Newspaper Page Text
iiOifiGt®.
From the Nashville Union.
TO THE OLD PATRIOTS OF THE
SOUTH AND WEST!
Andrew Jackson, your old chief, is a private
citizen. You followed him to the field—you
fought with him—you conquered with him —
you rejoiced with him. \our fame and his
fame, your principles and his principles, are
identified. He has left the impress of his spir
it on the people with whom he has associated
through life, noble, generous, brave, indepen
dent. He lias breathed new life into the Re
publican institutions of his country—and is
recognised both at home and abroad as the
greatest man of the age.
He is now a private citizen. He asks the
privilege only which the Constitution guaran
tees to every freeman, however humble. His
•Id friends call upon him as they would upon
•my other distinguished citizen in whom they
dare confidence, to meet with them at public
.nners, prepared in honor of him and the
rinciples which characteized his admtnistr*-
• 1. Whenever his health has permuted, lie
• joined them, and at other times has vvrit-
i letters of apology expressive of his a le ws
h regard to the great contest now waging
ween the two contending parties in the
mtry. His old principles are dear to them
—tlie country which he defended, and its in
surious, which he has cherished, are the ob-
i‘cts of his first and last solicitude.
Among the letters he has recently written
' i his friends who have invited him abroad,
he following to the committee of the citi-
'•ns of Weakly county:
“Hermitage, Sept. 1, 1810.
“Gentlemen: I am truly sorry that the
*ve of my health prevents my acceptance of
he kind invitation you have been pleased to
■ »avey to me, on behalf of the citizens of
.'/ealrty county, to partake of a public din
ner with them at Dresden l can scarcely hope
> enjoy again, with any considerable portion
>f my countrymen, the pleasures of the festive
ifihrd; but 1 am not the less sensible to the
kindness which prompts such invitations and
which on this occasion, particularly, merits
:;,e warmest expression of gratitude and
thanks.
“In regard to the struggle between the
)emocratic and Federal parties, which is
.r w agitating the country, 1 place my confi-
ence where I have always done, in the dis-
ritnination, x irtue, and firmness of the people,
. I I do not doubt or fear the result. 1 he
•jdefialists call themselves \Y liigs, hut the
<*oplc cannot but see that they hold no j.rin-
ples in common with Whigs of our glorious
devolution. They will be Federalists when
. ey get power, by whatever name they may
house to call themselves before they got
it. They will go for a National Bank—for
lutcrnal Improvements by the General Gov
ernment—for a protective Tai'iSf, unxvarrent-
cd by the Constitution—and for that policy,
generally, which strengthens the General ( u>v-
emment, by taking power unnecessarily from
the States and the people. The Democratic
party, on the contrary, have no confessions to
make which are new or doubtful. T hey ad
here to the Constitution as it was expounded
by the friends of popular Government—as it
was administered by Mr. Jefferson, in the
days of 1S00, and as it has been since main
tained by those statemen who have recognised
the principle that the people are able to gov
ern themselves.
“Thus looking at these parties—Gen. Har
rison representing the principles of the Feder-
dists, and Mr. Van Burcn those of the Dem-
icrats or Republicans—I cannot entertain a
doubt that the people will rally as they did in
Tie contest between the cider Adams and Mr.
Jefferson, and repudiate, as they did then,
those claims to power which are inconsistent
with the rights of the people and the States.
“I am gentlemen, very respectfully, your
obedient servant,
, „ r _“AfiP.SEW JACKSON.”
• >oen successfully devoted to his country.
With no ambition to gratify, with nothing to
aope for or to desire on earth but the happi-
less of the American people and the welfare
their Government, lie sees the gorgon head
if Old Federalism as it existed in the Hart-
>nl Convention, rising again. He was in
'••ngress with Harrison more than forty years
jo. He knows him to have been an old
Uoolcd Federalist—he has known him inti-
nately ever since, and no man in the United
cates is better acquainted with his military
ud civil pretensions than Andrew Jackson.
We call upon the old patriots of the South
tnd West to stop for a moment and reflect.
J,ave any of you lust your course and distance!
(lave the fogs of Federalism shut out the light
if thrutli! Jackson brushes them away as
-vitli his right arm, and points to Van Buren
a sure and certain landmark by which the
•••pie mav again guide their ship of state
:;o the harbor of Republican safety. Once
lore we ask you to read bis letter to Drcs-
en—read it attentively.
HON. BENJAMIN TAPPAN.
Mr. Webster, in one of his late speeches,
-epeatt d the fabrication of Mr. Reazen Beall,
>f Ohio, imputing to Senator Tappan the de-
Uration that “prices and wages should be rc-
i.-teed—“that he would bring down wages 12 1-2
nets per day, and wheat to 16 cents per bushel.
In the course of a speech which Senator Tap-
in made at Wooster, in Ohio, on the 5th inst.
; -eems his eye detected Mr. Beall among his
-i i htory; and we have in a letter given in the
Clio Statesman of the 7th inst. the following
account of the manner in which Mr. Tappan
1 .v out the author of the falsehoods in regard
Tim, to the public eye. The letter says:
With mathematical clearness, convincing
. gument, and fiery eloquence, he traced the
.M ile system of corporate power and privil-
• .'god wealth from its inception in the brain
. Hamilton down to the present time, when,
•/ ith the immense influence they have acquir
ed, they are waging a deadly war against the
iberties of the country. He scattered to the
•finds the Federal charges against the Dem
ocratic party of being in favor of low wages
and reduced prices; and when lie came to the
many bare falsehoods which had been heaped
ip against himself by the hank minions, his
denunciations of their baseness was most with
ering. Among other things he chanced to
allude to a publication by a certain individual,
pretending to detail a private conversation at
■ r udge Tappan’s own table, where that individ-
i il liad been invited by Judge T. in which he
• represented as having declared himself in
.or of bringing wages down to 12 1-2 cents
•r day, and wheat to 1G cents per bushel.
le had no sooner touched upon the subject,
ind was quietly proceeding to nail that lie to
. be counter, when up jumps General Harri
son’s most valient General, Rczin Beall, the
“Hero of Maumee,” and cries out “give us
the name of that person—name him—name
him!” Mr. Tappan paused, turned his pierc
ing eyes upon his slanderer, and answered in
a voice of thunder, “That man was REZ1N
1EALL! There stands the man who, violat-
ig the privilege of friendship, and the cour
ses observed by honorable men, left my ta-
•> e,.»r.d like a base villian, as be must be who
ould be guilty of such an act, published a
retended private conversation, wliicli never
■ovk place, because I never entertained the
minions then imputed to me!” He procced-
:d in a strain of the most scorching invective
to denounce tlie conduct of the man who
could resort to sucli a despicable breach of
hospitality and gentlemanly propriety, to re-
>mmend himself to ^the favor of Ins political
rienda, and concluded by denouncing the
.,ry as false from first to last, an<lit s au-
tiior an infamous liar!"—Globe.
From the Virginia Reformer.
MORE OF ABOLITION.
A writer in a late number of the Cincinna
ti Philanthropist, the Abolition oracle for the
State of Ohio, says he does not know a single
whig in his county who will vote the Indepen
dent Abolition ticket, beaded by .Tames G.
Bik.vey? We told you it was a cheat—we
know it was a fraud—a bare-faced gull-trap;
and now we have the frank admission of the
fact. The writer also goes on as follows:
“Can we be instrumental in retaining men
in ollice, who have proved themselves unwor
thy of their trust, violated the Constitution of
the United States, cast the liberties of the
people under the feet of Southern arrogance,
to he spumed and trampled upon; declared
the glorious doctrines of the Declaration of
Independence mockery* an< ^ scouted l!; ‘ lom
the Halls ofCon,gross; subverted and destroy
ed the s.-icied right of petition—the last re-
fusrn.oi the oppressed—by resolutions, in most
monstrous violation of every principle of not
merely a republican government, but respon
sible government of any kind! A right never
denied by tlie bloodiest despot of Asia to the
basest of its abject minions. Can we, then,
support Martin Van Buren, who stands pledg
ed to uphold and support slavery? Who
gave his casting vote in the gag-law, authoris
ing the destruction of anti-slavery papers in
the mails? No; nothing can be worse than
the present Administration in respect to slave
ry-" . . .
This is what all the Abolitionists say— no
thing can be worse than the present Administra
tion”—and in this battle cry the wings join to
the top of their voice. The author of this
communication goes against independent ac
tion on the part of the Abolitionists, so they
can be left free t» vote for G eneral Harrison.
Another writer in the same paper says:
“The majority of Aholitionits still hold the
determination to vote the Harrison ticket.
And shall ‘suffer it to he so now,’ rather than
have Martin Van Ilurcn sway his sceptre
over us for four years longer?”
Another writer (same paper) openly ac
knowledges that “most of the Abolitionists are
witli the wliigs.” The editor of that paper
lias the following card to some Abolition whig
papers in Ohio:
“Q?=* Will the Ohio Atlas, Painesville Tel
egraph, Western Rcserver, Cabinet and Visi
ter, Xenia Free Press, and Ashtabula Sentin
el, please to give the above ticket one insertion
t least. A large proportion of their readers
'l JRjLUhT-t .SJAC*
are Abolitionists, and Anti-Slavery editors will
doubtless be willing to give their readers a
fair opportunity of judging and choosing for
themselves.”
We know not whether even these porten
tous facts n il! open the eyes of a solitary
Southern whig; if they will rush madly iuio
the jaws of destruction, so it must be.
The oracle of the Tappan crew at New
York, the Emancipator, has the following ad
vice to its whig patrons:
“We have a word of advice for our whig
readers, or rather for those who were wliigs,
for wc can hardly believe our readers will lon
ger consent to bear party names. It is this.
Just take this article and read it to your neigh
bors who seems inclided to be so recreant as
to vote for Van Buren. Expostulate icith
him as you could with a brother about, to do
some very unworthy act. Entreat liim with
tears to remember the slave.”
The editor of that vile print says that Mar
tin VaiVBuren has become subset vient to the
slave power. “He has chosen his idols, and
after them he will go.”
Again this Anti-Slavery oracle says:
“Mr. Van Buren’s principles are well un
derstood ut the South. The Alabama Legis
lature recently
‘Resolved, That the present Administration
of the General Government by promoting the
interests of South and guarding our institu
tions, has won our admiration and secured our
r ''"SXfd me iMcuiuoiiu iiiiiquirer in 1838,—
‘Abandon him, and where can we get a man
from the North, whose views tire more con
genial with the rights of the South?’
“N. B. His declaration quoted above, and
his casting vote for the post office gag-law,
displayed in full-faced type, headed the edit
orial columns of Southern partisan papers,
just before tlie Presidential election in 1.836.
The Southern Banner, (Athens, Georgia,
October 15, 1836,) after quoting largely from
his letters to slaveholders, says: ‘From these
opinions, which are set forth without shadow
or coloring, it is seen that Mr. Van Buren is
perfectly orthodox and democratic in all bis
views and feelings.’ Let the free States see
that their candidates speak ‘without shadow
or coloring, for liberty.”
But to leave nothing in doubt upon tliis
important matter, let us hear one of the trav
elling lecturers in Ohio upon Abolition. lie
is speaking of the folly of Abolitionists pre
tending to run a third, or independent Electo
ral Ticket He says:
“1 do not. know of one Society, great or small,
in favor of a third party at this time. Many
of the leading societies of the land have voted
decidedly against it. The only Abolition ed
itor in Masscliusetts who advocated separate
national nominations, has left his chair. The
vote of the New York committee, reqi.-.. ting
Br Leavitt to desist from the advocacy o.’*a
third party, stands unrevoked; and 1 must
confess, that the putting up Bimey and Earle
for the support < >f Abolitionists at this time,seems
to me to be altogether a liable measure, which
can only result in confusion.”
The writer then goes on and gives his
resous in full for voting for General Harrison.
—They are unquestionably tlie views of every
Abolition whig in the United States. He
says what all Abolitionists say—that “nothing
ran be worse than the present Administration
respecting si a eery."
“You recollect that some friend at Massillon
was greatly amazed, perhaps scandalized,
when he learned that, some months since, I
expressed a wish that the wliigs might suc
ceed in tlie pendingcanvass, A a determination
to give Harrison my vote. I am still deter
mined to do so, and for these reasons.
“There are fourthngs, one of which abolition
voters must do in the present canvass—1, Vote
for Van Buren; 2, Vote a third party; 3,
Withhold their votes; or, 4, Vole for Harri
son.
I choose the latte: \,Because nothing can be
worse than the present Administration respect
ing shivery. Nothing can be worse than im
porting blood-hounds, to exterminate the In
dians, for aflbrding a sanctuary for fugitive
slaves! The whole course of the Administra
tion is of apiece with this. Our Navy, in their
hands, is the tool of vindictive, proscriptive co
lonization.
“T oting a third party, or withholding our
votes is only to draw of Whig voters, that Van
Buren may succeed. I would as lief vote for
tlie present administration directly as indi
rectly.*
“No valuable moral influence can he exerted
by our refusing to vote, or voting a third par
ty. The first is decidedly preferable to tlie
latter. For how much moral influence will a
defeated political Abolition party exert in fa
vor of their principles upon their successful,
triumphing antagonists?
“ ‘But if the whig3 succeed, they will do us
no more good than the present administration.’
I answer: I do not know that they will do us
more good, but we can do them more harm.
If they dare attempt to gag us, they rive then-
party in splinters. The wliigs of New York,
Massachusetts, and Vermont will not endure
a gag. Our petitions will then have free
course in Congress—agitation is thus facilitat
ed—our people encouraged—and our cause
advanced. I would not have said a word on
this subject had not some third party fnends
at tlie convention hinted that we preferred
other interests to the emancipation of the Have,
f believe that man is ignorant of the Abolition
question who honestly considers ad other po
litical questions put iog<*h c v oi equal moment
with this.”
What do Southern wings think of these
public demonstrations? Are they so madly
devoted to party as to blindly rush headlong
into the yawning vortex of ruin and desola
tion? Will they not pause and reflect before
the deed is consummated which gives the
reigns of political power into the hands of tlie
Northern incendiaries?
The Emancipator lias an electioneering ar
ticle which begins as follows:
ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.
“Freemen: In November of this year, you
must say who shall be President of tlie Unit-
cd States from March 4, 1841, to March 3,
1845. Will you speak out for Liberty?
Weigh well the claims of the different candi
dates. Take Freedom’s touch-stone and try
with it.
“Martin Van Buren. Before his election
in 1836, he declared to you, “I prefer that ail
the people of the United dates should under
stand, that 1 must go into the Presidential
chair the INFLEXIBLE and uncompromis
ing opponent of any attempt, on the part of
Congress to abolish slavery in tlie District of
Columbia, against” [what? the will of the
people of the United States! No; the will
of the people of tlie District even? No; but]
tlie wishes of the slaveholding States! and al
so with a determination equally decided to
RESIST the slightest interference with tlie
subject in the States where it exists.” Let
this language be judged of in tlie light of his
previous acts, especially of his casting vote,
June 1S32, G, in favor of the bill, prohibiting
postmasters from delivering “any pamphlet,
newspaper, handbill, or other printed paper
touching the subject of slavery, in any State
in which their circulation is prohibited by
law.”
From the Nashville Union.
REAL CAUSE OF ALARM!
We hav e seen in the office of the Secretary
of State two communications from the IT oriel’s
Convention cfAbolitionists under the British
and Foreign Abolition Society, one of them
FRANKED by S. M. GATES, A WHIG
ME M HER OF CONGRESS from New York,
and both addressed to “His Excellency James
K. Polk, Governor of the State of Tennessee.”
They arc INCENDIARY—or, we would lay
them before the public. We have permission,
however, to publish the letter of tlie Governor
in reply to Gates, which is as follows:
To the Hon. S. M. Gates,
Member of Congress from the State of New
York: ,‘f'
Sir—I have received, through the post office,
a communication, under your official frank
as a member of Congress, containing certain
proceedings of a body of men styling them
selves “A Convention of tlie Friends of the
Negro, assembled from various parts of tlie
of the world, convened for the purpose of pro
moting the immediate, entire and universal
Abolition of slavery and the Slave Trade.”—
This Convention, it appears, was holden at
London in the month of June last. 1 he en
velope covering the communication, which
comes to me under your frank, is post-marked
at the city of New York, is sealed with a
stamp, bearing a pictoral representation of a
person in an imploring attitude, and encircled
with the words “British and Foreign Anti-Sla-
rery Society.” The communication itself con
tains an “appeal to the Governor of lennesse
to employ all the influence and power with
which Divine Providence has entrusted him,
to secure immediate and unconditional liberty
to the Slave.”
The fact is indisputable that you have lent
Y, troni-.til tliL splf-stvlcd “World’s
Convention or Abolitionists, as a means or
enabling them to send their infamous publi
cations in manuscript through the United
States’ mails free of expense, and tlie pre
sumption therefore is, that you countenance
and approve the proceedings which you aid
them to circulate. In a prostscript to the
communication bearing your frank, I am re
quested to acknowledge its receipt in a letter
addressed to tlie “President of the Convention
at London.” This request I shall disregard.
I cannot recognise by any act of mine, official
or otherwise, the right of foreigners to malic
an attempt in itself so impertinent and impu
dent, to intermeddle or interfere with the do
mestic institutions of this State. But you, sir,
are an American citizen, and by tlie party you
have borne have made yourself equally crim
inal and responsible with the foreign ao-jtutors
and fanactics with whose proceedings you
have indentified yourself. Were it not for
tbo official station which you occupy, I am free
to declare, that I should treat the part which
you have borne in this dark transaction, with
the scorn and contempt which I entertain for
the proceedings themselves, and which I am
sure all partriotic citizens, ardently attached
to the Union and desiring its preservation, will
pronounce upon your conduct.
It is to be regretted that the affected and hy
pocritical philanthropy of british and other for
eign abolitionists, with whom your official
frank identifies you. bad not been reserved for
the suffering subjects of their r.wn dominions,
whose unremitting toil even in seasons of pro
found peace is in many instances scarcely re
warded with the means of procuring whole
some food and decent raiment. Unacquainted
as the Convention, whose proceedings you
endorse and circulate by \ our frank, seems to
have been with the peaceable relation of mas
ter and slave in the United States, their advice
is as worthless as it is gratuitous.
The foreigner, in extenuation of his crime,
may phvd ignorance of our form of Govern
ment; but from you, Sir, his American aider
and abettor, no such plea is admissible. He
may be actuated by a desire to produce insur
rection in the heart of a rival nation. Bui
what apology have you, Sir, for lending your
official privilege as a member of Congress, to
aid him in an attempt to produce anarchy and
confusion in one of the constituent sovereign
ties of your own government? Have you seri
ously reflected upon the dangers of the crusade
in which you are engaged—a crusade in alli
ance with foreigners, which not only threat
ens the peace and harmony of the Union, hut
may endanger its existence if the wicked
agitation to which you give your countenance
is persisted in? Are you sq deliberately reck
less of consequences as to be willing to lend
the aid ofyour official privilege to countenance
and abet foreigners in proceedings calcularcd,
if not designed, to excite sectional jealousies
and heart-burnings—to divide tlie States by
geographical lines—to array-one section against
another; and that, too, at the imminent peril
of producing domestic insurrection, and a ser-
ilve war? Have you yet to be informed that slave
ry existed in the Colonies long before Inde
pendence was achieved! Have you yet to
learn that at the adoption of the Constitution,
the adjustment of the Slave question presented
one of the chief difficulties to the formation of
the Union which had to be encountered—and
that it was ultimate!}' settled upon principles
of mutual concession and compromise? Would
you disturb the fundemental compact upon
which the Union of the States rests? But I
will not argue the question. It is not one which
is debateable.
It is matter of sincere regret that any Amer
ican citizen should he guilty of such high trea
son to the first principles upon which the
States became united. Your official frank,
covering these proceeding, stands up in judg
ment against you as a witness whose tesimony (
is not to be impeached.
The only further notice which I shall take
of these nefarious proceedings of foreigners,
with whom you are associated, will be to ex
pose them to the indignant reporbation of the
people of Tennesse.
JAMES K. POLK.
“ The State Rights party will not yield their
support to Gen. Harrison. Contending for,
and determined to advance their principles, as
well as to maintain their old land marks,
they will not yield support to cue who is to
their success so thoroughly an enemy.”
[ Georgia Journal.
Suite KightM and United plates Ki^htn.
October 27, s$fo.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN NOMINATIONS.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE I*RESIDENT,
JOHN FORSYTH,
OF GEORGIA,
Fur Electors of President and Vice President.
JAMES ANDERSON, of Burke,
JOHN BATES, of Murray,
SAMUEL BEALL, of Wilkinson,
WILLIAM B. BULLOCH, of Chatham,
MILNER ECHOLS, of Walton,
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison,
EDWARD HARDEN, of Clark,
SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee,
JOHN ROBINSON, of Jasper,
WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham,
THOMAS WOOTTEN, of Wilkes.
[Election on the First Monday in November.]
Electors of President.
We have been beaten in tlie election for
members of congress but it does not follow that
we shall also be defected in tlie election fore-
lectors of President. It does not follow that
every democrat who has cast his vote for the
Harrison ticket at the late election will of
course do so at the election on Monday next.
We shall go to the polls without having to face
the combined influences of expectants of office
under the Harrison dynasty, and expectants of
office in the several counties. Freed from the
weight of this combination our cause is not
desperate.
We for the last time on this subject address
our readers. We exhort them to do their du
ty at tlie polls. Trust to others what belongs
to them but for yourselves do your duty. Re
member that the institutions of your country
are in danger.^Remember that the “Jeffersoni
an Democracy,” which no one dare openly op
pose, is now attacked in our midst by a combin
ation of all tlie antagonist principles in the land.
We have again and again given you warning
of this. We have pointed to the array of mul
titudes opposed to us. \Y c see them led by
Henry Clay the Champion of the “Tariil” Dan
iel Webster the Champion of tbo aristocrat y
of wealth and as an indispcnsiblo component
part of this unhallowed compound, Slade,
Gates and Saltonstall the Champions of Abo]i-
•auu. .1.0. ^ no nine of sensibility left which
can reach the hearts of the people of the South.
DO OUR PEOPLE KNOW THAT THE
ABOLITIONISTS arc a new sect of fanatics.
Do they read the history of fanatics in all
ages ? Are wc to inform you, our country
men, that in these unprincipled men, all the
feelin gs of compassion for white men are dried
up and exterminated ? Are we to tell you,
that these friends of the Harrison party have
determined to divest you of your slave pro
perty, at the hazard of your lives, and the ex
termination of your whole race at the South ?
Are we to tell you, that the small number of
this sect is of no consequence ? They are rea
dy to cast their lot with the negroes, and de
pend on recruiting soldiers in theii ranks ?—
They arc ready themselves to give up every
thing into the hands of tlie slaves, and to be
of power in tlicir hands !
Do not fancy this an exaggerated ptciu.o
We appeal to all history to support us in the
assertion, that a sect combined on any fanati
cal notion, must either be tolerated, kept out,
or exterminated. This sect cannot be tolerat
ed, for they are satisfied only with our exter
mination—They must be kept out from among
us. Is tliis to be effected by tlie election of
General Harrison to the Presidency ? Hoy
can he organise bis cabinet without Clay and
Webster? IIow can lie fill the important of
fices in his gift, without .Shade, Saltenstall qnd
Gates. Rely on it, fellow-citizens, the elec
tion of Harrison raises “Abolition” three steps
on the ladder of power. Till now, we have
looked on it with contempt and scorn. But
our feelings have changed. We see them rea
dy to snatch the wreath of victory.—We see
them put in the lead of a dangerous combina
tion, and strange to say, we see them acting
with a powerful party at the South. Is there
no sacrifice of principle in this ? Spirit of our
Fathers! Spirit of the Sages and Heroes of
Seventy-Six !! Into what fatal gulf arc wc
about to plunge ? Has the fatal derangement
seized us, wliicli lias so often seemed to seal
the fate of Nations ? Is patriotism a mere
name, and are we swallowed up in the love of
office ? Are we about to see the fatal experi
ment made, of attempting to tame the ferocity
of the Abolitionist ? Is every thing we have
and hold, dear ? Are life, liberty, property,
happiness, and even existence itself, to be pe
riled in tliis most rash and awful experiment ?
We look to the DEMOCRACY of the land
to rebuke tlie attempt. We look to the Key-
Stone State, to New York, and to the cradle
of Democracy, old Virginia! There we shall
see this foul combination rebuked. And we
look to Georgia. The spirit ol our Jacksons
and our Baldwins is not yet dead. The bones
of Clark yet lie in our land, and the blood of
Dooly is yet a component part of our soil.—
Let every man come to the polls. The cause
is not ours, but our country’s, and especially
our childrens.
Advice.
A writer in the last Georgia Journal, says, that the
defeat of Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper and Black, is-snch a
signal rebuke of the Sub-Treasury measure, that they
cannot as gentlemen “of honor auu sensibility retain
their scats in Congress and continue to support the ad
ministration and its measures, in opposition to the will of
the people”—and advises, “they should have resigned
long since, that they ought not now to hold on an hour
more,” and this correspondent also, after expressing his
sincere regard for the Hon. Alfred Cuthbert’s distinguish
ed honor, andjgensibility, savs, he lias too much pride of
character to occupy his position any longer.
Wonder if the writer consulted tlie Editor of the
Journal, as to the propriety of his advice to these distin
guished members of Congress. We notice no comment
on his article. Surely he has overlooked the worthy ex
ample of the Journal: ought he not to have advised them
to “turn tail’’ immediately, and go ahead of the loudest
advocates of Harrison to secure tlie confidence of his
party and to retain their seals in Congress?
iVea s nail Planters* Gazette.
We publish in to-clay’s paper, an article from
tlie “ News nnd Gazette,” indicating the poli
cy that paper is desirous of seeing adopted by
tlie Legislature. We do not regard its in
flated 'style of recommending its wishes to the
Legislature, «or its estimate of the enormous
labor of “ reform” to be now entered into by
the party now seated on the sai^le of power.
Nor will we try the party relations of the arti
cle, seeiu ,r that it has come forth, capped by
one party, coated by another, ai^d pantalooned
by a third. _
’ We notice this production to remind our
readers, that the Editor of the “ News and
Gazette” is mistaken in supposing that the
credit of the tffate has been injured by the is
sues of the Central Bank. The Bank had
borrowed, by order of the Legislature, $300,-
000, for one year. When this debt fell due,
the means of payment had not been provided,
and a protest and great uproar over the credit
of ihe State ensued. The Central Bank had
then verv few bills in circulation, and those
bills were of undoubted credit; but the States
credit had fallen before a protest on a debt of
$300,000!! ! In addition to this, the State
had already incurred a considerable amount of
debt, and her great Road demanded of her a
considerable further outlay of money.* So
stood the matter at the meeting of tlie last i.c-
ofislature. .
That body had power over only two funds :
their own money now composing the capital of
the Central Bank, and the money of our citi-
zens, which could be drawn from them by tax
ation. Tlie Legislature were urged to go in-
o tlie system of taxation, and a splendid array
of words was strung together by a Committee,
to enforce such a measure. It was obvious to
the best informed, that the present wants of
the Government, and the debts wliicli it was
important should be promptly paid, could not
be provided for by taxation, under any f -rm,
for the exaction of money which was known
to our citizens. I hese debts, and amongst
them the whole expenses of the Legislature,
must he otherwise provided for, or remain un
paid. The times were also inauspicious for
the enactment of laws greatly increasing the
taxes. The people who sent that Legislature,
would not have submitted to the scheme of the
Committee, if it had been enacted. Some
counties might have sanctioned it; but so far
was it from having the sanction of either par-
tv, that it would have been the height of folly
to have attempted it. The scheme was nulli
fied. Taxation was weighed in the “balan
ces,” and found wanting.
The Van Buren party were in power, and
have the honor or the shame of the measures
adopted. They found the people in an awful
pecuniary crisis ; vast numbers were in debt,
and the value of their labor had been sudden
ly cut down to almost nothing. Of all times,
this was the most improper to say to them,
come now and give us your money to pay the
debts of tlie State. The Van Buren party did
not do it, and they were in the right. The sug
gestion that they were actuated by no motive
higher than the love of office, is unworthy of
notice. They determined to use the funds of
the State, and the credit of the Central Bank,
to pay her debts and restore her credit. To
bring these to the rescue, they passed the law
alluded to by the Editor of tlie “ News and
Gazette,”and which called forth the nonsensi
cal protest signed by the members of almost
every county having in it a chartered Bank or
branch Bank, and very few besides. The
Harrison party are welcome to the honor of
that protest, although it was signed by a num
ber of Van Buren men.
But the tree is best known by its fruit; and
what fruit ha3 this law borne ? When it was
passed, there was hardly a dollar in the Trea
sury. The Central Bank had issued to its limit,
and the State was hound to pay six or eight
hundred thousand dollars in the course of the
year. But the State had ample means. She
had in the vaults of the Central Bank notes of
individuals, Bank Stock, and other assets,
amounting to more than two uftimiaia.
These ino V an Buren party determined
io bring to the rescue of the Treasury. They
authorized the Board to issue the notes of the
Central Bank to twice the amount of its capi
tal, and to sell tlie stock held by the State in
several of the chartered Banks. On tlie faith
of this great capital, and fortified by these new
powers, the Directors forthwith paid the most
pressing debts of the State with the bills of
thp Central Bank. The faith of the State was
thus instantly redeemed with its most pressing
creditors, amongst which—the very men who
figured so largely in the protest against the
law. The credit of the Bank has been further
extended to procure funds to pay the $300,000
in New York, and a large proportion of this
sum has been paid, and the whole, we are as
sured, provided for, and will be paid in two or
three months. The Hank has,moreover, loan
ed to tlie people tlie sum of $750,000 on notes,
on a credit of five years, and we know not
what sums on bills of exchange, to provide for,
the day when a resumption of specie pay
ments may he called for. And now that this
distribution approaches a close, and the day
tlie distributive share of old Wilkes is to
be paid to her people, is almost present,
we learn from one who knows, that the citi
zens of that county, without regard to party,
will he very glad to obtain tlicir part of this
calumniated paper. True it is, that if tlie
Editor of the “ News and Gazette” were te
become a borrower, and offer even twenty dol
lars in payment to the branch of the State
Bank in his village it would be refused, al
though the Central Bank is a stockholder in
that, institution to the amount of more than
$300,000. 'But what appears equally strange
a bill of this same branch would lie rejected at
the mother hank in Savannah! Now we have
no difficulty in understanding why all this is
so, the causes so far as they have any proper
foundation are temporary. How long preju
dice and folly may perpetuate the difficulty we
know not.
Btit after having done so much which could
not have been otherwise accomplished ; after
having used its own credit and capitol to pro
vide for more than six hundred thousand dol
lars of the debts of the State, and after having
loaned to the cilizens $750,000, when such a
loan is of more benefit to the country than a
gift of five times that sum would have been in
1836, where do wc find the Central Bank ! We
are told that its whole indebtedness will be to
its bill holders, and that in a sum not exceed
ing a million of dollars, while its assets will
pay that sum, and leave the Bank an unincum
bered capital of more than $1,500,000. Its
bills cannot long be a stumbling block to poli
ticians, for they can all in due time be taken
U P-
The statement of the Editor of the “ News
and Gazette,” that the bills of the Central
Bank were “promises to pay,” “by a corpora
tion which bad nothing to pay with,” is unsup
ported by the facts of the case. The bills of
tlie Bank pass currently at pax in almost every
part of the State. At points where payments
at the Nortlvor abroad,, are the principal uses
of money, they have, in common with the bills
of other interior Banks, suffered depreciation.
Bat this depreciation does not increase with
the progress of the distribution. The bills of
the Bank rise in value, as our exchanges be
come easier, and will he at par so spon as the
bills of other Banks are at par. *
There is much to he feared from the folly
and rashness of the Harrison party, with re-'
gard to the Central Bank. If they consume
its capital, the people must look next for the
tax gatherer. —
Fra:n the News Sf Pointers' Gazette of Washington, Ga.
THE NEXT LEGISLATURE.
We hope the first cure of the next Legislature will be
to reinstate tlie credit of tiie State, now in a most deplo
rable condition. We cannot expect this to be done at
| once, but the wo A of reform can be commenced at the
| ensuing session, and be perfected hereafter. We can-
j not l:Gpe that the effects ofthe wild and ruinous policy cf
! tin: party just ousted from power, can be remedied at
I one session, its correction is a Herculean labor and must
j b: the work of time.
The people expect that something will be done with
■ that monster of follv, the Central Bank. The law au-
; thorizing it te. put its bills in circulation, never was a fa-
j voiile with the people; indeed, we will venture to say
j that two thirds of ihe thinking portion of the community
; were opposed to it, but the Van Buren party passed it
supposing it would prove a means to keep them in pow
er, they had the majority, and the iftate Rights party,
protesting against it, v. eie obliged to succumb.
The conscipieneesbas been, that the credit ofthe State,
represented by the hills ofthe Central Bank, has declin
ed in proportion as its i-snes increased, imtiil tlie com
munity knee ing that they were “promises to pay” by a
corporation which had nothing to pay with, refuse to cir
culate them except at an enormous discount. This should
be remedied.
The people have been tampered and dallied with long
enough by the other banks. Relying upon the forbear
ance of tlie community, they have refused to pay tlicir
just obligations,and kept their pweel of intrinsically worth
less lags in circulation, which the people rrc compelled
to take for want of a better medimrnof exchange. We
know not why a bank should be more favored than an
individual. If the latter refuses to pay his just debts, the
law lets tlie Sheriff loose upon him, and banks should be
served in the same way. Make them pay specie; if they
cannot do it, let them break. Perhaps it xveuid bo well
to give them some time to make their arrangements for
resumption, so that as little distress os possible maybe
produced among tlicir debtors; but let that time be as
sl-.oit as possible, and. make them underspend that this
game of premising without performing will not do any
longer. We arc no enemies of banks, bat we go for
compelling their to fulfill tlicir contracts, and it these tilings
arc not rrc i ie-*, we promise to give tlie aid ol our feeble
talents to the ndvanct went of ft e hard money scheme,
and help along the great loco focn cause, so far as that
scheme is concerned, for we tfir.k it hi tier to have enr
money stolen in a lump than to be tormented by having
it frit'.eied away by pciecmeal.
We trust no more bunks will be chartered. The Gen
eral Banking Law. passed two years since, embodies the
lrue principles of Banking, for it gives every man a right
lohunk who can see ire the community against io-s. Toe
o'llv institution established under tiie law, that at Ruck-
crsville, enjoys deservedly the confidence of the commu
nity beyond any other. It has never suspended specie
payments, and its bills pass current from the Savannah to
ihe Chattahoochie.
We view these things in apluin. matter of fact manner,
divested of all those subtleties with which bankers and
financiers mistily them. We feel the effect ofthe pres
ent .-'ale of tilings, and we know the immediate cause,
the. cause of that cause we neither know norcare anything
about; we know that the people will ncl c tidure this state
of things much longer, and we know.that they look to
the legislature for a remedy. While we are on this sub
ject. we may as well speak of another connected with it.
The community is infested with shinplasters. Per
haps this is owing to the suspension of tlie banks, and
when they resume, perhaps they will disappear. If they
do not. let the severe law against their circulation be put
in force. It has hitherto remained a dead l-tter upon our
statu ie book, bat if any enterprising individual feel dis
posed to make a large "fortune with little trouble, he may
do it by only taking a stand upon tlie cars of the Geor-
gi: Rail Road and watching the agents as he deals on this
change bills; for every shin plaster he puts in circulation
t!:o company is liable lo a penalty of §]Ui), one Lalfto tlie
informer. To be sure they attempt to e^ade tbe law,
liv making their change bills payable in “rides,” but there
but they coma niiver tiie true meaning,
can be no doubt but they cotMpn*
spirit and intent of theglatuie^nd ate liable to the penal
ties ofthe same. - 0 - y.«.
PENNSYLVANIA ELECTION RETURNS.
We publish below a comparative table of the vote
polled for Governor in 1813, with that for luamhars of
Congress the present year. It is probably as fair a com
parison as can be made. In Idol the vote stood, for
Van Buren. 91,475, for Harrison 87,111. Democratic
majority 4,3 34.
Table prepared for ihe Pennsylvania Reporter.
Counties. Jlitiicr.
Adams, 3340
Alleghany, C033
Armstrong, 1510
Beaver, 2437
Bedford, 2356
“Series, 3215
Bradford, 221!)
Butler, 1700
Bucks, 4147
Cambria, 702
Chester, 4374
Centre, 14C7
CIbarfield, 474
Clarion, new county,
Clinton, new county,
Columbia, * 1038
Crawford, 1957
Cumberland, 231:5
Dauphin, 2813
Delaware, 1731
Erie, 2747
Fayette, 1961
Franklin, 2550
Greene, 1109
Huntington, 3687
ludinun 1723
Jefferson, 4^1
Juniata, 833
Lancaster, 8558
Lebanon, 2228
Lehigh, 2349
Luzerne, 2502
Lycoming, 2445
McKean,
Mercer, 2935
Mifflin, 11(19
Monroe, 355
Montgomery, 3743
Northampton, 2556
Northumberland, 11’4
Perry,
Porter. Deni.
Fed.
7535 1570
2091
4*05
2781 250 m
2437 m
1931 1816
2313
2178 2432
7401 6750
2573
2420 2290
1300
1653 1549
1903
4553 4033
4047
614 732
533
4"37
G63m
2539 1760
792 292 m
1140
691
501
2616 2753
2304 60! 'm
876
2743 2/23
2410
134t 2133
2651
12.3
1565
£3: in
2753 2834
2.527
2815
1S13
2761
1262
591
1049
5503
1533
2460
3132
2542
r;aj. 1-5
2525
1177
122 5
45? 8
3635
2144
_ 1816
10C4
1275
2235
2153
4o0m
2'252
1252
1207 m
4486
2-73
896 m
1493
571 m
1327
874
3335 m
1883
1994*
1285
2732
1174
3601
1761
:Y>;)
Philadelphia citv, 7203 3156 4631 7135
“ county, 9259 101.57 12505 10050
Pike,
Potter,
Schuylkill,
Somerset,
quehauna,
Tioga,
Union,
Venango,
Warren,
Washington,
Wayne,
Westmoreland,
York,
117
83
1593
2 241
N13 il
. 594
2253
823
523
3523
533
2315
3-257
13
273
2871
8c>3
1580
1443
1595
2131
669
1793
989 m
1307
1392
1591
1127
564
3151
1002
4561
4197
216 m
2200 m
7-j 1 m
2174
328ui
Total 91,473 87.111 85,100 74,38-1
m—Majority. 'Berks, no opposition, „
Democratic majority 10,116:!
gtkJ ■wrr~
From the Richmond Enquirer.
VIRGINIA ERECT.
(17 s * Let other States “shoot madly from
their spheres,” this proud “unlerrificd Common
wealth” will stand erect, true to herself, true
to tlie South, true to her “natural allies, tie
Democracy of the North;” true to*her own ij.
lustrious principles, and true to the Union
What though Maryland may appear to waver! ’
What though Georgia may seem to turn her
back upon the great principles ofthe Constitu
tion; and to her dearest l ights, and to all South-
ern institutions. What though they may for
a moment seem to join the unholy coalition
ofFetlet alismand Abolitionism—What,though
they may incur the fearful responsibility of en
couraging those fell spirits, who are attempt
ing to undermine our institutions, and break ia
upon the sanctity qf our hearths, and the secu
rity of our families—yet, this good old State,
will reuse up her lion spirit with redoubled en-
erirv, and muster all her forces for the conflict
ofthe 2nd of November. We fought ip ls“6
without the aid of Georgia or Maryland. The
former went against us by a majority of 2,772
—and Maryland co-operated with the Y\ liigs
by a majority of 3,GS4—Y» hat then! We
fought and conquered then—wc -shall ag rin
fight with all our energies—and wuli the assist
ance of other allies, which we were not fortu
nate enough to possess in 1836—with the aid of
Tennessee, which then went for \\ liite by near
10,000 majority—perhaps of Ohio, which went
against us by more than 8000 majority—we can
win the victory, and save ourselves from a mon
strous Bank, an oppressive Tariff, a wild and
extravagant system of Internal Improvements,
the prostration of all our great constitutional
principles, and the fell spirit of Abolitionism.
Strike the hug of Virginia? Never—Never
washer destiny erighter than it is now. Never
ELECTIONS IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
FOR CONGRESS.
1st District, composed of Charleston, bzc.—
I. E. Holmes. No opposition.
2d “ Georgetown, Darlington, Wil-
ki liam ihurg, Marion, Horry and
M arl boro’—J on x C a mpbbll.
3rd “ Lancaster, Sumter, Kershaw,
Chesterfield—T. I). Sumter.
Till “ Spartanburg, Union, York, and
Chester—James Rogers. No
y opposition.
5th “ Greenville and Pendleton—Dr.
Wm. Boti.er, Whig*
6th “ Edgefield and Abbeville—F.
W.Pic; lE.xs. No opposition.
7th “ Laurens, Newberry, and Fair-
field—Patrick C#Cai,dwell.*
Sth “ Richland, Lexington, Orange
burg, and Barn wen!—Sampson
H. Butler. No opposition.
9th “ Colleton and Beaufort—Rob’t.
BarnaVell Riiett. No op.
All Republicans, except Dr. Butler, of the
Sth District, who is said to be a very moderate
Whig, not fully concurring wi;h the Wliig
party. (> And all old members, except Dr. But
ler, and Col. Caldwell ofthe 5th and 7th Dis
trict.
* 'Plio Great>:il1%^ilount.uincer says “Dr. But
ler, is elected by a majority of 147 votes over
Col. Norris;” and “The votes given to the low
est candidate, [Joseph Powell,J were chiefly,
taken from the Democratic side.” In Green
ville District, the votes given were, for Noijas,*
975, Bailer, 693, Powell, £>-i. In Pendleton,
for Norris, 1,593, Butler, 2,115, Ptnveil, 169.
Totals, Butler, 2,71S, Nanis, 2,571, Powell,
523. Majority for Biftler, 1 !7.—SjuI/i C.iro-
11titan, 22J inst.
From tkc Georgia Journal oi’ December 176i, 1339.
HARRISBURG CONVENTION.
“This convention has nominated Gen. Har
rison as the whig candidate for the Presidency,
l^inl Gov. Tyler of Virginia, for the Vice l’re-
1 Vdency. To use the language of a Mississip- j
pi boatman, they have niggled it with a j
vengeance!! Wc would as soon think of sup
porting ARTHUR TAPPAN, as tliis nomi- j
nee for the President}', of the Harrisburg j
Convention.
“We are pleased to perceive that upon !
this subject, the whole State Rights press of
this State talk alike—We would go a stop j
farther, however, than most of them by urging j
upon tlicir consideration, as a Southern Can- i
didale, George MT Tru.up-,’ t
Jinn, are nobly exerting themselves to redeem
that gallant State. We cannot but believe and
hope, that they will all yet coi.ne to the rescue.
Tim Elections which have just transpired will
leacffi tis and our friends the danger of over
weening-security, and tlie necessity of greater
exertions.’ The result will only rouse their
blood up, if they have hearts in their bosoms,
which are worthy of their country, and her
cause. The Democrats of Maine are setting
them the example of the loftiest energy—So is
North Carolina—and tiie generous spirits of
Maryland and of Georgia will bestir themselves
to greater efforts. They will work in season
and out of season. They will strain every
nerve in the short time that is allowed to them,
(fortunately North Carolina has greater scope
and longer time, as her election does not take
place till the 19tli of November)—They will
now do every tiling to redeem their respective
States. They will stand by tlie Democracy of
the North, and their distinguished candidate,
“the Northern man with Southern feelings.”—
But if after all, they should be defeated, what
then? Shall wc despond? Never. Shall wa
ask quarter from an enemy, who can owe his
victory only to our rankest enemies; the infuri
ated and pestilential Abolitionists? NEVER,
never. \Yc wil (look to other quarters for gen
erous and gallant allies—V e will look to the
Keystone State, and to ihe Empire State—We
will look to Ohio, and Michigan, and Illinois,
and Missouri; to Mississippi and Alabama;* to
Arkansas; texTennessee and to South Carolina;
to New Hampshire and to Maine, and with
their aid, we will attempt to save the Ad
ministration from tlie grasp of a feeble and iu-
triguingcandidate,andbis mongrel,and Federal
managers, who will be “the power behind the
throne greater than the throne itself.”
Republicans of Virginia—let us do our duty,
and all will be well. Never have we felt so
proud of tlie name of a Virginian, as when wc
trace tlie.se lines. You once saved your coun
try; when she was writhing in tlie Anaconda
folds of the Adams “Reign of Terror.” Your
immortal Resolutions and Report of ’99, have
since constituted the Shibboleth of the Repub
lican faitli—the Pillar of lire by night, and the
cloud by day. You maintained your princi
ples ever since—and though for a time they
were elsewhere eclipsed, by the heresies ofthe
latitudinm^constructionists, the parasites of a
Bank, and tlie champions of the Protective
system, and the foul brood which Federalism
has engendered, yet. we again triumphed, with
the assistance of that man of iron-nerve, An
drew Jackson.—What does he now tell us?
Hear the la.'t warning voice of this distinguish
ed patriot.—[ We omit the introductory Corres
pondence, which called out the fellow ing letter
—as we find in the Ulster (N. Y.) Republican.
It states, that widlstat Kingston, in I Ister, on
the 2Gth August, Gov. Cali of Florida, who lias
taken (he field against Mr. Van Buren, an
nounced himself to have been the confidential
aid of Gen. Jackson at the battle 6f New Or
leans, See., &c.:]
Hermitage, Septemlier 22,1S40.
Sir—Your letter of the 7th instant, inclos
ing me a copy of the preamble and resolution
of the Democratic association of Kingston,
Ulster county, New York, of which,you are
President, is just received.
The resolution is as follows: “Resolved,
That the .Chairman and Secretaries of tliis
association be requested to write to his E\-
eellqncy General Andrew Jackson, and ask
hinf whether ihe said General Call, [referring
to the preamble to said resolution,] was really
his confidential aid in that battle,” [the battle
of the Sth of January, 1815.]
The alxwe inquiry I answer—that General
Call was not one of my aids-de-camp, at that
time. They v.*nre Major Jolm Reid, a:ul
Capt. Thomas L. Butler, of the United 8fates
army: my volunteer aids were Edward Liv
ingston, Esq., Abner L. Duncan, Esq., Mr-
Duplissis, then Marshal of the State of Lou
isiana. General Call never became one o:
my aids, until 181,8, when he continued with
me as such until I retired from the Army in
1821.
As to the rumor, to which you allude, of
my ottac’.iinent to Gen. Harrison, and aiding
now to elect him President of these United
States, it is without tlie least shadow of truth.
Gen Harrison and myself have through a long
life, been antipodes in politics; and Lo is among
the last men, of any public note, that I would
support for the Presidency of this great and
rising Republic.—It is my serious belief, that
if General Harrison should he elected Presi
dent, it will tend to the destruction of our
glorious Union, and Republican systefn.
I write with groat difficulty, therefore it is,
that I haVt* not copied into this letter the pre
amble to the resolution, referring to it only.
I am very rospccifully yours,
ANDREW JACKSON.
Levi E. Vanderlyn, Esq., President of the
Association, Kingston, Ulster county, N. I -
Qjf’ Aqdrew Jackson has sounded the
alarm, and the sagacity of his character is
such as commands oi:r respect to his pre
dictions. The South is in danger—and so is
the Union. Tench the slaves of the District,
and the Union is gone like flax before the
flames. Open the door constantly to these
petitions, and TV. H. Harrison tacitly admits
their ■right, and his right hand minister, Dan
iel Webster, lias attempted to vote down ev
ery resolution which would seal the lips of the
petitioners, and 3 flood of debate, and a flame
of agitation would come upon us, which are
directly calculated to sweep away, cud to
consume the very pillars of our Union.
Impressed with these solemn convictions,
we will not cense to sound the alarm in ever}
region of the South, and still to call up ,,a
Georgia, upon Maryland, upon chivalrous
North Carolina, to come to the rescue—and
to stand by the Northern Democracy, "ho
have stood by us. But if, as still we do not