted the jilan.
BOYD DILL,
J. COSTNER,
J. M. HARVEY,
J. McMAHON.
Since the above “ forlorn liojie” was deliv
ered at Carthage, Gen. Harrison has rejieated
it several times, to the astonishment of friend
and foe, and we verily believe that a large por
tion of the Whig party would now be glad to
get rid of him, if they could. After his speech
at Hillsborough, 011 Tuesday of last week, so
ridiculous had lie presented him elf before the
jieojile, that only about ticcnty persons accom-
’panied him from town to the coon skin show
it Chillicothe, though “ five thousand” had
been promised him as an escort by the News !
In Hillsborough, as we learn from the Ga
zette, he tried lo convey the idea that he was
not fifty feet from the front rank of tlie battle !
At Chillicothe, says the Advertiser, “ he
stated that Col. Johnson was no better quali
fied to take the command of the army, than
auy individual would be, (castinghis eyes over
the audience,) amongst those who were assem
bled to hear him ! ! ! That the proposition of
Col. Johnson to charge the enemy, who were
drawn uj> in line, would have been as prepos
terous as to have charged yonder brick houses
in the city. This evidently much surprised
his hearers, and a marked dissatisfaction ajt-
peared on their countenances.”
After this, it is not any wonder tliat a pro
minent JVliig remarked a day or so since, that
theGeneral’s friends had better take him home.
After this, no one will be surprised that the
Cleveland Herald said in 1838, that the Whigs
lost ground in every county visited by Gene
ral Harrison in tliat campaign. -
Now for the truth, and surely truth has
something to do with this matter. General
McAfee is the able historian of the late war,
so often quoted, uml so universally admired
and esteemed by all good men. He was in
Col. R. M. Johnson’s regiment, and fought
under Col. James Johnson in taking the Bri
tish regulars at the Thames. Here is his tes
timony, which no one dare contradict :
“Understanding that variant statements have
been made in relation to the battle of the
Thames, on tlie 5th of October, 1SJ3, and
having, in the history of tlie late war, given a
condensed statement of the events of that day,
without entering into the detail of the same, I
deem it due to justice to say, that so far as
Col. R. M. Johnson’s regiment was concerned,
I was an eye witness to nearly all its move
ments. After we crossed the Thames on that
day to the North side, this regiment was plac
ed in the front, and jiursued the enemy with
great rapidity. I was the eldest captain in
the first battalion, and of course marched in
the centre of the different heads of the lines;
when we overtook the British, and when Col.
Johnson had reconnoitered their position, he
sent a messenger back to Gen. Harrison, who
was with the infantry, with the information,
when the General came up and sent Colonel
Wood to examine tlie position ; he ordered
Col. Johnson’s regiment to take ground to the
left, and form on the left flank, intending to
bring up the infantry. An attempt was made
to cross the swamp to the left, but the difficulty
attending the move soon lnterrujited the exe
cution of this order, and Col. Johnson was re
called, and some conversation took jilace be
tween the General and Colonel as to the dis-
position of the regiment, when Col. Johnson
observed, “ Gen. Harrison, if you will permit
my' regiment to charge the enemy, as I have
trained them, we can whip them.” After a
moment’s hesitation, the General replied—
“Col. Johnson, you can do so.” We were
then almost three hundred yards from the Bri
tish. I was presort when the General and
one or two of liis aids, (l believe Cols. Todd
and Smith,) gave the order to charge, which
was immediately done. Col. II. M. Johnson
went to take charge of the 2d battalion on the
left, against the Indians, and Colonel James
Johnson the 1st battalion agaiyst the British.
As soon as the order to charge was given, the
General and his aids tinned off, as I supposed,
to bring uji the infantry, and I saw no more of
them, as in a short time after receiving some
scattering and tiv<* heavy fires from the Bri
tish, we broke through their lines and captur
ed the whole, except a jiortion of the dra
goons who fled with Proctor. The British
threw down their arms and surrenderecWto
Col. James Johnson, who marched them back
until they met the infantry. On this part of
tlie line 110 other troops were engaged but the
mounted men under Col. Janies Johnson ; on
the left, where Col. Richard M. Johnson and
liis battalion fought, the battle lasted for more
than half an hoilr, and was severely contested.
As I was not with that battalion I cantiot speak
personally, but it was generally conceded that
the mounted men fought the battle, with the
aid only of a small portion of the infantry
\ylio got up a short time before the contest was
ever on the extreme left, where Maj. Thotnji-
son fought. This statement is not made to de
rogate from tkeTamc of any officer, but to do
justice to the mounted regiment, who certain
ly, on the right again st the British, d^ I all the
fighting on that dav; and on the (e!V against
the Indians, equally so, with the cxcejition
above stated. I have no doubt that the infant
ry would have behated equally as brave, if
their jxisition had justified it.
ROBT. B. McAFEE.
August 31st, 1840;
The next is the testimony of Maj. Kirtley,
who was also in Col. James Johnson’s batta
lion, in taking tlie British. There is no braver
or more honorable man than Maj. Kirtley :
“ I was adjutant to the mounted regiment
commanded by Col. R. M. Johnson in the late
war, and on the day of the battle of the Thames
I had an opportunity of seeing the move
ments of the troops. General Harrison had
ordered Col. R. M. Johnson textake possession
on tlie left across the swamp, and prepare to
fight the Indians, while he would bring up the
infantry to fight the British. This conversa
tion was some three or four hundred yards
from the British troops. They separated.—
Col. Johnson being informed that lie could not
cross tlie swamp, sent me with this message to
Gen. Harrison. I found him with the infantry
nearly one mile in the rear of the mounted re
giment. General Harrison upon this infor
mation, went with me to Col. Johnson, who
was at the head of the columns of the regi
ment. I was present when Col. Johnson, and
Gen. Harrison met and had a conversation
ou the difficulty of crossing the swamp; I
heard Col. Johnson request Gen. Hjrrisou to
jiermit him to bring on the battle by charging
Something ne«r>flb«iit Hitrrfson.
Not to be found in the“ Tippecanoe Temt Book ”
mu upon tlie Records of the Nation.
In tlie midst of the War, while the enemy
was in the highest flush of anticipated victorv
and the treasury of the nation at its lowest
ebb, on the 31st of May, 1814, President
Madison issued tlie following order;
“Andie w Jackson, of Tennessee, is appoj nt _
ed Major General in the Army of the United
States, in the place of William Henry Harri
son, of Ohio, resigned.
By thus giving to Jackson the opjxntunity
of defeating the British at New Orleans, Har
rison, by his timely resignation, has be^,
styled ironically, the “Saviour of his country ”
For the undying glory thus obtained by “Oy
Hickory”—Harrison never forgave him, as
will be seen by tlie following.
I11 1S17 and T8, Gen. Harrison was a mem
ber of the Congress from Ohio. In jiersecut-
ing the war against the Seminole Indians, Gen
Jackson found it necessary to jiursue the In
dians into Florida; and to put an end to tin*
Indian dejiredatioDs, he was compelled to-
4akc jiossessson of St. Marks and Pensacola,
to which places the Indians fled for jirotection
Florida then was a Spanish province, and the
town of St. Marks .tad Pensacola were Span
ish towns, Gen. Jackson pursued the Indians
took the Sjianish towns—spiked their cannon
—and jiut an end to the war.
the enemy; Gen. Harrison gave the leave and j The enemies of Gen. Jackson, unmindful of
then returned to the infantry-—in the mean | his glorious services to his country, seized hold
time Col. Richard M. Johnson ascertained that [ of this to ruin his character, and blast liis repa-
he could cross the swamp, and did so with his
2nd battallion, leaving Col. James Johnson
to charge the British with the first battallion.
I was jiresent and made the charge with Col.
James Johnson, at the head ofthe first battal-
lion, and we took the whole British force in
very short order, except Gen. Proctor and a
few dragoons who run away. The British
enemy surrendered to Col. James Johnson,
who marched them back to Gen. Harrison who
was with the infantry. Col. R. M. Johnson
at the head of the 2nd battallion fought and de
feated Tecumseh and his warriors after a se
vere and bloody conflict. I went in person to
the ground where Col. R. M. Johnson in per
son fought the Indians with part of his regi
ment; I know he defeated the Indians at that
point without any aid but his own men. I met
with a portion of the infantry on the extreme
left, not far from where Major Thompson
commanded, but the Indians were defeated be
fore the aid joined them. The mounted regi
ment fought the battle ofthe Thames. During
the whole of our service, Col. R. M. Johnson
trained his men to charge on the enemy in co
lumns, and we expected it, none of us were ta
ken by surprise, when we were ordered to
charge the enemy; Col. J ohnson had prepared
his regiment for this desperate mode of fight
ing. JEREMIAH KIRTLEY.
Lexington, Sept. 1, 18 40.”
The above have beeu published in the Ken
tucky Yeoman, and in addition, we give tlie
following, sent to us as confinnation of the
above. Here is the testimony of two gentle
men in the infantry under command of Gov.
Shelby. They certainly know whether they
were in the battle or not. Their statement
will not be doubted or contradicted. It is
signed by Thomas P. Moore, who served as a
private soldier at the battle of Missessenawa,
and was complemented in general orders by
Gen. Harrison—was at the battle of the Thames,
and after Gen. Harrison resigned, Maj. Moore
accompanied Gen. McArthur in his perilous
expedition into Upper Canada, in the fall of
1814, and had his horse killed under him at
the crossingof G rand River. And subsequent
ly led the van at the battle «f Malcom’s Mills,
and was again complemented by Gen. McAr
thur. Silas Harlan is the son of a distinguish
ed patriot, and brother - to the Hon. James
Harlan, late Secretary of State, of Kentucky.
Har iodsburg, Mercer Co., Ky., Sept. 14,1840.
Dear Sir,
At your request wc make the following
statement of facts: In the fall of 1813, in con
sequence of a call from Gov. Shelby, we march
ed from Danville, Mercer, county, Ky., as sub
alterns in a mounted company commanded by
the late Col. Davenport. Upon reacSiug^
head-quarters, Col. 1). was promoted to the< (j v
command of a regiment. We were under an
impression that we were to serve throughout
as mounted infantry; but upon reaching Port
age, we were dismounted, and crossed the
lake in boats. O11 our arrival at Sandwick
the infantry were joined by Col. R. M. John
son’s mounted infantry. After some delay,
it was announced that we were to pursue
Proctor’s army. Johnson’s regiment marched
in front, rendering the roads almost impassable
for infantry. After a painful and fatiguing
march, in which many ofthe stoutest were left
by tlie way, Johnson’s regiment overhauled
the enemy; and that Tact was communicated to
Gen. Harrison, and by his orders to the infant
ry uq were commanded to advance, and did
so, occasionally halting. The delay seemed to
us at the time unaccountable; until the dis
charge of the muskets of the British, and the
yell of Col. James Johnson’s battaffion, in
charging them, announced that the action had
commenced, ►when we advanced at a rapid
pace. The fixing ofthe British soon ceased,
and we could occasionally hear the discharge
of fire arms and tlie yell of Indians. At this
time, Gov. Shelby rode along our lines en
couraging us to advance, and we did so to the
close ofthe action. We aver that we saw
Gov. Shelby, Gen. Desha, Gen. Allen, Gen.
Adair, and Col. J. McDowell during tlie action,
but at no time did we see Gen. Harrison; and
that tlfeh, and ever since, we considered the
mounted regimented as having fought the bat
tle and won the victory. The infantry ardent
ly desired to have participated in it, and com
plained much of having been compelled to
march so firry anJ anCer bo inurli, to be made
the mere spectators of the fight. We of course
know nothing of who originated this novel and
dangerous mode of assailing the British regu
lars and Indians; and only mean to say, that
while we suffered on the line of march much
more than the mounted regiment, and were as
eager to engage the enemy as they could have
been, yet we (the infantry) were virtually de
nied all participation in the glorious achieve
ment. Thfirc was one very large company
from this county attached to Johnson’s regi
ment, commanded by Capt. [now Gen.] Mc
Afee, and also one company pf infantry nearly
as large, to which the undersigned belonged;
anil we do not believe that this statement will
be controverted by a single man of either of
these two companies.
In what we have reluctantly said we do not
design to insinuate that Gen. Harrison display
ed anv want of personal courage.
THOS. P. MOORE,
of Harrodshurgh, Ky.
SILAS HARLAN,
of Mercer Co., Ky.
The position this overwhelming testimony
leaves Gen. Harrison before the world, is of
liis own seeking. It corroborates history, and
will not even be contradicted by the General’s
aids, who seem already driven to the wall with
astonishment at their General’s audacity and
weakness. No wonder that the hardxider en
thusiasm is beginning to die away, and the
hurrah of glory turning to shame and disgust.
A correspondent of the Journal of Com
merce, says, in reference to the crops of Ohio,
that the only “lack” there posible, wall be a
lack of mouths to eat, mills lo work up, and
boats to carry away the bountiful productions
of nature.
The original “Declaration of Independence,”
hangs framed and glazed, in the office of Sec
retary of State, at Washington; in excellent
preservation.
tation forever. With this view, a resolution,
was introduced into the House of Representa--
tives, in tlie following words:
(See Journal, 15th Congress, 2d session
page 242.)
“Resolved, That the late seizure of th e
Spanish posts of Pensacola atid San Carlos de
Barancas, in the West Florida, hy the Army
ofthe United States, (under Gen. Jackson)
WAS CONTRARY TO THE CONSTI
TUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.”
“The question (see Journal, page 244) was
then taken, will the House agree to the said
resolution?
“And determined in the negative, yeas 70,
nays 100.”
Gen. HARRISON VOTED FOR THE
RESOLUTION CENSURING GENE
RAL JACKSON, AND CHARGING HIM
WITH VIOLATING THE CONSTITU
TION OF THE UNITED STATES.
On the same day, (see Journal, page 24I r
atid £4,) Gen. Harrison voted for a resolution
censuring Gen. Jackson for hanging Ambrisler,
a white villain, a British spy, who had aided the
Indians in making war upon the women and
children of Georgia and Alabama.
This base attempt to destroy the high repu
tation of (ion. Jackson, who had periled his
life in defence of his country—who had saved
New Orleans from the British foe, and tri-
rnnphcd over the murderous Seminoles, was
voted down in Congress.
But will the^old friends of Gen. Jackson
now vote for Gen. Harrison, who thus at
tempted to blast the renown of the Hero of
New Orleans?
We need not add a word to the following.—
It tells its own tale. Harrison here confesses
that he was disgraced by the Senate of the
United States hy a vote, which will follow him
to the grave, and cause the blush to rise upon
the cheeks of his children! This vote will
show how his military character was estimated
but one short year after the war, by those who
knew the man.
Journal of the United States Senate, April
1816. See Niles’ Register, Vol. 10, 125.
The Senate resumed the consideration of
the joint resolution, directing medals to
struck, anil together with the thanks of Conn-
gross, presented to Major General Kairisom
and Governor Shelby, and for other purposes.
After some discussion on the expediency cf
adopting such a resolution at tins time, and of
coupling the names of Gen. Harrison and; Gov_
Shelby:
Mr. Lacock moved to amend the resolution
by striking therefrom, Maj. W. H. HAR1M-
SON.
This motion was determined 111 the aflirma-
e by the following vote:
Yeas—Messrs. Dana, Gaillard, Gore, Hun
ter, Ivinly, Lacock, Mason, N. H. Roberts,
Tail, Thompson, Jackson, Turner, Vanitim—
13.
Nays—Messrs. Barbour, Barry, Condict,
Horsey, Macon, Morrow, Ruggles, Talbot,
Wells, Williams—11.
Extract frdhi Geti. Harrison's letter concerning
the above vote, dated July 16th. See Niles’
Register, Vol. 10, Page 424.
“A vote of the Senate of the United States
has attached to my name a DISGRACE,
WHICH I AM FULLY CONVINCED NO
TIME OR NO EFFORTS OF MINE
WILL EVER P>E ABLE TO EFFACE.
Their censure is indeed negative; but it is not
on that account the less severe. Could a vote
positively expressing my uaworthincss, attachi
to me more obloquy than one which declared 1
that I was the only man in tlie army that I
commanded, who did not deserve the thanks
of the nation? Could any thing but cowardice
or treason justify this excessive rigor? And
yet it is not pretended that I am guilty of eith
er. What, then, is my crime, and what the
reason upon which the vote of the Senate was
justified; whilst an investigation before the
House of Representatives was pending solicited
by myself, some or more persons, had impress
ed every member of Congress to whom I was
unknown, with the belief, that I deserved so
MERIT FOR T1IE SUCCESS OF THE CAMPAIGN', AND
THAT I WAS FORCED AGAINST MY INCLINATION,
to pursue the British army? My respect
for the first branch of the Legislature of my
country, will not permit me to impugn its mo*
tivoa. X ura Vxourwl to Kclirvr, tlint tKc
ty at least acted on correct principles; but eo»
subject so important to an individual, uptm «■
rote which will follow him to the grave,
which will cause the blush tv rise upon the eietk
of his children, should they not have paused U
(t/®* Gen. Harrison s Economy as a public
man.—Tne following extract of a letter of the
Hon. John IF. Taylor (formerly Speaker ol
the House of Representatives in Congress and
now a leading whig >n New York) to Govern
or Tompkins, shov/s what Mr. Madison’s cabi
net thought of Harrison’s economy, as com*
manding officer on this frontier:
“It is further all edged (says Mr. Taylor)that
Harrison totally disregarded all economical con
siderations and that the expenses of his 1**J’
campaign have cost a sum extravagant beyond
calcf'Jation. Claims for unprovided wagons*
bovses, men, provisions, &c. arc daily coming
in to an enormous amount.”
This was written from Washington in Jan
uary, 1814. On the 16th of February, 1SD.
Mr. Hammond, the Editor of the Gazette,
published at Cincinnati, then the Head Quar
ters of Gen. Harrison, said:
“The expense of Gen. Harrison’s exped''
tions have been ascertained at the TreasuU
to amount to TWENTY SIX MILLION’*- 0
dollars, which, taking the number of his troops,
is at the average rate of 810,400 for eavJi mo*
employed in these very gait ful expeditions.
These charges against Harrison, 1*J 11 J*"”
niembered were made more than twenty f
years ago!
At a militia parade at Southbury, Ct., a nun '.
her of people commenced plaguing W
znan who had been peddling liquor, and " a '
himself somewhat intoxicated, till he becai^
so curaged that he drew a knife, stab«^
Christopher Elliott and another man so t ,l
bcit-h died, and wonded several other-.