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* ^ \ *\ ' >.\V CONOBE88. RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND. [House of Representatives, Feb. 13.] Mr. Pickens, from the committee on foreigu affairs, made the following report, which was ordered to be printed: The committee on foreign affairs, to whom was referred the message of the President, transmitting a correspondence with the British Minister in relation to the burning of the steamboat Caroline, and the demand made for the liberation of Mr. Alexander McLeod, res pectfully report: It appears that the steamboat “Caroline” was seized and destroyed in the month of De cember, 1S37. The committee are induced to believe that the facts of the case are as follows: The boat was owned by, and in possession of a citizen of New York. She was cleared from the city of Buffalo, and on the 29th December, 1837, left the port of Buffalo, bound for Schlos- ser, upon the American side of the Niagara river, and within the territory of the United States. The original intention seemed to be, to run the boat between Buffalo and Sclilosscr, or, perhaps, from Black Rock dam to Schios- ser, and, should it seem profitable, it was in tended to run her also to Navy Island, and touch at Grand Island and Tonawanda. Her owner was Mr. Wells, said to be a respectable citizen of Buffalo, and it is obvious, bis inten tion of putting up the boat, was one of specu lation and profit entirely. The excitement upon that portion of the frontier, at this period, had collected a great many in the neighbor hood—some from curiosity—some from idle ness—and others from taking an interest in the unusual and extraordinary collection of ad venturous men gathered together at that time on Navy Island. Navy Island was “nominal ly” in the British “territory.” The owner in the Caroline took advantage of these circumstances to make some money, with his boat, by running her, as a ferry boat, over to Navy Island. All these facts appear from testimony regularly taken, (see H. R. Doc. No. 302, page 46 and 39, 2nd session, 25tli Congress,) and the committee know of no legal evidence to contradict them. There is no proof that any arms or munitions of war were carried in the boat, except, perhaps, one small six-pounder field piece belonging to a passenger. The principal object was to run the boatas aferry boat from Schlosser, on the Amer ican side, to Navy Island, on the British side. It is believed, that even in war, a neutral pow er has the right to trade in contraband articles, subject of course, to seizure and confiscation if taken within the jurisdiction of either of the contending parties. What is contraband of war is not always certain. Treaty stipulations frequently include some articles, and exclude others recognised in the law of nations. Tra ding in contraband articles is no excuse for in vading the territory and soil of a neutral and may entrro UJ >u.. w■ -mU...«—o citizens In this instance there were no two foreign powers engaged in war; but all concerned in the outbreak or excitement within the British jurisdiction, claimed to be British subjects, in resistance of the authorities of Canada, a pro vince of the British empire. Even admitting, then, that the Caroline was engaged in contra band trade, yet it was with citizens who claim ed to be subjects of the same empire with those who w ere styled the legitimate officers of the province. Abstractly speaking, how was a private citizen to decide who were right and who wrong in these local disputes ? And which portion of citizens of the same province must our citizens refuse to have any commu nication with? But the boat was merely used for one day as a ferry boat; and on the night of the day she commenced running, she was seiz ed while moored at the wharf in Schlosser, and burned; several men were assassinated; certainly one, who fell dead upon the deck.— Now the insinuation of the British Minister, that oChlUSSUl %va» UUUJlliallj M nlililu Ilic iv* ritory of the United States, may well be retort ed, as we can with equal truth say that Navy Island was “nominally” within the territory of the British Government; for at the period to which we allude, the people collected there had as effectually defied Canada authorities as any portion of our people had disregarded ours. Yet British authority thought proper to pass by Navy Islaud, then in its ‘nominal’ territory, and in the plentitude of its power, to cast the aegis of British jurisdiction over Amer ican soil. This was truly extending over us that kind guardianship which they had not the ability at that time to extend to a portion of their own territory, and which recommends it self to us, full as much from its assumption as from its love of right or law. The British Minister is pleased also to call the Caroline a “piratical steamboat.” The loose epithets of any one, no matter how high in place, cannot make that piracy which the law of nations docs not recognize. Pirates are freebooters, enemies of the human race; and eminent jurists describe them as ravaging every sea and coast with no flag and no home. Piracy comes under the concurrent jurisdic tion of all nations. Even in the worst point of view that it can be considered, those connect ed with the steamboat Caroline were but aid ers and abetters of others engaged in rebellion. And the committee are totally at a loss to know upon what authority rebellion is recognized as piracy. Such confounding of terms is rest ing the case upon epithets, instead of sound law or facts. But even supposing it to be a “piratical boat,” as the Minister asserts it to be; yet th® moment it touched our soil it fell under our sovereignty, and no power on earth could rightfully invade it. There is no doctrine more consecrated in English history, than that every human being, who touches the soil of Great Britain, is imme diately covered by British law. Suppose one of her vessels were cut from the banks of the Thames and burnt by Frenchmen, and British citizens were assassinated at night, and the French Minister were to avow that they acted under the .orders of uis government, and that the vessel was “piratical,” and the citizens murdered were outlaws—then there is not an Englishman whose heart would not beat high to avenge the wrong, and vindicate the rights of his country. The law there is the law here. And there is no international law con sistent with the separate independence of na tions, that sanctions the pursuits of even pi rates to murder and arson over the soil aud ju risdiction of one of the states of this confede racy. No greater wrong can be done to a coun try than invasion of soil. If it can be done with impunity at one point, and on one occa sion, it ean at another, and the nation that sub mits to it finally sinks down into drivelling im becility. If a representation of the state of things at Schlosser, and the conduct of those who had the control of the Caroline, had first been made to the proper authorities of New York, or of the United States, there would have been some show at least of respect for our sovereignty and independence, and a dis position to treat us an equal. But in this case, as if to treat our authorities with contempt, there was no preliminary demand or repre sentation made. It was hoped that the outrage was perpetra ted by a party in sudden heat and excitement, upon their own responsibility. But the Brit ish Minister now avows that “the act was the public act of persons obeying the constituted authorities of her Majesty’s Province,” and again affirms that “it was a public act of per sons in her Majesty’s service, obeying the or ders of their superior authorities.” If this had been the first and only point of collusion with Great Britain, it might not have ‘excited such interest, but there is an assump tion in most of our intercourse with that great S ower, revolting to the pride and spirit of in- ependence in a free people. If it be her de sire to preserve peace, her true policy would be to do justice, and show courtesy to equals, which she has always demanded from others. The committee do not desire to press views on this part of the subject, particularly as a de mand has been made by our government upon the government of Great Britain for explana tion as to the outrage committed, tlie answer to which it is hoped will prove satisfactory. As to the other points presented in the de mand made by the British Minister for the “liberation” of Alexander McLeod, the com mittee believe the facts of the case to be, that the steamboat was seized and burnt as stated before, and that a citizen or citizens of New York were murdered in the affray. And there were reasons to induce a belief that McLeod was particeps criminis. He was at first arrest ed, and upon various testimony being taken, was then discharged. He was afterwards ar rested a second time. Upon the evidence then presented, he was imprisoned to await his tri al. There was no invasion of British territo- an ambition that knows no bounds. And wherever she has a conflict of interest, she has rarely yielded to any power. At this moment she presents to the civilized world the spectacle of the greatest military and commercial power in combination, ever known. From her vast prossessions in every quarter of the globe, and ber peculiar commercial system, she has been made the reservoir of the wealth of nations. Her internal resources, skill, labor, and machinery with her capital, are beyond cal culation. Her natural position, being about midway the coast, of Europe, gives her great control over the outlets and currents of com merce. Her military occupation of Gibraltar, Malta, the Ionian islands, and recently St. Jean d’ Acre, give her ascendancy on the Mediterran ean and the Levant, whiie St. Helena aud the Cape of Good Hope give her possession over the currents of trade along those extensive coasts. Then Bombay, Calcutta, and her im mense possessions in the East Indies, together with her recent movements in the China seas and islands, enable ber to extend her power ry to seize or take him. But upon his being over those vast regions that have slumbered voluntarily within our territory, he was arrest ed as any citizen of the United States, charged with a similar offence, might have been. We know of no law of nations that would exempt a man from arrest and imprisonment for offen ces charged to be committed against the “peace and dignity” of a stale, because he is a subject of Great Britain, or because he committed a crime at the instigation or under the authority of British Provincial officers; much less do we know of any law that would justify the Presi- for ages in solitary and enervated magnificence. She possesses Falkland island but to con trol the commerce that passes around Cape Horn—while Trinidad gives her all she desir es in the Caribbean sea. Halifax at one point and Bermuda at another stand out in great force over our own coast from one extremity to the other. Her positions all over the world are at this moment in a military point of view, equal to a million of men under arms. Her continual dent to deliver him up without trial, at the de- j conflicts in the mighty regions of the East, mand and upon the assertion as to facts, or any i only enable her officers to become skilful and agent of the British Government. to improve in the art of war, while her great If we had been at open war with Great Bri- ! armies and extensive fleets draw their support tain, and McLeod had committed the offences from the immense countries seized and occu- cliarged, then he might have fallen under the rules and regulations of war, and been treated as a prisoner of the United States Govern ment, and would have been subject to the laws of nations in war. But as the alleged criminal acts, in which McLeod is charged to be implica ted, were committed in profouud peace, it is a crime, as far as he may be concerned, solely against the “peace and dignity” of the State of New York, and her criminal jurisdiction is complete and exclusive. If the crimes com mitted be such as to make a man host is humani genus—an outlaw—a pirate, in the legal accep tation of the term, then underthe law of na tions, the United States couits and tribunals would have jurisdiction. But the offence charg ed in this case, committed as it was in time of peace, so far as this individual was concerned, pied. In the presents juncture of affairs, no statesman can overlook these things.—Steam power has recently brought us so near togeth er, that in the event of any future conflict, tear with its effects will be precipitated upon us with much more rapidity than formerly. Avarice and ambition are the.ruling pas sions of modern times, and it is vain to shut our eyes to the state of things around us. It remains to be seen what effect steam power is to have upon changing and modifying the whole art of defence and war. It may be a great engine for again levelling mankind, and reducing every thing to a contest of mere physical force. In that event it might be dif ficult to conjecture what system of national de fence will stand the test of time and experience. We have a deep stake in peace, and fondly was one purely against the lex loci, and coming i hope the repose of the world will not be dis exclusively within the criminal jurisdiction of the tribunals of New York. The Minister, in his letter of the 13th De cember, v 1840, says: “ It is quite notorious that Mr. M’Leod was not one of the party engaged and maUitiirptum.pf the Steamboat Caroline ; has l>eeij imprisoned vests only upon't\Ye''per jured testimony of certain Canadians, outlaws aud abettors”, &c. This may perchance all be so; but it would be asking a great deal to require an American court to yield jurisdic tion, and surrender up a prisoner charged with offences against the Jaw, upon the mere ipse dixit of any man, no matter how high in au thority. Whether McLeod he guilty or not guilty, is the very point upon which an Ameri can jury alone have a right to decide. Juris diction in State tribunals over criminal cases, and trial by a jury of the venue, are essential points in American jurisprudence. And it is a total misapprehension as to the nature of our system, to suppose that there is any right in the Federal Executive to arrest the verdict of the one, or to athwart the jurisdiction of the other. If such a power existed, and were exercis ed, it would effectually overthrow, and upon a vital noint. the senarate sovereiirntv and inde pendence of these States, rner ecrerai exe cutive might be clothed with power to deliver up fugitives from justice for offences commit ted against a foreign State, but even then it might not be obligatory to do so, unless it were made matter of treaty stipulation. This duty and right in an Executive has generally been considered as dormant, until made binding by treaty arrangement. But wlien the matter is reversed, and demand is made, not of fugitives from justice for offences committed against a foreign power, but for the liberation of a man charged with offences against the peace and dignity of one of our own States, then it is, that the demand becomes preposterous in tlic extreme. The fact that the offences were committed under the sanction of provincial authorities does not alter the case, unless it were in a state of war. In such cases as the present, the power to deliver up could not be conferred upon the Federal Executive by treaty stipulation. It could only be conferred iu those cases over which jurisdiction is clearly delegated by the Federal Constitution. Such, for instance, as treason, which is an offence against the con joined sovereignty of the States, as defined in the Constitution. Over all cases except those defined in the constitution, and those coming clearly under the laws of nations, the States have exclusive jurisdiction, and the trial and punishment for offences against them, are in cident to their separate sovereignty. It is not pretended in this case that there is any treaty stipulation under which the demand is made ; and the Federal Executive, under our system, has no power but what is conferred by the Con stitution, or by special law of Congress. In the former it is declared that “the Executive power is vested in a President of the United States'” and that power is then to be pointed out and defined by special laws passed from time to time, imposing such duties as are thought proper and expedient by Congress. Your committee deem it dangerous for the Executive to exercise any power over a subject matter not conferred by treaty or by law; and to exercise it in my case in conflict with state jurisdiction, would be worse than dangerous; it would be usurpation. But your committee forbear to press these points further at presents, and they would uot have said as much on such clear questions of international law, but that in this case, the demand for liberation lias been made by the accredited agent of a great power, and under circumstances of peculiar aggravation and ex citement. We have other points of difference with Great Britain, which add interest to every question that arises between us at present.— Neither our northeastern or northwestern boundaries are yet settled with her, and the subject is not entirely free from difficulty.— She has recently seized our vessels and exer cised a power inrolrtng the right of search under the pretext of suppressing the foreign slave trade, which, if persevered in, will sweep our commerce from the coast of Africa, and which is incompatible with our rights as a maritime power. She has recently, in her intercourse with us. refused indemnity and denied our rights of property, on a subject matter vital to near one half the states of this confederacy, and which, considering her mili tary position at Bermuda and her growing power in the West Indies, is of the last im portance to our national independence. All these subjects make every question be tween us, at this peculiar, juncture, of the deepest interest. Besides this, we are both permanently des tined to have, perhaps, the most extensive commerce of modem nations. Our flags float side by side, over every sea, and bay, and inlet of the known globe. She moves steadily upon her objects with turbed. We have certainly not the least de sire for any rupture. Firmness and a wise preparation, will long preserve us from such a catastrophe. But while no temptation should ever prompt us to do injustice on the one hand, so no consideration, on the other hand, d ever induce us to submit to permanent w tong iiom power on earui, bo mou^. what the consequences may be. \ our committee would conclude by expres sing a firm belie! that all our points of dif ficulty may be honorably and amicably adjust ed, and that harmony may long be preserved by both governments pursuing a liberal and generous policy, congenial to the interests and feelings of both people, and compatible with the spirit and genius of an enlightened age. Remarhs of JIr. COOPER of Georgia, on tlie motion to strike out the appropriation for the Branch Mint at DaJdoncga, Lumpkin county, Ga. the general appropriation bill being under consideration. Mr. Cooper of Georg.a, said that he would add a few remarks to those made by his colleague from Habersham county. I find, Mr. Chairman, (said Mr. C.) the establishment of these branch mints to have been a part of your policy for several years. The motion to strike out involves a change. To justify this change, it should be shown or creating' foienT have failed to operate. What were those reasons ? The gentleman from Vermont has intimated to yon, as he did last session, that one reason was to protect the laboring classes in the gold region. This I do not agree to ; for, with equal propriety, the same might be assigned as a reason for establishing the principal Mint at Philadelphia, which was established before the discovery of gold in .North Carolina and Georgia. Again: foreign gold is not taxed by this law to en hance the value of our gold, but competes fairly at the Mint with the domestic. Therefore, the idea ol protec tion is misapplied here. The presumption is that the ob jects of tlie law were to diffuse a metallic currency a- mongst the mass of the people, and to give to those States which produced the gold the full benefits of that product, free of the taxation incident to an exportation to a foreign market. This, sir, is carrying out the princi ples of free trade on terms of equality. But establish your Mint exclusively at Philadelphia, and what is the effect f The entire product of gold ill Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama, aud Tennessee, wiH be shipped to Philadelphia, just as cotton, rice, or tobac- -ftotwithatatiding they daily handled tbs precious metals. I they were compelled to give itiorp^ter, asif paper was 1 really the thing of value. Since the operation of the mi— r die fold is need as com, being convertible without cost And -even last summer, in the midst of suspension, that part of Georgia was supplied with specie change. But tins reform will be from bed to worse in practice, too—since, to rid yourself of these branch mints and their officers, all of whom you have presumed would be corrupted, you will throw your funds on deposite in some vast reservoir—a bank vault for instance, (1 be lieve the mover of this is for repealing the Sub-Treasu ry, for creating a United States Bank, and for restoring the deposites,) where, by the facility of expansions, one million may become three, for the benefit of our great city and its favorite bank—which, with its officers and dependants, yon nerer suspect of corruption. This, sir, will be the practical reformation. I would have Georgians and Georgia Rencqsentatives to look to it. This product of Georgia will be one item in the bas is of issue, and the cotton, rice, and tobacco, another.— In deficiency of these, the State stocks will be invoked to aid them. If, sir, tliis argument of “ economy” is to prevail, let it be examined, and it proves too much or too little. It proves too much, because you can coin all your gold and silver cheaper far at Charlotte and Dahlonega, or either, than at Philadelphia. Therefore, tlie principal Mint should be abolished. Sell your property at Philadel phia, give iis the use of the proceeds, and we will do all -your coinage free of expense. Again : Coitiage is a dead expense any way yon may manage, aud does not pay for itself. By the same argu ment, vou would coin nowhere; since, on a score of dol lars and cents, von would find it cheaper to let other na tions or individuals coin. Again: If you abolish these offices because they are an rrpcr.se, what will become of the thousand and one offices, judicial, civil, financial, and military, which bring you in no money annually 1 Sir, this argumeut will not do. I now proceed to show that, so far as the policy you set out with is just and true, instead of being disappointed, you may expect all vour reasonable hopes to lie realized. First, then, my colleague who sits on my right [Mr. Holt] now suggests to me that, by intelligence received last night, it appears “ that by very recent discoveries there are developments making iu the gold region of Georgia never before anticipated.” This, in part, I wit nessed last summer. And here I read from the docu ment of the House, giving a report of the operations of the mint, to show this committee what it seems nnap- prized of, to wit: For the three years during which the branch mints have been operating, the two at Dahlonega and Charlotte have coined nearly two-thirds of all the United States gold coined in the Union during that time— the entire amount of American gold coined being from $430,000 to $450,000, of which those two branches have coined about $330,000. And of the $170,000 American gold coined at Philadelphia last year, ninety odd thousand was the product of Georgia. Now, sir, but for the high exchanges produced by hank suspensions, and the operation of an order at the Mint forbidding less sums than $100 to he coined at the branches, $80,000 of that $90,000 would have been coined at Dahlonega. Add this to what it did coin, say $126,000, and you would have had over $200,000 coin ed at that branch. As to tlie product of gold and its prospects. In 1837, the year before these branches were iu operation, the total of United States gold was $283,000. Since that time the animal average has been near half a million.— And at Dalilouega in particular, it is decidedly increas- ing. Now, sir, I beg to estimate an increase for the next year, fonnded on the presumption that the banks will not again suspend, for if they do, bullion will be shipped as exchanges rise, instead of being coined at home. Here is the estimate: $135,000 present product. This will be increased 35 per cent by increase of labor, new deve lopments, and increased fiiciliies. In round sum, $31,000. One half of what welt to Philadelphia to be coined will he eoiued at home, say $45,000, making the total coinage at Dahlonega $\a)l,OUO in the year next en suing. This is liable to he diminishel by the general order from tlie principal Mint, and the limitation of the current deposite at Dahlonega to he used to forward the opera tions there. A’ow, str, tu itic f.tilure of any of the reasons of your policy, or with no disappointed hopes, it remains to see who will abrogate tlie measure. The party which adopt ed it caunot; and those who have declined to support it heretofore, I presume, will not now do it. 11 it should be done, I for one will look after the gold produced in Georgia, till it finds its stopping place in the vaults of a United States Bank ; and I will then reckon up the cost of putting and keeping it there, and call on souie one to tell me who pays the cost and who divides the profit'. About the same time too, if in life, I will watch the course our cotton will take, and inquire into the results which thereby will fall ou the planters as well as tlie rea sons that will have governed its course in trade. [After a few remarks from two orthree other gentlemen the House agreed to the appropriation, for continuing the Branch Mint at Dahlonega] UNION OF BANK AND STATE, ASA MATTER .OF ECONOMY. The Evening Post condenses, from a lute report of the Secretary of tlie Treasury, the results of his calcula tions in regard to the losses by banks, which ought to set the people to thinking. VVe see individuals by the thou sand used up by the facilities of Bank financiering.— That the Government lias lost more by these facilities tary’s report. 'Neither tlie uata 'iirfffnf'afififtahoift'Tjr this report can, we believe, be successfully' controvert ed.—Globe. v\ Mr. Woodbury's Report—Cost of Banking.—That bank notes are a grcaFconvenience, is an argument urg ed by the friends of the banks; that a paper currency costs more than it is worth, is an argument urged by their adversaries. It is worth while to reduce this argu ment to something like clearness and certainty, to ascer tain how much our banks cost us, what we lose by em ploying them, and what we pay them for the accommo dations they render. We have before us a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, sent to the Senate of the United States on the J2th of February, in answer to some enquiries of that body. It aims to ascertaiu, as far as can he done, how much the people have lost, and what the people and go vernment together have paid to tlie banks for the use of their agency and their notes annually for the last ten yearn. Mr. Woodbury justly remarks that these enqui ries involve considerations which cannot be presented iu the tabular form required by the Senate, auckwliich re- Ou> Tip’s Nominee.—We begin to think that the King of the Coons would have done mope to seenre the succession to his nominee, had he taken Mr. Clay into the cabinet, and left Mr. Webster to lead in the Senate. Mr. Clay, with all his talent and eloquence and cunning, is not a wise man. His skill in get ting out of scrapes, a much duller fellow could not fail to have acquired, who should be so incessantly getting into them; and amused, as people often are, at the adroitness, of his es capades, they are apt to fancy that a man so good at apology and excuses is good for little else. In the Cabinet he would have been less in the way of temptation to exhibit his unrestrained bitterness under discomfiture, his coarse and vulgar arrogance and ungenerous exultation in success, and his bullying swagger at all times. His language in the Senate on appointments to office, and against all naturalized citizens, will contribute little to strengthen Harrison, or exalt with intelligent freemen the estimation of his own head and heart. On the first sub ject he has betrayed very broadly the spoils principle on which he and his clique have faught for Harrison ; and his denunciations and his threatenings remind one of a terma gant upstart housekeeper, getting into a new house and brandishing the broomstick at all the old servants, to prove her authority. Charleston Mercury. TOO GOOD TO BE LOST. We last week noticed the presentation of a petition by Mr. Worthington, a Federal mem ber of the House, signed by 70 colored per sons of Chillicothe, praying the repeal of all laws making distinction on account or color, which was received and referred to the Judi ciary committee. A few days subsequent, Mr. Jenkins presented a petition from sundry citi zens of Chillicothe, (mostly Whigs, we under stand,) “asking that the House of Represen tatives grant leave of absence to Gen. James T. Worthington, to attend the funeral of a NIGGER who was recently shot in Chillico the, and whose funeral would take place on Wednesday, the 20th inst.” On motion of Elutheros Cook, (who voted for the reeption of the negro petitions above alluded to,) the petition was rejected, although signed by some of the most, respectable citizens of Cliil- icothe. No petitioners but negroes can here after expect to receive favor at the hands of our Federal-Whig-Abolition-coon-skin Legis lature. The end of the petitioners, however, was fully gained, and we doubt not the Aboli tionist Wortliington felt keenly the rebuke. Norwalk (Ohio) Experiment. co is to New York or Europe, before it will become a- i" quire long and careful research. The present report vuilable as money. This involves tlie cost of discounts, > however, gives such information as is at present in the commissions, insurance, and freight; so that a man in- ;i " ' ' Georgia, after possessing himself of the specific metnV I will not be permitted to count it out as monr*. until he shall submit to all these items of cost. This, too, will be- by the operation of your laws And to what end ?— Why, sir, that your Government agents at Philadelphia may tiave the benefit of the deposite and coinage of his J money—a benefit which heretofore has been worth to y hank agencies hundreds of thousands. your 1 possession of the Secretary, and such as is capable of being digested in the form of tables. The loss sustained by the Federal Government by the depreciation nfbwk „«»«. the year 1837, was five millions and a half; the loss by employing banks u de positories, was nine hundred thousand dollars ; tlie loss m the same period on hank notes taken and not redeem ed, was eighty thousand. Since 1837, tlie Government has lost one hundred thousand dollars by using the hanks stowed. Y r ou will prreieve, therefore, that the reference of tffis motiou to a United States Bonk policy, by the gentleman; from North Carolina, [Mr. Bynum,] is exceedingly ap propriate. Ail the active operations of that institution were, and will he, ou Government funds aud private 4k- posites. The former are of specie, (Georgia and North: Carolina gold, for instance,) or hank notes cnmmandiug: specie. The amount involved in tlie operations of the: branch mints is worth contending for, being from half to a million of dollars annually in United States gold, be sides foreign coin. This will form an important item in the specie exhibit of your Bank. Another basis of the active operations of such a Bank has been, and will he, cotton, rice, and tobacco. By these it lias controlled, and will control, the foreign ex changes. By the gold products and other deposites of yonr Government, it will control yoHr domestic exchan ges, and realize thereon wiuit profits it may deem pru dent. So far, then, as profits arc to he derived from the na tural products, whether of cotton, rice, tobacco or gold, as a medium of exchanges, foreign or domestic, it is, by tlie policy of this law, held lo he just and fair that those prohts should fall into the hands of the laborers, mer chants, or monicalinstitiitions of that people whose soil and climate, work and labor, care and diligence, produce those commodities. This is the principle of tlie existing law, and yet gentlemen say this is protection. Yes, sir, it is protection—protection to free trade and equal rights ; that is all; aud for that only your Government was form ed. Another item of expense, sir, I would here mention, by no means tlie least, which would be visited on those hardy yeomanry who dig gold, if you dispense with yonr branch mints. It is the exchange of pure gold for hank bills which wear out, or hum up, or prove worthless by bank suspensions or hunk breakages. A great safeguard and facility to the inhabitants where gold is produced, a- ri.-iug from its coinage in their vicinity, is an easy, cheap, and certain and soft currency for domestic use. And now, as the location of your coinage brings ad vantages and facilities to those amongst whom it takes place, in realising it in money free of cost, in the facilities of currency, &c. it becomes a question not of protection but of altcrnalire right and choice, in whose fiivor you will decide—the people who dig the "old, or the bankers, brokers, and merchants of Philadelphia. By establish ing your branch mints, yon have determined, according to equity and justice, to distribute a portion of these ben efits to the gold diggers ; and now the proposition is to reastime the little you have yielded, and that before you have fairly tested yonr policy of giving up. And why? It is answered : 1st For economy. 3d. For reform in Executive patronage, to diminish the chances of corrup tion. I, sir, am for reform, whenever it can be effected. But what will be the nature of the reform in this case T As I have shown, it will be from had to worse, both in principle and in practice. In principle, because it will require the producer of gold, at the price of taxation, to convert it into paper money which will be less sound and safe because of this very act of taking his gold to depos ite in a bank in Philadelphia, instead of permiting it to circulate in his own neighborhood. Experience proves this, sir ; for, prior to establishing your branch mints, the people in that part of my State were confined to paper currency almost entirely ; and, The cost of a branch mint, therefore, of $6,000 a year, : j as depositories, and forty thousand by bank notes taken is a tax for protection, (you say,) though the man whrn'{ and not redeemed—making in all an amount of six mil- buys pays no more for the coin; and yet the tax whiclt.r lions two hundred and twenty thousand, which, with in- would be paid by the producer of the gold, for the Item.- terest, computed at $8,882,000, makes an aggregate of fit of your Philadelphia agencies, by which he rcceir m :i $15,492,000. To these losses might be added those sus- less, is no protection to your great city and its United!: tallied by the Government from loans made to tlie Gov- States Bank. This, sir, is a fair specimen of Bank log*, . i : emment in depreciated paper and redeemed by funds aud is based on tlie universal assumption that whatever j; equivalent to specie. The committee of Ways and is given, or loaned, or paid to the Bauk, is rightfully 8b-!. Means of the House of Representatives made a report in 1830, in which they estimated tlie loss which the Gov ernment had sustained by depreciated bank notes previ ous to 1817, at $311,000,000. They probably included the losses incurred by these loans which Mr. Woodbury merely alludes to in a note. The losses sustained by the people are made the sub ject of tables and statements, of which the following is a summary : ]. Losses by Bank failures $108,885,721 2. Losses by suspension of specie pay ments by Banks, and consequent depre ciation on their notes 95,000,000 3. Losses by destruction of Bonk notes by accidents 7,121,332 4. Losses by counterfeit bank notes, be yond losses by coin 4,444,444 5. Losses by fluctuations in Bank currency affecting prices, extravagance in living, sacrifices of property, and by only a part of the other incidents to the banking sys tem, not computed above, at least 150,000,000 Aggregate, computed $365,451,497 This is an enormous aggregate, bnt this, us the report observes, is not all. The losses by fictitious banks and their notes—operations of mere swindling, are very con siderable, and they are justly chargeable to our system of paper currency. Besides, there are frauds, robberies, aud defalcations connected with the banks, which might be properly set down under this head—but these are not easy to compute. The amount paid by the conntry to the banks during tlie last ten years, for the use of their agency', and their notes, after deducting six per cent, interest for the use of bank capital and the reasonable expenses of managing the banks, is computed at $94,000,1100 Being auntial sum of. 9.400,000 Of tlie aggregate losses sustained by the community since 1789, Mr. Woodbury computes that there must have happened within the last ten years, an amount of $200,000,000 Which is at the annua] rate of 20,000,000 This report deserves to take a high rank among the very useful statistical papers which have been prepared by the Treasury Department since Mr. Woodbury was at its head, and is worthy to be studied by aH who would understand the currency question.—N. Y. Ev. Post. wTfo governs ? On the 22<! instill when General Harrison was run ning about in Virginia, and, according to the Richmond YVhig, making no secret of his determination to call an extra session as early as May, Bennet writes from Wash ington, what we understand is really determined on by those who are the actual managers of affairs:—“ TAe ex tra session has been postponed till October, so that the extra and the regular session will run into one." The first caucus had determined that the extra should begin in May, and General Harrison was sent off under that impression. In his absence, it is determined other wise ; and he is left to gabble on about doing, wbat it is determined he shall not do.—Globe. The Lard Lamp.—The secret of the Lamp recently invented in Michigan to bum lard, consists, it is said, in using a copper tube to conduct the wick. The copper conducts heat enough to keep tire lard always in a liquid Elate. CORRECTLY ANSWERED. A sound democratic paper published at Concord, N.H., asks a very important question, and gives the true answers, as follows: HOW HAVE THEY DONE IT? We copy the following from Hill’s New Hampshire Patriot: The wliigs have met the democracy of the country; and for the first time for many years, they have conquered. But how have they done it? Has it been by fair discussion? Has it been by a candid exposition of their princi ples? Or have they labored through the whole to keep their real designs out of sight, to drown out every attempt at rational inquiry by noise and and excitement, and every where to mislead and corrupt the people? To the hanker they have promised greater profits and more perfect impunity, in flooding the country with paper promises, to he paid only when he finds it convenient to pay them. To the poor man they have promised higher prices for labor, and a sounder currency. To the South they have promised the “pro tection of Southern rights,” including the right of holding slaves at its own sovereign pleasure. To the North they have held out the hypo critical idea, that the election of Gen. Harri son would result in the abolition of slavery. to be op - To the North, on the other hand, they have pretended to be in favor of a bight tariff, like that of 1828. In all quarters they stand pledged to a vast reduction of the expenditures. Many of their leading men have expressed the opinion, that, in the event of Harrison’s election, the whole expenses of the Government would not ex ceed $10,000,000 per annum. On tlie other hand, they have lavished their promises of improvement in harbofs, of canals and rail roads, and national roads to every sec tion of the country. If they keep their pro mises, every river must he intersected with national thoroughfares, and rail road cars will clatter at a thousand points at once, at the ex pense of the General Government. It is by such insane and confflciting preten sions as these that the wliigs have won thou sands of these unreflecting but honest men to support their cause. We may pass over the false charges—tlie “standing army,” “gold spoons,” “British coach,” and “Cuba blood hound” humbugs, which they have used against the present administration. We may forget the infamous fraud proven upon them, by which they have added thousands to their nominal popular vote. In this one fact alone, that the whigs have made hundreds of promis es to the people which they cannot fulfil, and did not expect to fulfil when they made them, reposes their certain ruin. Move which way they will, they must tread on their own bro ken promises, and convert into decided ene mies thousands of those who have been their most active friends. Wc regret, deeply re gret, the result of the late election; and yet we fear not the ultimate result. Federalism ha3 gathered around it, in a moment of ex citement, thousands of pure hearted men, who have no attachment for its real principles, no friendship for its real leaders. Federalism has started like a frozen mass of ice and snow, from the hills of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and whirled along from State to State, every where gaining strength from the storm which set it in motion, till the avalanche has at lenth covered the valley of the Missis sippi, and scattered itself over the sunny plains of the South. The suns of two summers will dissolve it into the original nothingness whence it sprung. Q^*The following excellent hit at the magniticent promises of Tip and Ty, is from the Poughkeepsie Telegraph: “A PLEDGE OF BETTER TIMES. This is a part of the swaggering announcement in the Evening Journal, that the federalists had car ried the State. We take them at their word —and, democratic reader, although they have beaten us, we will come in for a full share of their “better times.” We will all go along lovingly together enjoying them. The old cominou fashion of getting through the world by persevering industry and commendable economy, will be out of date. We begin on a new era with the election of Tip and Ty. Now the mau who sets down at home and smokes his cigar for the whole day, will make ten dollars by the operation. The farmer who has wheat to sell will get two dollars a bushel for it, while to the consumer, flour will be a drug at four dollars a barrel. The em ployer can hire his mfen at 50 cents a day, while they will get two dollars for every ten hours. We expect to have 50,000 subscrib ers, to every one of whom the Telegraph will come gratis, and who will be happy for a week in enjoying its contents, while we shall get five dollars per annum for every one of them cash in advance! The ladies too—kind, dear souls—especial ly those who have been foremost in getting up Tippecanoe pic nics, and working Harrison banners—to them, washing day will come but once a year, and then all wreathed in smiles: if they cast their eyes upon labor saving soap, their clothes will be clean and their ironing d one for a twelvemonth to come! Their cbil- dren which have squalled and cried for the pa st, will do so no more, but will now—follow ing the example of the grown up children for some months past—they will make Tippecanoe melody from morn till night! That young man with his silk dress, his satin beaver hat, his gold safety chain, his ci gar in his hand—that young roan is a most useful citizen, and will make a thousand dol lars a day, providing he can speculate right in village lots! That young lady too, at the piano, who has been brought up in happy ignorance of the duties of domestic life—who cannot boil a pudding, darn a stocking, or sweep out a room, will make a valuable wife for an industrious, prudent young man! These he some of the fruits of Harrison and ‘better times?’ There are many others, ‘too numerous to mention,’ which must follow the late extraordinary contest! You and 1 good reader, must come in for a share of them, and he number one!” THE FREE BANKING LAW. It would seem by the following article from the Georgia Jeffersonian, that we are to have another Bank under the Free Banking Law, and perhaps two. We publish on the first page of to-day’s pa per, the act establishing the Free Banking sys tem in this State. The interest which the people begin to feel in this system of hanking, and the much greater security it holds out to the hill-holder over the old one, induces us to furnish them with whatever information we possess on the subject. We observe that two new hanks upon this system are projected, and may he expected shortly to go into operation ; one at Greenville, in Meriwether county, and the other at Cuth- bert, in Randolph county. Of the latter we can only say, that the pre liminary measures for calling a meeting have just been taken, and the institution is yet in its incipient state. That at Greenville is further advanced.— Tlie Bank has been fully determined upon, and fifteen hundred shares of the Stock taken. It will go into operation about the first of May. OFFICERS. Henry Harris, President. Wiley P. Burke, Cashier. Thomas Leslie, Book-Keeper. DIRECTORS. Henry Hams, James A. Perdue, Thos. E. Hardway, Francis Jeter, Robert Hamilton, B. H. Gates, Wiley P. Burks, Thomas Leslie, . Nathan Truit. We know not where we could point to a better investment of unincumbered property, at this time, than to those institutions. In fact, it is a mere pledge of property, (of which yoil still continue in possession, and have the en tire use,) for the faithful administration ol the affairs of the hank, and the ultimate redem ption of its bills. For this pledge you are en titled to rateable dividends of the profits of the hank, at the same time that you are in full possession of your property, to make what ever you can out of it in any other way. We understand that the books at Greenville are still open, and we have no hesitancy in recommending to our friends an investment of their property in this way. DEATH OF JUDGE BARBOUR. [From the National Intel!igcticcr of Feb. 26.] The whole city was shocked yesterday morn ing, by the information of the sudden demise of the Hon. Philip P. Barbour. of Virginia, one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court. He was in usual health, and even more than usually cheerful at the time of re- tireing to bed at 10 o’clock on Wednesday night, and the next morning was found in his V»0<1 Q liToloon nAr»wo I Judge Barbour entered Congress, in the House of Representatives, in the year 1S14, and soon signalized hiinself by considerable ability in debate. He remained in Congress for a number of years, during a part of which time he filled the honorable office of Speaker of the House. Since retiring from Congress, his life has been devoted, with assiduity, to the judicial duties which he had been called to perform. Common Curriers.—The Louisville (Ky.) Adveriiser says: The Court in Bank, (the Court of last resort in Ohio,) have decided that proprietors of stage coaches are common carriers—that, as such, they are responsible for the safe conveyance of passengers and bag gage—that their giving notice to the contrary cannot release them from liability—that a watch is a customary article of baggage, and the trunk of a traveller the proper place for its deposite—that the stage proprietor will be charged if it be lost. We very often obser ve in the advertisement of stage proprietors, “a/l baggage at the risk of the owner!" There have been numerous decisions of late upon this point, in different States of the Union, all of which coincide that such notice avails noth ing. Stage proprietors (steamboasts, &c., the same) are common carriers in fact and in con templation of law, and cannot avail them selves of the advantages of that character without incurring the responsibilities which attach to it. This has become a settled prin ciple of law. There have been adopted many ingenious modes of evading it, but they have met with little favor from the courts. Strong safeguards are deemed necessary to protect the millions of lives and property which are dependant constantly upon the vigilance and honesty of common carriers. quantity; and if I had what is a little plateful! I should never think of keeping an account of such a trifling affair; I declare, I have a great mind never to borrow any thing of that mean creature again as long as I live.” “ WARS AND RUMORS OF WAR." The opinion seems to be prevalent in gome nans nf our country, that a war with England ia not imprSbab ” For ourself, we have had no Mich fear. Wesay fear but we’do nag wish it to be understood that we hate an v fear of a just war-e war which the United States miaht be forced to enter into to sustain her national honor or to defend her soil against foreign aggression. Some of the effects of war are horrible, indeed, to contemplate: but national honor, and freedom and independence, some- times make it necessary, nay, indispensable, that the plough should be turned into the sword—the pruning lioOri into the spear—and the roar of the cannon and the groans of the dying be heard in the land. We preferan honorable war to a dishonorable peace. War with Eng land ! It would be as destructive to ber interests as ours. And for what shall we fight I There is a dispute about the Maine boundary ; onr government aud Maine are unquestionably in the right, yet the British have taken possession of onr territory. There is trouble on the Northern frontier; the burning of the steamboat Carolina is admitted to have been done by the order of tlie British authorities—and great excite ment prevails at the present time, in the Northern part of the State of Ncw-Vork, on the subject of McLeod’s confinement, or rather release. He is, however, still confined in prison on the charge of being engaged in that affair, and on an indictment, recently found, it is said, for the ninrcer of an American citizen. The tone of the Canadiau papers is war-like, and tlie conduct of the British Minister at Washington is said to be scarcely less than insulting to the American people. These are some of the exciting causes that may lead to, orseern to indicate that this country may be involved in a war with Great Britain. To those should be added, the tone of the British papers in relation to the State Stocks that are held in tngland. By some of them it is boldly asserted that the federal government should be forced to pay the British holders of these securities.— The threats which have been thrown out from that quar ter, have not been few nor small. The British govern ment at home have adopted the most active and energet ic defensive aud offensive measures; the establishment of steam navigation betw een this country and England, is among tlie most suspicious ; and although now pacific, may be made an important engine of destruction in case of war. The Canadas are being put in a state of de fence ; troops to a large number have been or are living raised, and preparations for war seem to be going ou, not only in the neighborhood of our frontier, but even on American ground. The question, then, very naturally arises : Shall we have war? We do not believe iL And yet it cannot, onght not be disguised, that war may come. Are we prepared ? Is onr coast and onr frontier in a proper state of defence ? Would it not have been better for the country to have expended the millions, which were di vided among the States, in increasing our navv, and in fortifying our seaboard and frontier ? But it is too late for this. Shall nothing, then, be done ? Far be it from the heart of any American, to harbor such an opinion. We do not seek war ; but let us be prepared for the worst. Thrice is he armed, who hath his quarrel just.— But a just war cannot be prosecuted without means— cannot be made successful without proper precaution, aud careful and adequate preparation. That England is desirons of a war with the United States, wc cannot believe. She has something to lose, n9 well as we. Aud onr government thus far is decided ly right in relation to the Maine Boundary and the Caro line affair. We, therefore, ought not to yield one jot of onr territory, or compromise one tittle of our rights, come what may. This, we believe, is the general feeling which prevails among the great majority of tlie people of the United States, of both parties. Yvith this feeling, then, and the speedy adoption of vigorous measures of defence, all will be well—well iu peace, well in war.— The British Lion may pounce upon the American Eagle, but he will soar aloft, defying its attacks, and not only sustaining the freedom and independence of the States, but carrying the spirit of liberty into the Canadas, and even into the heart of the British empire. May that day never again come, when tlie Lion and the Eagle shall be arrayed in bitter hostility, and the thun ders of war be heard in our peaceful laud. Let no Amer ican instigate or enter into it, but for the support of our national honor and the defence of the rights nf the peo ple. But we repeat—LET US BE PREPARED FOR THE WORST.—Bay State Democrat. The Natioual Intelligencer’s New York Correspon dent says: “ Stocks still go down, down. United States Bank IS]. Every other stock fell too.” Now this wns the fellow who prognosticated that eve - ry thing would go up. up, up, as Harrison went up.— We have here “the beginning af the end.” The Baltimore Patriot boasts that Connecticut has done a great deal for the new Cabinet. It quotes this as showing how much Connecticut has “ done for the hon or and prosperity if the country.”—Globe. “Francis Granger, who is to be Post Master General, is the son of Gideon Granger, a native of Sheffield, in this State. Mr. Badger who is to be Secretary of the Navv, is a son of a native of Windbam, in this State. Elislia Whittlesey is said to have been born in Washing ton, (or New Milford,) in this Stale. Not a bad repre sentation of the land of good habits.’’’ These worthies are all of the Hartford Convention rwaiirp. Wv wax: uuq iticicA/i L, . J tliutous.il pall I- ots as the ultra British Whig of Baltimore should rejoice to see them at the head of public affairs.—lb. BORROWING. “My dear,” said Mrs. Green to her husband one morning, “the meal which we borrowed from Mr. Black a few day ago is almost out, and we must bake to-morrow.” “Well,” said her husband, “send and bor row a half a bushel at Mr. White’s lie sent to tlie mill yesterday.” “And when it comes shall we return the peck, we borrowed more than a month ago, from the widow Grey?” “No,” said the husband gruffly, she can send for it when she wants it. John, do you tro down to Mr. Browns’s and ask him to lend me his axe, to chop some wood this forenoon; our’s is dull, and I saw him grind his last night. And James do go to Mr. Clark, and ask him to lend me a hammer; and do you hear? you may as well borrow a few nails, while you are about it.” A little boy enters and says, “father sent me to ask if you had done with his hoe, which you borrowed a week ago last Wednesday; he wants to use it.” “Wants his hoe child? What can he want with it! I have not done with it yet—but if he wants it I suppose he must have it. Tell him to send it back though, as soon as he can spare it.” They sat down to breakfast, “Oh mercy!” exclaims Mrs. Green, “there is not a particle of butter in the house. James, run over to Mrs. Notable’s; she always has excellent but ter in her dairy, aud ask her to lend me a plateful.” After a few minutes James returns; “Mrs. Notable says she has sent you the butter, but begs you to remember tbat she has already lent you nine-teen platefuls, which are scored on the dairy door.” “Nineteen platefuls” exclaimed the aston ished Mrs. Green, holding op both hands, “it is no such thing—I never had half the FEDERAI. enactment.—The Legislature of Delawrre. all the members of which are of the Federal party, have voluntarily suspended that provision of the bank char ters of that State which made them liable to twelve per cent, interest on refusal to pay their notes in specie.— This is one of the fruits of Federalism, and a forerun ner of “ Harrison better times.” Harrison Currency.—The hanks of Philadelphia are about issuing certificates of $5, $10, and $20, as a temporary substitute for bank notes. Why not manu facture some millions of adulterated gold and silver coin, and resume at once? Is it any more illegal to make worthless specie than worthless notes, net payable on demand! Harrison leaves.—The Baltimore and Ohio Rail Road Company have commenced issuing small notes under the denomination of one dollar. A Natio.vel Bank.—The National Intelligencer pub lishes a communication recommending that a National Bank be established, with the power ef legally suspending specie payments, incorporated in its charter ! Extensive swism.iNC business.—Sylvester’s Report er publishes a list of 152 banks which have failed, and swindled the cotnmnuity out of at least $38,000,000. And still another.—A. M Carter, discount clerk of tlie Farmers and Mechanics’ Bank at Baltimore, is re ported to have fraudulently walked into the cash of tlie bank to the tune of seven thousand dollars. Murder—John W. Gailhouse, of Doyles- town, Wooster county, Ohio, while attempt ing to eject his tenant, Clark, by force, received a blow across the temple from an iron poker, which rendered him speechless and caused his death the next morning. The law of Netcspapers.—We learn from the Boston Courier that Judge Williams, in a late case before the Common Pleas, laid down the law in relation to a question interes ting to Editors of newspapers, as follows: 1. Where a subscriber to a newspaper or ders it to he discontinued, and it continues to be left at his residence, the presumption is, in the absense of any evidence to the contrary, that it is left by the subscriber’s orders and upon a promise to pay for it. 2. If a newspaper is left from day to day for a person at bis place of business with his expressed consent: and if he has reason to believe that it is so left under the expectation that be is to pay for it; in that case he will be bound to pay for it unless he gives notice to discontinue it. An important Invention.—The London pa pers have frequent allusions to an extraordi nary projectile which has been recently inven ted, and whose explosion is followed by a most disastrous effects. It is said to be a ball in the shape of an egg which explodes twice; the second explosion being more distinctive than the first. The inventor, who oflered it to the English Government for <£100,0(10, has since been oflered <£400,000 by a foreign power. Tlie tickets for the inauguration Ball of Gen. Harrison, are said to ho ten dollars each. This is to ensure the attendance of “whig log-cabin folks only. Qualified abuse..—‘I wish to know, sir, if you called me an ass?’ ‘Yes, sir, but I qualified it.’ ‘Aha, sir, you qualified it, did you?—The better for you, sir. And pray how did you qualify it?’ ‘I said you were an ass, sir—ail but the ears!’ A gentleman the other evening, ended an oration in favor of the fair sex with these words: ‘Ah, sir, nothing beats a good wife!’ ‘I beg your pardon,’ rejoined one of the com pany, ‘a bad husband does.’