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CONGRESSIONAL.
BRITISH TREATY.
tsKCRET SESSION.]
REMARKS OF
JOHN C. CALHOUN,
OF SOOTH CAROLINE.
In Senate, August, 1842—On the Treaty of Washington.
Mr. CALHOUN said that his object in rising was not
I to advocate or oppose the treaty, but simpiy to state the
1 reasons that would govern him in voting for its ratifica
tion. The question, according to his conception, was not
whether it was all we could desire, or whether it was lia
ble to this or that objection; but whether it was such a
one that, under all the circumstances of the case, it
would be most advisable to adopt or reject. Thus re
garded. it was his intention to state fairly the reasons in
favor of and against its ratification; and to assign to each
its proper weight, beginning with the portion relating to
the Northeastern boundary, the settlement of which was
the immediate and prominent object of the negotia
tion.
He was one of those who had not the slightest doubt
that the boundary for which the State of Maine contend
ed was the true one, as established by the treaty of peace
in 1783; and had accordingly so recorded his vote, after
• deliberate investigation of the subject. But, although
such was his opinion, he did not doubt at the time that
the boundary could only be settled by a compromise
line. We had admitted it to be doubtful at an early pe
riod during the Administration of Washington; and
more recently and explicitly, by stipulating to submit it
to the arbitration of a friendiv power, by the treaty of
Ghent. The doubt, thus admitted on our part to exist,
had been greatly strengthened by the award of the King
of Holland, v. ho had been mutually selected as the arbi
ter under the treaty. So strong, indeed, was his (Mr.
C's) impression that the dispute could only be settled by
a compromise or conventional line, that he said to a
friend in the then Cabinet, (when an appropriation was
made a few years since for a special mission to be sent
to England on the sabject of the boundary, and his
name, among others, was mentioned for the place,) that
the question could only be settled by compromise; and
for that purpose, some distinguished citizen of the sec
tion ought to be selected, and neither he, nor any South
ern man. ought to be thought of. With these previous
impressions, he was prepared, when the negotiation
opened, to expect, ifit succeeded in adjusting the difli-
.'•* would he (as it has been) on a compromise line.
Notwithstanding, when it was tirst announced that the
line agreed on included a considerable portion of the
territory lying to the west of the line awarded by the
King of Holland, he was incredulous, and expressed
himself strongly against it. His first impression was,
perhaps, the more strongly against it, from the fact that
lie had fixed on the river St. John, from the mouth of
Eel river, taking the St. Francis branch (the one select
ed by the King of Holland) as the natural and proper
compromise boundary, including in our limits all the
portion of the disputed territory lying north ofthe Eel
river, and west and south of the St. John, above its
junction: and all the other within that of Great Britain.
On a little reflection, however, he resolved not to form
his opinion ofthe merits or demerits of the treaty on ru
mor or imperfect information; but to wait until the whole
subject was brought before the Senate officially, and
then to make it up on full knowledge of all the facts and
circumstances after deliberate and mature reflection; and
that he had done with the utmost care and impartiality.
What lie now proposed was, to give the result, with the
reasons on which it rests, and which would govern his
vote on the ratification.
II e still believed that the boundary which he had fixed
in his own mind, was the natural and proper one; but, as
that could not lie obtained, the question for them to de
cide was. Are the objections to the boundary as actually
agreed on, and the stipulations connected with it, such as
ought to cause its rejection! In deciding it, it must be
borne in mind that, as far as this portion of the bounda
ry is concerned, it is a question belonging much more to
the State of Maine than to the Union. It is, in tru'h,
but the boundary of that State: and it makes a part of
the boundary of the United States, only by being the
exterior boundary of one of the States of our Federal
Union. It is her sovereignty and soil that are in dispute,
except the portion of the litter that still remains in Mas
sachusetts; and it belongs in the first place to her, and to
Massachusetts, as far as her right of soii is involved, to
say what their rights and interests are, and what is re
quired to he done. The rest of the Union is bound to
defend them in their just claim; and to assent to what
they may be willing to assent to in settling the claim in
contest, if there should be nothing in it inconsistent with
the interest, honor, or safety of the rest of the Union.
• t is so that the controversy has ever been regarded. It
is well known (hat President Jackson would readily
have agreed to the award of the King ,of Holland, had
tot .Maine objected; and that to overcome her objection,
lie was prepared to recommend to Congress to give her,
in order to get her consent, one million of acres of the
public domain, worth, at the minimum price, a million
and a quarter of dollars. The case is uow reversed.
Maine and Massachusetts have both assented to the sti
pulations of the treaty, as far as the question ofthe boun
dary affects their peuculiar interest, through commis
sioners vested with full powers to represent them; and
the question for ns to decide is. Shall we reject that to
which they have assented! Shall the Government,after
refusing to agree to the award of the King of Holland,
because Maine objected, now reverse itscourse, and re
fuse to agree to that to which she and Massachusetts
have both assented! There may, indeed, he reasons
strong enough to authorize such a course; but they
must lie such as will go to prove that we cannot give
our assent consistently with the interests, the honor, or
the safety of the Uuion. That has not been done; and,
lie would add, if there be any such, he has not been able
to detect them.
It lias, indeed, been said that the assent of Maine was
coerced. She certainly desired to obtain a more favor
able boundary; but when the alternative was presented
of another reference to arbitration, she waived her ob
jection, as far as she was individually concerned rather
than incur the risk, delay, uncertainty and vexation of
another submission of her claims to arbitration; and left
it to the Senate, the constituted authority appointed for
the purpose, to deride on thegeneral merits of the trea
ty, as it relates to the whole Union. In so doing, she
lias, in his opinion, acted wisely and patriotically—
wisely for herself, and patriotically in reference to the
rest of the Union. She has not got, indeed, all she de
sired; and has even lost territory, if the treaty be com
pared to the award of the King of Holland; but, as an
offset, that which she haslost is of little value, while that
which she retains has been greatly increased in value by
the stipulations contained in the treaty. The whole a-
mounl lost, is about half a million of acres. It lies along
the eastern slope *f the highlands, skirting the St. Law
rence to the east, and is acknowledged to be of little val
ue for soil, timber, or anything else—a sterile region, in
a severe inhospitable clime. Against that loss, she has
acquired the right to navigate the river St. John: and
that, not only to float down the timber on its banks, but
all the precautions of the extensive, well-timbered, and,
taken as awhole, not a sterile portion of the State that
lies on her side of the bo«om of that river and its tributa
ries. But that is not all. She also gains what is vastly
more valuable—the right to ship them on the same terms
-is colonial productions to Great Britain and her colonial
possessions. These great and important advantages
xvill probably double the value of that extensive region,
and make it one of the most populous and flourishing
portions of the State. Estimated by a mere money
standard, these advantages are worth, he would suppose,
all the rest of the territory claimed by Maine without
them. If to this be added the stun of about $200,000 to
he paid her for the expense of defending the territory,
end $3(10.000 to her and Massachusetts in equal moie
ties, in consequence of their assent to the boundary, and
tht equivalents received, it must be apparent that Maine
has aot made a bad exchange in accepting the treaty, as
compared with the award as far as her separate
•uteresi is concerned. But be that as it may, she
is the rightful judge of her own interests; and heras-
sent is a sufficient ground for our assent, provided
that to which she has assented does not involve
too great a sacrifice on the part of the rest of the L mou,
lior their honor or safety. So far from that, as far as the
rest of the Union is concerned, the sacrifice is small, and
the gain great. They are under solemn constitutional
obligations to defend Maine, as one of the jrnc*n ersio
the Union, against i»-asion; and to P"~tr‘jL ertlt “'7>
cort „iwi it may, and at every hazard. The power,
e/aiming what she contended to be hers, is one of the
greatest, if not the greatest, on earth. The dispute is
of long standing, and of a character difficult to be ad
justed: and, however clear tli» right of Maine may he
regarded iu the abstract, it has been made doubtful, in
consequence of admissions, for which the Government
of the Union is responsible. To terminate such a con
troversy, with the assent of the party immediately inter
ested by paying the smal sum of half a million—of
which a large part (say $200,000) is unquestionably due
to Maine, and would base to be paid to her without the
treat y_is, indeed, * small sacrifice; a fortunate deliver
ance President Jackson was willing to allow her, as
lia. been stated, more than twice as much for her assent
jo the award; and, in doing so, he showed his wisdom,
whatever might have been thought of it at the time.
Those, at least, who opposed the treaty, will not charge
him with being willing lo sacrifice the interest and honor
of the Union, in making the offer, and yet the charge
which thev make against this portion of the treaty, does,
by implication, subject what he was ready to do to asim-
ilar one. I
But it is said that the territory which England would
acquire beyond the boundary of the awarded line would
greatly strengthen her frontier, and weaken ours; and
would' thereby endanger the safety of the country in that
quarter. He did not profess to be deeply versed in mil
itary science; but, according to his conception, there was
no foundation for the objection. It was if he did not
mistake, the very last point on our whole frontier, from
the mouth of the St. Croix to the outlet of Lake Supe-
rior, on which an expedition would be organized on ei
ther side to attack the possessions of the other. In a
military point of view, our loss is as nothing in that quar-
ter; while in another, and a much more important quar
ter, our gain by the treaty is great, in the same point of
view. He referred to that provision by which we ac
quire Rouse's Point, at the northern extremity of Lake
Champlain. It is among the most important military
positions on the whole line of our eastern and northern
frontier, whether it be regarded in reference to offensive
or defensive operations. He well remembered the
deep sensation caused among military men in conse
quence of its loss; and he would leave the question of
Joss or gain, in a military point of view, (taking the two
together,) to their decision, without the least doubt what
it would be. ... , ,
But ifit should be thought by any one that these con
siderations, as conclusive as they seemed to be, were not
sufficient to justify the ratification of this portion of the J
treaty there were other*, which appeared to him to be |
perfectly eonclasive. He referred to the condition in *
which we Would be left) if the treaty should be rejected.
He would ask—if, after having agreed at Ghent to re
fer the subject to arbitration, and. after hav ing refused to
agree to the award made under that reference, by an
prbitrator of our own selection, we should now reject
this treaty, negotiated by our own Secretary of State,
under our own eyes, and which had previously received
the assent of the States immediately interested—wheth
er there would be the slightest prospect that another
equally favorable would ever be obtained? On the con
trary, would we not stand in a far w orse condition than
ever, in reference to our claim? Would it not, indeed,
be almost certain that we should lose the w hole of the ba
sin of the St. John, and Great Britain gain all for which
she ever contended, strengthened as she would be by
the disclosures made during this dircussion:* He was
far from asserting that the facts disclosed established the
claim of Great Britain, or that the map exhibited is the
one to which Franklin referred, in his vote to the Count
de Vcrgennes, the French Minister; hut it connot be
doubted that the conformity of the line delineated on
the map, with the one described in his note, would have
the effect of strengthening not a little the claims of Great
Britain, in her own estimation and that of the world.
But the facts stated, and the map exhibited by the chair
man of the Committee on Foreign Relations, [Mr.
Rives,] arc not the only or the strongest disclosure made
during the discussion. The French map introduced by
the Senator from Missouri, [Mr. Benton,] from Mr.
Jefferson’s collection iu the Congress library, in older to I
rebut the inference from the former, turned out to be |
still more so That was made iu the village of Passy,
in the year after the treaty of peace was negotiated,
where Franklin (who was one of the negotiators) resid
ed, and was dedicated to him; and that has the boundary
line drawn, in exact conformity to the other, and in the
manner described in the note of Dr. Franklin a line
somewhat morfc adverse to us than that claim by Great
Britain. But, as striking as is this coincidence, he was
because al! has not been done that could be desired ? He
placed a high value on our territory on the west of those
mountains, and held our title tj it to he clears but he would
regard it as an act of consummate folly, to stake our claim
TI ~
on a trial of strength at this time. The territory is now
held by joint occupancy, under the treaty of Ghent; which
either party may terminate by giving to the other six months
notice. It we were to attempt to assert our exclusive right
of occupancy at present, the certain loos of the territory
must he the result; for the plain reason that. Great Britain
could concentrate there a much larger force, naval and mil
itary, in a much shorter time, and at far less expense, than
we could. That will not be denied; hut it will not always
he the case. Our population is steadily—he might say ra
pidly—advancing across lhe continent, to the borders of
the Pacific ocean. Judging from past experience, the tide
of population will sweep across the Rock} mountains, with
resistless force, at no distant period; when what we claim
will quietly fall into our hands, without expense or blood
shed. Time is acting for us. Wait patiently, and all we
claim will be ours; but if we attempt to seize it by force, it
will be sure to elude our grasp.
Having now stated his reasons for voting to ratify the ar
ticles in the treaty relating to the boundary, lie would next
proceed to assign those that would govern his vote on the
two relating to the African slave trade. And here he would
premise,that there are several circumstances, which caused
no small repugnance on his part to any stipulations what
ever with Great Britain on the subject of those articles;
and lie would have been gratified if they, and all oilier stip
ulations on the subject, could have been entirely omitted;
but he must, at the same time, say he did not see how it
was possible to avoid entering into some arrangement on
the subject. To understand the difficulty, it will he neces
sary to advert to the course heretofore taken by our Gov
ernment in reference to the subject, and the circumstances
under winch the negotiations that icsulted in this treaty,
commenced.
Congress at an early day—as soon, in fact, as it could le
gislate on the subject under the Constitution—passed law»
enacting severe penalties against the African slave trade.—
That was followed by the treaty of Ghent, which declared
it to be irreconcilable with the principles of humanity and
far from regarding it us sufficient to establish the claim of I jugtice, and stipulated that both the parties—the United
Great Britain. It would, however, be ill vain to deny States and Great Britain—should use their best endeavors
that it was a corroborating circumstance, calculated to to effect its abolition. {Shortly after, an act of Congress
add no small weight to her claim. was passed declaring it to be piracy; and a resolution was
It would be still further increased by the fact that 1 adopted by Congress, requesting the President to enter into
France was our ally at the time, and, as such, must have
been consulted, and kept constantly advised of all that
occurred during the progress of the negotiation, includ
ing its final result. It would be idle to suppose that
these disclosures would not weigh heavily against us in
any future negotiation They would, so much so tak
en in connexion with the adverse award of the King of
Holland, and this treaty, should it be rejected—as to ren
der hopeless any future attempt to settle* the question by
negotiation or arbitration. No alternative would be lett
us, but to yHd to the full extent of the British claim, or
to put Maine in possession by force—and that, too, with
the opinion and sympathy of the world against us and
our cause. In his opinion, we would be bound to at
tempt it. injustice to Maine, should we refuse to agree
to what she has assented. So much for the boundary
question, as far as Maine is concerned.
arrangements with other powers for its suppression. Great
Britain, actuated by the same feelings, succeeded in making
treaties with the European maritime powers for its sup
pression; and, not long before the commencement of this
negotiation, had entered into joint stipulations with the five
great powers to hark her on the question of search. She
had thus acquired a general supervision of the trade along
the African coast; so that vessels carrying the flag of every
other country, except ours, were subject, on that coast, to
the inspection of her cruisers, and to be captured, if sus-
preted of being engaged in the slave trade. In consequence
ours became almost the only flag used by those engaged in
lhe trade, whether our own people or foreigners; although
our laws inhibited the traffic under the severest penalties.
In this state of things, Great Britain put forward the claim
of th" right of search as indispensable to suppress a trade
prohibited by the laws of the civilized world, and lo the
execution ofthe laws and treaties of the nations associated
with her by mutual engagements for its suppression. At
Having now shown (satisfa< t irily, lie hoped) that Maine] this stage, a correspondence took place between our late
has act 'd wisely for herself in assenting to the treaty, it re
mained to be considered whether we. the representatives
of tlie Union on such questions, would not also do so in
ratifying it—so far, nt least, ns the boundary question is in
volved. He would add nothing to what had already been
saiif of the portion in which Maine was immediately inter
ested. His remarks would be confined to the remaining
portion of the boundary, extending from the northwestern
corner of that State to the Rocky mountains.
Throughout this long extended line, every question has
been settled to our satisfaction. Our right has been ac
knowledged to a territory of about one hundred thousand
acres of land, in New Hampshire, which would have been
lost by the award of the King of Holland. A long gore of
about the same amount, lying in Vermont and New ^ ork,
nod which was lost under the treaty of Ghent, would he
regained by this. It includes Rouse’s Point, feugar Island,
lying in the water connexion between Fakes Huron and
Superior, and heretofore in dispute, is acknow ledged to be
ours; it is large, and valuable for soil and position. So,
also, is Isle Royale, near the northern shore of Lake Supe
rior, acknowledged lo he ours—a large island, and valuable
minister at the Court of St. James, and Lord Palmerston,
on the subject, in which the latter openly and boldly claimed
the right of search, and which was promptly and decidedly
repelled on our side. We had long since taken our stand
against it, and hat! resisted its abuse, as a belligerent right,
at the mouth of the cannon. Neither honor, nor policy,on
our part, could tolerate its exercise in time of peace, in any
form—whether in that of search, as claimed by Lord Palm,
erston; or the less offensive and unreasonable one of visi
tation, as proposed by his successor, Lord Aberdeen. And
yet we were placed in such circumstances as to require
that something should he done. It was in such a state of
things that the negotiation commenced—and commenced, in
part, in reference to this subject, which was tending rapid
ly to bring the two countries into collision. On our side,
we were deeply committed against the traffic, both by legis
lation and treaty. The influence and the efforts of the civ
ilized world were directed against it—anil that, too, under
our lead at llie commencement; and with such success as
to compel vessels engaged in it to take shelter, almost ex
clusively, under the fraudulent use of our flag. To pertrdt
uch a state of things to continue, could not hut deeply ini-
for its fisheries. w And, also, a large tract of country to the peach our honor, and turn the sympathy of the world
north and west of that lake, between Pond du Lac and the against us. On the other side, Great Britain had acquire* 1,
St. Louis on one side, and Pigeon river on the other—con- by treaties, the right of supervision, including that of search
taining four millions of acres. It is said to be sterile; hut j and capturing, over the trade on the coast of Africa, with
cannot well he more so than that acquired by Great Britain, j the view to its suppression, from all the maritime powers
lying west of the boundary aw arded by the King of Hol
land. In addition, all the islands in the river St. Lawrence
and the lakes, which were divided in running out the divis
ion line under previous treaties, arc acquired by us under
this; and all the channels and passages are opened to the
common uses of our citizens and the subjects of Great
Britain.
Such are the provisions of the treaty in referenco to this
long line of boundary. Our gain, regarded in the most con
tracted point of view, as mere equivalents for the sums as
sumed to be paid by us to Maine and Massachusetts for their
assent to the treaty—is vastly greater than what we have
contracted to pay. Taking the whole boundary question
together, and summing up the loss and gain of the whole,
including w hat affects Maine and Massachusetts; and he
could not doubt that, regarded merely as set-offs, our gain
greatly exceeded our loss—vastly so, compared to what it
would have been under the award of the King of Holland,
including the equivalent which our Government was wal
ling to allow Maine for her assent. But it would be, in
deed, to take a very contracted view to regard it in that
light. It would he to overlook the vast importance of per
manently esfabfishing, between two such powers, a line of
except ourselves. Thus situated, he must say that he saw
no alternative for us hut the one adopted—to take tiie su
pervision of our own trade on that roast into our own
hands, and to prevent, by our own cruisers, the fraudt dent
use of our flag. The only question, in the actual stai e of
things, as it appeared to him, was, whether it shoul* 1 be
done by a formal or informal arrangement? He v ould
have preferred the latter; but the difference between them
was not, in his opinion, such as would justify, on that ac
count, the rejection of the treaty. They would, it i sub
stance, he the same, and have differed hut little, pro Dably,
in the expense of execution. Either was better tin*in the
other alternatives—to do nothing; to leave things in the
dangerous state they stood; or to yield to the right of search
or visitation.
It is objected that the arrangement entered into, is virtu
ally an acknowledgment of the right of search. He Aid not
so regard it. On the contrary, he considered it, un*derail
the circumstances, as a surrender of that claim on tL ie part
of Great Britain; a conclusion, which a review’ of the whole
transaction, in his opinion, would justify. Lord Valraer-
feton, in the first place, claimed the unqualified right of
arch, in which it is understood he wai hacked by the five
boundary of several thousand miles, abounding in disputed j great powers U^rd Aberdeen, with more wisdom f :nd mo-
points of much difficulty and long standing. The treaty,
be trusted, would do much lo lay the foundation of a solid
peace between the countries—a thing so much to be desired.
It is certainly much to be regretted, after settling so large
a portion of the boundary, that the part beyond the Rocky
mountains, should remain unadjusted. Its settlement would
have contributed much to strengthen the foundation of a
durable peace. But would it be wise to reject the treaty,
* The following extract from the speech of Mr. PI VERS, the chair
man of the Ccmmittcc on Foreign Relations, will show what the
disclosures were:
It appears to the committee, therefore, in looking hack to the
public and solcmns acts of the Government, and of its successive
administrations, that the time has passed, if it ever existed, when
we could he justified in making the precise line ol boundary claim
ed liy us the subject of a sine qua non of negotiation, or the ulti
mo ratio—of an assertion by force. Did a second arbitration, then,
a fiord t tie prospect of a more satisfactory result? This expedient
seemed to be equally rejected by all parties—by the United states,
by Great Britain, and by the Mate of Maine. If such an alterna
tive should be contemplated by any one as preferable to the ar
rangement which had been made, it is lit to bear in mind the risk
and uncertainty, as well as the inevitable delay and expense, in
cident to that inode of decision. We have already seen, in the
instance of the arbitration by the King of the Motherlands, how
much weight a tribunal of that sort is inclined to give to the ar
ument of convenience, and a supposed intention on the part of the
negotiators of the treaty of I7h3, against the literal and positive
terms employed by the instrument iu its description of limits.—
Is there no danger, in the event of another arbitration, that a far
ther research into the public archives of Europe might bring to
light some embarrassing (even though apocryphal) document, to
throw a new shade of plausible doubt on the clearness of ourti-
tle, in the view of a sovereign arbiter? Such a document lias al
ready been communicated to the committee; and I feel it (said Mr.
K.) to be my duty to lay it before the senate, that they may fully
appreciate its bearings, and dcteimine for themselves the weight
and importance which belong to it. It is due to the learned and
distinguished gentleman, (Mr. Jared Sparks of Boston.) by whom
the document referred to was discovered in the archives of France
wlule pursuing her laburous and intelligent researches connected
with the history of our own country, that the account of it should
tie given in his own wonts, as contained in a communication ad
dressed by him to the Department of Slate. I proceed, therefore,
to read from the communication:
“While pursuing my researches among the voluminous papers
relating to the American Revolution in the Archives tics Affaires
Kt angeresin Paris, I found in one of the bound volumes an orig
inal letter from Dr. Franklin to Count de Vergennes, of which the
follow ing is an extract transciipt:
“PAft’SY, December 6, 1782.
“SIR. I have the honor of returning herewith the mapyour Ex.
cellency sent me yesterday. I have marked with a s’rong rediine,
according to your desire, the limits of the United States, as set
tled in the preliminaries between the British and American pleni
potentiaries.
“With great respect, I am. &c..
“B. FRANKLIN.”
“This letter was written six days after the preliminaries were
signed, and if we could procure the identical man mentioned by
Fianklin, it wouid seem to afford conclusive evidence as to the
meaning affixed by the commissioners to the language of the trea
ty on the subject of the boundaries. You may w ell suppose that I
lost no time in making inquiry for the map, not doubting that it
would confirm ail my previous opinions respecting the validity of
our claim. In the geographical department of the Archives are
sixty thousand maps and charts; but so well arranged with cata
logues and indexes, that any one of them may be easily found.—
Altera little research in the American division, with the aid of
the keeper, I came upon a map of North America, by D'Anville,
dated 1746, in size about eighteen inches square, on which was
drawn a strong red line throughout the entire boundary of the
United States, answering precisely to Franklin’s description. The
line is bold and distinct in every part, made with red ink, and ap
parently drawn with a hair pencil, or a pen with a blunt point.—
There is no other coloring on any part of the map.
“Imagine my surprise on discovering that this Jii
south of the St John, and between the head <
r, ; er and those of the Penobscot and Kenneiec.
exacts the line now contended for by Great Brit a
the
> Hi;*
The
ie runs wholly
raters of that
In short, it is
in, except that
Hill, stop?
Croix
of tb- - ......
ar short o' ‘ nat VOu\i
the finish side all the streams which flo w into the rit.
John, betwthe source of the St. Croix and Mars Hill. It is
evident tftat the line, from the £t Croix to the Canadian high
lands, is intended to exclude all the waters running into the tft.
John.
“There is no positive proof that this map is actually the one
marked bv Franklin; yet, upon any other supposition, it would be
difficult to explain the circumstances of its agreeing so perfectly
with bis description, ami ol its being pivsen ed in the place where
it would uattirally be deposited by Count de Vet genm s. I also
found another map in the Archives, on which the same boundary
traced in a dotted red line with a pen, apparently copied
the othei
‘I enclose herewith auinpnl Maine, on which I have drawn a
strong black line,corresponding with tlie red one above mention
ed.’
• of liis com*
» of t lie po
of the docu-
nig conviction
of the treaty
far from intimating G a 'd Mr. Rives) that the documents
discovered by Mr. Sparks, curious ami well worthy of considera
tion as they undoubtedly are, are ot weight sufficient to .-hake the
title ofthe United States, founded on the positive language ot the
treaty of pence Hut iltey coukl md fail, in the e\ent of another
reference, to give increased confidence and emphasis to the pre
tensions of Great Britain, and to exert a corresponding influence
upon the mind ot the arbiter. It is wnrth while, in this connex
ion, to turn to what Lord Ashburton has said, in
mupications to Mr. Web-ter. when explaining his
sili< -n ol the highlands described in the treaty:
“My inspection ofthe maps, and my exaniinatio
me.its,” says his Lordship, “lead me to a very sti
that the highlands contemplated by the negotiate
\ve-e the only highlands then known to them—at the head ol the
Penobscot, Kennebec, and the rivers we-t ofthe St. Croix; and
that they did not precisely know bow tire north line front the SL
Croix would strike them; and if it were not my wish to shot sen
this d'f-vussion, 1 believe a very good argument might be drawn
from t< e words ot the treaty in proofof this In the negotiations
with Mr. Livingston, and afterwards with .Mr.McLanc, this view
seetm-il to prevail; and, as you are aware,there were proposals to
search for these highlands to the we-t, where alone, I believe, they
will !»••• found lo answet perfectly the description ol the treaty. If
ibis question should unfortunately go to a further telerencc, I
should by no means despair i f finding some continuation of this
view ofthe case.”
It is for t lie Senate to consider (added Mr. Rives) whether there
would not be much risk of introducing new complications and em
barrassments in thiscontroveisv,by leaving itopen fornuother lit
igated reference; and if the British Government—strongly prepos-
sessed, ns its minister tell us it is, with tin justice ol it- claims—
would not find what it would naturally consider a pci suasive 4 conj
fi rotation of its view of the case” in documents such as those en
countered by Mr. Sparks in his historical tcsearches in the ar-
chiv
of Fi;
mp tins been Tauntingly paraded here, from Mr. Jefferson's
collection, in the zeal ol opposition, (without taking time to see
what it was,) to confront ami invalidate the map lound by Mr.
Sparks in the Foteign Office at Paris; hut. the moiner.l it is exam
ined, it is found to sustain, by the most precise and remarkable
correspondence in every feature, the map (onqnoirtted by Mr.
Sparks. The Senator who produced it, could see nothing but the
microscopic dotted line running off in a north-easterly direction;
but the moment other eyes were applied to it, there was found, in
hold relief, a strong reU line, indicating the limits of the United
States,according to the treaty ot peace, and coinciding, minutely
and exactly, with the boundary traced on tl»e map of Mr. Sparks.
That this red Hue, and not the hardly visible dotted line, was in
tended to represent the limits of the United States, according to
the treaty of peace, is conclusively shown by the circumstance
that the red line is drawn on the map all around the exterior
boundary ofthe United States;-*-t»irongh the middle ofthe North
ern Lakes,thence through the Long Lake and the Rainy Lake to
the Lake ofthe Woods; aud from the western extremity of the
Lake ofthe Woods to the river Mississippi; and along the river, to
the point where the boundary of (he United States, according to
the treaty of peace, leaves it; and thence, by its easterly couise,to
the mouth of the St. lfarys, on tbc Atlantic.
deration, explained it to mean the right of visitation simply;
and, finally, the negotiation is closed without refe; -ence to
either, simply with a stipulation between the parties to keep
up for five years a squadron oi less than eighty guns on the
roast of Africa, to enforce separately and respecti vely the
laws and obligations of each of the countries for the sup
pression of the slave-trade. It is carefully worded, to make
it mutual, hut ot the same time separate and independent;
each looking to the execution of its own laws and obliga
tions, and carefully excluding the supervision of either over
the other.and thereby directly rebutting the object of search
or visitation.
The other article, in reference to the same subject, stipu
lates that the parties will unite in all becoming representa
tion and remonstrance, with any powers, within whose do
minions markets are permitted for imported African slaves.
If he were to permit his feelings to govern him exclusively,
he would object to this more strongly than any other provi
sion in the treaty—not that he was opposed to the object or
the policy of closing the market to imported negroes; on the
contrary, he thought it both right and expedient in every
view. Brazil and I he Spanish colonics were the only mark
ets, he believed, still remaining open, and to which this pro
vision would apply. They were already abundantly sup
plied with slaves, arid he had no doubt that sound policy on.
their part required that their markets should he finally and
effectually closed. He would go farther, and say, that it
was *ur interest they should be. It would free us from the*
necessity of keeping cruisers on the African coast, to prevent
the illegal and fraudulent use of our flag, or for any ot her
purpose to protect our commerce in that quarter—a thin, g of
itself much to be desired. We would have a still slron ger
interest, if we were governed by selfish coneideratic ns.
We are rivals in the production ol several articles, and m >re
especially the greatest of all the agricultural staples—cott* m.
Next to our own country, Brazil possesses the greatest ad
vantages for its production, and is already a large grow er of
the article; towards the production of which, the eontir. u-
ance of the market for imported slaves from Africa, won Id
contribute much. But he would not permit such conside. *-
aliens to influence him in voting on the treaty. lie had n J
objection lo see Brazil develope her resources to the full; hu t
he did believe that higher considerations, connected with
her safety, and that of the Spanish colonies, made it their
interest that their market should he dosed against the trafic .
But it may be asked, why, with these impressions, should
he have any objection to this provision of the treaty? U
was, because he was averse to interfering with other pow
ers, w hen it could be avoided. It extends even to cases like*
the present, where there was a common interest in reference i
to the subject of advice or remonstrance; hut it would b*e
carrying his aversion to fastidiousness, were he to permit it
to overrule his vote in the adjustment of questions of sucl t
magnitude as are involved on the present occasion.
But the treaty is opposed, not only for what it contain; ?,
hut also for what it does not; and, among other objection s
ofthe kind, because it has no provision in referenco to tin *
case of the Creole, and other similar ones. He admitted
that it is an objection; and that it was very desirable ilia:7
the treaty should have guarded, by specific and efficient
provisions, against the recurrence of such outrages on the
rights of our citizens, and indignity to our honor and inde
pendence. If any one has a right to speak warmly on this
subject, he was the individual; but he could not forget that
the question for ua to decide is, shall we ratify or reject the
treaty? It is not whether all has been done which it was
desirable should be done, hut whether we shall confirm or
reject what has actually been done; not whether we have
ga ned all we could desire, hut whether we shall retain
u-hat we have gained. To decide that as it ought to be, it
is our duty to weigh, caimly and fairly, the rramxno for and
against the ratification, and to decide in favor of the side
w hich preponderates.
It does not follow that nothing has been done in relation
to the cases finder consideration, because the treaty contains
no provisions in reference to them. The fact is otherwise.
Much, very much, has been done;—in his opinion, little
short, in its effect, of a positive stipulation by the treaty to
guard against the recurrence of such cases hereafter. To
understand how much has been done, and what has been j
gained by us, it is necessary to have a correct conception of
the state of the case, in reference to them, before the nego
tiation commenced, and since it terminated.
These cases are not of recent origin. The first of th© j
kind was thatofthe brig Comet, which was stranded on the
false keys of the Bahamas, as far hack as 1830, with slaves
on board. She was taken into Nassau, New Providence,
by the wreckers, and the slaves liberated by the colonial
authorities. The next was the Ecomium, which occurred
in 1834, and which, in all the material circumstances, was
every way similar to that of the Comet. The case of th»
Enterprise followed. It took place in 1835, and differed ia
no material circumstance from the others, as was acknowl
edged hy the British Government, except that it occurred [
after ihe act of Parliament abolishing slavery in the colo
nies had gone into operation, and the others prior lo that pe
riod.
After a long correspondence of nearly ten years, the Brit
ish Government agreed to pay for the slaves on board ofthe
two first, on the ground that they were liberated before the
art abolishing slavery had gone into operation, but refused
to pay for those belonging to the Enterprise, because they
were liberated after it had. To justify this distinction. Lord
Palmerston had to assume the ground, virtually, that the law
of nations was opposed to slavery—an assumption that pla
ced the property of a third of the Union wit boat the pale of
its protection. On that ground, ho peremtorily refused com
pensation for the slaves on board the Enterprise. Our Ex
ecutive, under this refusal, accepted the compensation for
those on hoard the Comet and Encomium, and closed the
correspondence, without even bringing the subject before
Congress. With such perfect indifference was the whole
affair trented, that, during the long period the negotiation
was pending, the subject was never once mentioned, as far
99 lie recollected, in any Executive message; while those of
far less magnitude—the debt of a few millions due from
France, and this very boundary question, were constantly
br ight before Congress, and hid nearly involved the coun
try in war with two ofthe leading powers of Europe. Those
who are now so shocked that the boundary question should
he settled, without a settlement also of this, stood hy in si
lence, year after year, during this long period, not only with
out attempting to unite the settlement of this with thatofthe
boundary, but without ever once naming or alluding to it as
an item in the list of the dispute between the two powers.
It was regarded as beneath notice. He rejoiced to witness
the great change that has taker, place in relation to it; and
to find that those who where then silent arid indifferent,
now exhibit to much zeal and vehemence about it. He took
credit to himself for having contributed to bring this change
about. It was he who revived our claim when it lay dead
nnd buried among the archives of the State Department—
who called ferthe correspondence—who moved resolutions
affirming the principles of the law of nations in referenco to
these cases, and repelling the presumptuous and insulting
assumption on which it was denied by the British negotia
tor. Such was the force of truth, and so solid the founda
tion on which he rested our claim, that his resolutions re
ceived the unanimous vote of this body; but he received no
support—no, not a cheering word—from the quarter which
now professes so much zeal on the subject. If is utmost
hope at the time was to keep alive our right, till some pro
pitious moment should arrive to assert it successfully. In
the mean time, the case of the Creole occurred, which, as
shocking and outrageous as jt is, was but the legitimate con
sequence of the principle maintained by Lord Palmerston,
and on which he closed the correspondence in the case of
the Enterprise.
Such was the state ofthe facts when the negotiation com
menced in reference to these cases; and it remains now to
bo shown in what state it has left them. In the first place,
the broad principles of the law of nations, on which lie pla
ced our right in his resolutions, have been clearly slated
and conclusively vindicated in the very able letter ofthe Se
cretary of Slate, which has strengthened our cause not a lit
tle, as well from its intrinsic merit as the quarter from which
it comes. In tiic next place, we have an explicit recognition
of the principles for which we contend, iu the answer of
Lord Ashburton, who expressly says that, “on the great gen
eral principles affecting this case,” (the Creole,) ‘they do
not differ;** and that is followed hy “an engagement that in
structions shall be given to the Governors of her Majesty’s
colonies on the southern borders of the United States to ex
ecute their own laws with careful attention to the wishes of
their Government to maintain good neighborhood; and that
there shall be no officious interference with American ves
sels driven by accident or violence into their ports. The
laws and duties of hospitality shall be executed ” This
pledge was accepted by our Executive, accompanied by the
express declaration of the President, through the Secretary
of State, that he places his reliance on those principles of
public law which had been stated in the note ofthe Secre
tary of State. To all this it may he added, that strong as
surances are given, by the iiritish negotiator, of his belief
that a final arrangement may be made of the subject hy pos
itive stipulations in London. Such is the state in which the
negotiation has left the subject.
Here, again, he would repeat, that such stipulations in the
treaty itself would have been preferable. But who can de
ny, when lie compaies the state of the facts, as they stood
before and since the close of thisnegotioation, that we have
gained—largely gained—in reference to this important sub
ject? Is there no difference, he Would ask, between a stern
and peremptory denial of our right, on the broad and insult
ing ground assumed by Lord Palmerston, and its explicit
recognition by Lord Ashburton?—none in the pledge that
instructions should be given to guard against the recurrence
of such cases; to a positive denial that we had suffered
wrong or insult, and had any right to complain?—none be
tween a final closing ol all negotiation, and a strong assu
rance of a final adjustment ofthe subject by satisfactory ar
rangement by treaty? And would it be wise or prudent on
our part, lo reject what has been gained because all has not
been? As to himself, he must say, that, at the time he mov
ed bis resolutions, he little hoped, in the short space of two
years, lo obtain what has already been gained; am! that he
regarded the prospect of a final and satisfactory adjustment,
at no distant day, of this subject, so vital in its principles to
his constituents and the whole South, as far more probable
than he then did this explicit recognition of the principles
for which he contended. In the mean lime, lie felt assured
lhe engagement given by the British negotiator wouid be
fulfilled in good faith; and that the hazard of collision be
tween the countries, and the disturbance of their peace and
friendship, has passed away, as far as it depends on this dan
gerous subject. Rut if iu this he should unfortunately he
mistaken, we should stand on much more solid ground in
defence of our rights, in consequence of what has been gain
ed; as there would then he superadded broken faith to the
violation ofthe laws of nations.
Having now said w hat he intended on the more important
points, he would pass over, without dwelling on the provi
sion of thetreaty for delivering up to justice persons charged
with certain crimes; the affair of the Caroline; and the cor
respondence in reference to impressment. The first is sub
stantially the same as that contained in Jay’s treaty on the
same subject. On the next, he had nothing to add to what
has already been said. As to the last, he did not doubt that
the strung ground taken in the correspondence against the
impressment of seamen on board of our merchant vessels, in
time of war, would hove a good effect. It will contribute to
convince Great Britain that the practice cannot be renewed,
in the event of another European war, without a certain and
immediate conflict between the two countries.
I (said Mr. Calhoun; have now stated my opinion fully
and impartially on the treaty, with the connected subjects.
On reviewing the whole, and weighing the reasons for and
against its ratification, I cannot doubt that the former greatly
preponderates. If we have not gained ajl that could be de
sired, vve have gained much that is desirable; and, if all has
hot been settled, much has been—and that, not of little im
portance. It is not of little importance to have the Not til-
eastern boundary settled—and that, too, with the consent of
the States immediately interested: a subject which bus been
in dispute almost from the origin of the Government, and
which had become more and more entangled, and adverse to
our claim, on every attempt heretofore made to settle it.
Nor is it of little importance to have the whole line of bound
ary between us and the British dominions, from the
source of the St. Croix, to the Reeky mountains, settled—a
line of more than three thousand mile*, with many dispu
ted points oflong standing, the settlement of which had baf
fled all previous attempts. Nor is it of little importance to
have adjusted the embarrassments relating to the African
slave-trade, by adopting the least objectionable of the altern
atives. Nor to have the principles of the law of nations for
which we contended, in reference to the Creole and other
cases of the kind, recognised by Great Britain; not to have
a solen.n pledge against their recurrence, with a reasonable
assurance of satisfactory stipulations hy treaty. Nor is it
of little importance to have, hy the settlement of these in-
veternto and difficult questions, the relation of the two
countries settled down in amity and peace—permanent am
ity and peace, as it may be hoped—in the place of that
doubtful, unsettled condition, between peace and war,
which has for so many years characterized it, and which is
so hostil le to the interest and prosperity of both countries.
Peace (said Mr. C.) is the first of our wants, in the pres- i
ent condition of our country. We wanted peace, to reform |
our own Government, and to relieve the country from its
great embarrassments Our Government is deeply disor
dered; its credit is impaired; its debt increasing; its expend
itures extravagant and wasteful; its disbursements without
efficient accountability; and its taxes (for duties are but
taxes) enormous, unequal, and oppressive to the great pro
ducing classes of the country. Peace, settled and undis
turbed, is indispensable to a thorough reform, anil such a
reform to the durclion of the Government. Rut, so long as
the relation between the two countries continues in a state
of doubt between peace and war, oil attempts to such re
form will prove abortive. The first step in any such, to be
successful, must he to reduce the expenditures to the legiti
mate and economical wants ofthe Government. Without
liiat, there can be nothing worthy of the name; hut in an
unsettled state of the relations of the two countries, all at
tempts at reduction will be boffled hy the cry of war, ac
companied by insinuations against the patriotism of those
who may be so hardy as to make them. Should the treaty
be ratified, an end will be pul to that, and no excuse or pre
text be left to delay the great and indispensable work of re-
lbrm. This may not he desirable to those who see, or fan
cy they see, benefits in high duties, and wasteful expendi
tures; hut, hy the great producing and tax-paying portions
ofthe community, it will be regarded as one of the g re Rest of
blessings. These arc net tiie only reasons for wanting
peace. We want it, to enable the people and the Slates to
extricate themselves from their embarrassments. They
are both borne down by heavy debts, contracted in a period
of fallacious prosperity, from which there is no other hon
est and honorable extrication but the payment of what is
due. To enable both States and individuals to pay their
debts, they must be left in full possession ofall their means,
with ns Jitile exactions or restrictions on their industry as
possible on the part of this Government. To this, a settled
state of peace, and an open and free commerce, are indis
pensable. With these, and the increasing habits of econo
my and industry now everywhere pervading the country,
the period of embarrassment will soon pass away, to be
succeeded by one of permanent and healthy prosperity.
Peace is, indeed, our policy. A kind Providence has cast
our lot on a portion of the globe sufficiently vast to satisfy
the most grasping ambition, and abounding in resources be
yond all others, which only require to be fully developed to
make us the greatest and most prosperous people on earth.
To the full development of the vast resources of our coun
try, we have political institutions most happily constituted.
Indeed, it would t>e difficult to imagine a system more so
than our Federal Republic—a system of State and General
Governments, so blended as to constitute one sublime whole,
the latter having charge of the interests common to all, ami
the former those local arid peculiar to each State. With a
system so happily constituted, let a durable and firm peace
be established, and this Government be confined rigidly to
the few great objects for which it was instituted; leaving
the States to contend in generous rivalry, to develope, by tho
arts of peace, their respective resources, and a scene of pros
perity and happiness would follow, heretofore unequalled
on the globe. I trust (said Mr. C.,) that this treaty may
prove the first step towards such u peace. Onee establish
ed with Great Britain, it would not be difficult, with mod
eration and prudence, to establish permanent peace with I ho
rest ofthe world, when our most sanguine hopes of prosper
ity may be realizeJ.
creditors exclusively. I would uot make a retrospective
law, to favor or shield the debtor; but I would place him
henceforth beyond the reach of personal cruelty and
degradation. His property might be seized and sold;
the roof that shelters his wife and children from the pelt-
ings of the pitiless storm might be taken from him, and
they might be turned over to penury and want. But
his person, at least, should be sacred. The creditorshould
not touch a hair of his head after he had made a fair aud
honest surrender of everything lie was worth on tiie face
of the earth,
“Man’s inhumanity to man
Makes countless millions mourn;”
and wise legislation will always defend and protect the
weak, the helpless, the unfortunate, and oppressed.—
The fate of the bankrupt law is already foretold. I en-
teitain no doubts of its being repealed in a few days. It
is the first law that ever w as passed—aud, I greatly fear,
it will be the last—to favor the poor and the unfortunate.
It is idle to resist tire power of money: to its secret, sub
tle, and pervading influences, imagination can devise,
and strength can accomplish no bar. It will buy the
prayers ofthe church, the fidelity of man, and the love of
woman. It is the alpha and omega ofall human desires.
Reason and justice are impotent when opposed to the
tnajic power of gold.
“Plate sin with gold,
And the strong lance of Justice hurtless breaks;
Clothe it in rags, a piguiy’s straw doth pierce it.”
One overgrown capitalist, or rich creditor, has more
influence over the National Legislature of this country
than five thousand uufortunate aud persecuted debt 4
Mr. Cushing also opposed the repeal and was in favor
“pausing.” He was also in favor ofthe present Admin
istratiou, which he proceeded to defend at length, against
the assaults of Mr. Arnold, some days before. At the
conclusion of his speech the House adjourned without
taking any vote. So the bill w as not advanced one inch,
and we are left without a ray of light as to the probable
action of Congress on a subject which is .at present ex
citing more anxious individual interest, in the country,
than any other.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
December *27, 1842.
The Speaker announced the order of business to be
the Bill to repeal the Bankrupt Law. the exact position
of which, in the midst of a jumble of contradictory mo
tions and amendments, it was not easy to fix.
The Clerk stated the question as it now stood. The
original hill was introduced by Mr. Everett, as already
published. This Mr. Banard had moved to amend, so
as to repeal only so much of the bankrupt law as permits
voluntary bankruptcy; providing however, that this act
should not affect any case or proceeding in bankruptcy
already commenced, or which should be commenced be
fore the 4th day of March next. Mr. Cushing had mov
ed to amend the amendment, so as to provide that this
act should not affect any case or proceeding in bankrupt
cy commenced before the passage of this act, and, con.se-
qently not to extend it to cases commenced before the
4th of March next. Mr. Briggs had moved to commit
the bill and all its amendments to the Committee on the
Judiciary, with instructions to report a bill to repeal that
part of the existing law which authorizes the voluntary
application of debtors, and to include corporations
which issue paper to circulate as money, within the ope
ration ofthe bankrupt law. And Mr Cave Johnson
bad moved to auiend 31 r. Briggs’s amendment, by strik
ing out all the instructions, and inserting instruction to
the Judiciary Committee to report, at 12 o’clock to-mor
row’, the following bill: “That the act passed on the
19th day of August. 1841, entitled ‘An act to establish a
uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the Uuited
States,’ be, and the same hereby is repealed.
Mr. S ALTON stall had the floor and spoke an hour
in favor of “pausing.” Mr. Dawson of Louisiana spoke
briefly and strongly against the repeal—he was in favor
of amendment, he foresaw that the law would be swept
away, but tiked the repeal none the the more for that*
“Debt, said Mr. D., is a misfortune; and bitter is the
cup of life (Heaven knows) to the unlortunate debtor,
at best, without bein'* treated as a criminal. I am willing
to see the debtor forced to make an honest, full, and un
qualified surrender of all he has: and then I would palsy
the arm ofthe 8hylock who would attempt to take Ins
pound of flesh. This is the poor man’s law; and it stands
■‘solitary and alone,’ as the poor man’s law, in the history
ofthe world. I am the open and avowed advocate of a
bauknipt law to benefit debtors, and not a law lo benefit
(From the Alabama Tribune.)
DEMOCRATIC MEETING.
At a very large meeting of the Democrats of this city,
in favor ofthe nomination of John C. Calhoun to the
Presidency, held at the Waverly House, on Saturday
evening, the 17th, Major Jerc Austin, was called to the
Chair, and Col. Cornelius Robinson and H. Chamberlain,
Esq., appointed Vice Presidents. Colonels J. T. Don
ald and Lang were then appointed Secretaries, when the
meeting proceeded to business. After an able and elo
quent speech from Col. Phillips, he submitted the follow
ing preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously
adopted.
Il'hcrras, the frequent assembling by the people to ex
press their opinions upon political questions, and to no
minate suitable persons to administer the Goverment, is
a practise sanctioned by the best usage, and founded in
the nature of the representative principle.
Be it. therefore, resolved. That the Federal Govern
ment is oue of limited powers, derived solely from the
Constitution; aud the grants of power shown therein
ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and
agents ofthe Government, and that it is inexpedient and
dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.
2 That the Constitution does not confer upon the
General Goverment the power to commence and carry
on a general system of internal improveinls.
11. That the Constitution does not confer authority
upon the Federal Government, directly or indirectly, to
assume the debts of the several States contracted for
local internal improvement* or other State purposes;
nor would such assumption be just or expedient.
4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal
Government to foster one branch of industry to the detri
ment of another; or to cherish the interestsof oue portion
to the injury of another portion ofourcommoncountry;
—that every citizen and every section of the country has
a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights
and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of
persons and property from domestic violence and foreign
aggression.
5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Govern
ment to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue
ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary
expenses of the Government.
II. That Congress has not the power to charter a Na
tional Hank; that we believe such an institution one of
deadly hostility to the best interests ofthe country, dan
gerous to our Republican institutions and the liberties of
the people, and calculated to place the business of the
country within the control of a concentrated money pow
er and above the laws and will ofthe people.
7. That Congress lias no power under the Constitu
tion to interfere with or control the domestic institutions
of the several States, and that such States are the sole
anil separate judges of every thing appertaining to their
own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution:—that all
efforts of the abolitionists or otiiers. made to induce Con
gress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take in
cipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to
the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that
such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the
happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and
permanency of the Union, and ought not to be counte
nanced by any friend to our political institutions.
8. Tli at the separations of the moneys of the Govern
ment from Banking institutions is indispensable for the
safety of the funds of the Government, aud the rights of
the people.
9. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in
the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned by the
Constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty, and
the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever
been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith, and ev
ery attempt to abridge the present privilege of becoming
citizens, and the owners of the soil among us, ought to be
resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and
sedition laws from our statute book.
Resolved, That the taritFact of the last Congress, is in
its principle a flagrant violation of the spirit of the Com
promise act—that to denominate it “an act to raise reve-
dne for the wants of the Government,” is hut to clothe a
lie with the garments of truth; and to justify it. because,
in giving it to the manufacturer a tythe is reserved to the
Treasury, is to takea license fee for public robbery.
Resolved, That the same code of morality which de
nouncesthe act of an insolvent, that gives away his prop
erty, stands in public condemnation of the late act of
Congress, which, in the midst of an unprecedented pe
cuniary embarrassment, gave away to the States the rich
revenues of our public domain.
Resolved, That the recent elections throughout the
Union, are butso many evidences of the triumph of dem
ocratic principles and union and harmony are alone re
quired for the party which supports them, to assume a
permanent ascendancy in our national councils.
Resolved. That for this purpose, we concur in the pro
priety of holding a general Convention of the Democratic
party, to nominate candidates for the offices of President
and Vice President; and to the end, that the feelings of
the party be fairly represented, the Convention to he held
at the latest period consistent with the object-
Resolved, That the members of the Democratic party
here assembled, have undiininished confidence in the pa
triotism and ability of Marlin Van Buren. and will zeal
ously aid in again elevating him to the Presidency, should
it be so determined by said convention.
Resolved, That the virtues of the citizen and the sa
gacity of the statesman are pre-eminently conspicuous in
the character of John Caldwell Calhoun—that to his
timely and efficient aid is to he attributed much ofthe late
success that has enabled the Democracy lo rise with
vigor from their fall; and that whether regard is had to the
importance of the ottice or the merits of the man. but
equal honor is done to both, iu presenting for nomination,
the great statesman of the 8outh, who. for thirty years,
iu war and in peace, has devoted his splendid talents to
mankind, the integrity of the Union, the rights of the
States and the sovereignty ofthe people.
Resolved, That for the furtherance of these views, a
committee of 50 he appointed by the Chair, who shall be
vested with all necessary powers, compatible with the
union and integrity of the Democratic party.
COMMITTEE.
Col. P. Philips, II. B. Holcombe, John J Blair, Janie*
S. Deas, W. F. Cleaveland, R. L. Watkins, Daniel
Chandler, Dr. John W. Moore. Edward Harrison, John
Tarleton, B. Boykin, Dr. D. Fee Pearn, M J. McRea.
John M. Brown, Dr. P. H. Lewis. John A. Campbell,
Billups Gayle, Dunbar Bragg, L. Mauldin, James Tur
ner, Jacob Magee, John Mason, sen’r., Jesse Lott, Ste
phen Lockwood, J. A. Cooper. P. Waters, Tlios. Hol
land. Tlios. Howard, E. S. Dargan. T. J. Butler, II. C.
Holmes, Jacob Boyd, George Walton, James E. Zunts,
W. B. Malone, C. j. S. Fox. John S. Donald, B. J. Car
ter, John Wragg, A. II. White. F. B. Shephard, R. W.
Walton, H.Toulmin, B. F. Marshall, P. Walker, John
Malone, Colin McRae, Thomas Lane.
After the adoption ofthe above,
Major Waters followed in a brief and pertinent ad
dress, and was succeeded by Mr. Adams, of Mississippi,
editor of the Paulding Clarion.
Col. Philips then offered the following resolution,
which was unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That it is expedient to bold a State Conven
tion in January next, for the nomination of candidates for
the Presidency and Vice Presidency.
Resolved, also, That the proceedings of this meeting he
published in the Alabama Tribune, and the Register and
Journal.
Maj. JERE. AUSTILL, Pres’t.
hc£5SS£ih.
cSlw.lST
“Family religion is of unspeakable importance. Its
effect will greatly depend on the sincerity of the head of
the family, and on his mode of conducting the worship
of his household. If his children and servants do not see
bis prayers exemplified in his temper aud manners, they
will he disgusted with religion. Tediousness will weary
them. Fine language will shoot above them. Formal
ity of connexion or composition in prayer they will not
comprehend. Gloominess or austerity of religion will
make them dread religion as a hard service. Let them
he met with smiles. Let them he met as for the most
delightfulservice iuwhichthey can beengaged. Let them
find it short savoury, simple, plain, heavenly. Worship,
thus conducted, may be used as an engine of vast
power in a family. It diffuses a sympathy through
the members. It calls off the mind from the deadning
effect of worldly affairs. It arrests every member
with a morning and evening sermon, in the midst
of all the hurries and cares of life. It says. “There
is a God!” ‘There is a spiritual world!’ ‘There
is a life to come!’ It fixes the idea of responsibility iu the
mind. It furnishes a tender and judicious father or
master with an opportunity of gently glancing at faults,
where a direct admonition might be inexpedient. It en
ables him to relieve the weight with which subordination
or service often sits on the minds of inferiors.
“Religion should be prudently brought before a fami
ly. The old Dissenters wearied their families. Jacob
reasoued well with Esau, nhont the tenderness of his
children, atid his flocks and herds. Something gentle,
quiet, moderate should be our aim. There should be
no scolding; it should be mild and pleasant.
“I avoid absolute uniformity, the mind revolts at it:
though I would shun eccentricity, for that is still worse.
At one time I would say something ou what is read; but
at another time, nothing. I makeitas natural aspossible:
“1 am a religious man; you are my children and my ser
vants; it is natural that we should do so and so.”—Cecil.
Suite KiKhls ansi United Slate* Bight*.
“' Tis the star spangled banner, oh, long may it wave,
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave.”
FEDERAL UNION.
!tllLI,EDCIEVlLI.E, JA!illAB¥ IO, ISIS.
Jlr, Calhoun's Speech.
In another column, we publish the remarks of Mr.
Calhoun on the Ashbi^-ton Treaty, when it was before
the Senate ofthe U. States, in secret session. Speeches
delivered under these circumstances, have, till of late
years, remained secret as they were given; but the
fangs of party have torn the veil from every thing which
might afford food for its malevolence. The remarks of
Mr. Calhoun, on this occasion, were evidently not in
tended for publication; but they are not, on that account,
the less interesting. We see him here in anew attitude,
rs a Senator calmly reviewing the history of a great
question, now at its crisis, ami demanding decision from
a tribunal, holding iu its hands the destinies of a great na
tion, and on this occasion the peace of the world. Calm
and unmoved, this statesman arrays the arguments for
and against the Treaty—the mists clear otf as he pro
gresses, aud his conclusion is irresistible. The recorded
acts of our grra\ s'atesn.er shew no example of an argu
ment. oil a great and exciting question, so calm, dignifi
ed, and passionless. If any thing vve have seen from
him, gives countenance to Miss Martineau’s epithet,
“cast-iron man," it is this remarkable Speech.
United States’ Alai Is ia Georgia.
BTT J The public will find m to-day’s paper, Proposals
for CARRYING the MAILS of the Uuited States in
GEORGIA, from the first of JULY, 1843, to the thir
tieth of JUNE, 1847.
Great Democratic Meeting.
We publish to-day from an Alabama paper
the account of a large meeting held in the city
of Mobile. Our friends of the meeting spea £
clearly the principles and sentiments ofthe
Democracy throughout the Union. They also
give cogent reasons for preferring Mr/ Cal
houn for the next President. We agree most
cordially with the Alabama Democrats, i n
their partiality for the distinguished son of
Carolina. They, however, express their uu-
diminished confidence in Mr. Van Buren—and
so do we. But for reasons which we have
heretofore given, and unnecessary now to re
capitulate, we would most earnestly hope, that
the next President might be Mr. Calhoun.
Among the names appended to the proceed
ings of the Mobile meeting, we are proud to
recognize those of John A. Campbell, (son of
the late Duncan G. Campbell,) and Daniel
Chandler, formerly of Washington, Wilkes
county, and both at this time citizens of Mo
bile, and distinguished as well as eloquent
members of the bar.
While on this subject, we would state, for
the information of our friends out of the State,
that during the Session of our last Legislature,
a Convention of the Democracy was held, and
delegates appointed to attend the General
Convention ; and we speak confidently in sav
ing, that the gentlemen selected to give tiie
vote of Georgia in the nomination, will hut
carry out the wishes of their party in favor of
Mr. Calhoun.
K~J~ It is due to the Hon. Senator from the coun
ty of Coweta, and Ihe Hon. Senator from the coun
ty of Randolph, to stale, that (heir absence f rom
the Senate, during a part ofthe session, was occa
sioned by severe illness.
ft?* The Rev. T. G. Salter, of Haddam,
Connecticut, was recently tried in that State
for robbing the Mail; but was discharged on
the ground of insanity, and was sent to the
Lunatic Assylum at Hartford.
Cotton.
The success of the British army in China bavins onon-
I 1 . : i 1
A Afghanistan.
The triumphs of the English army in this new scene
of their conquests, have led to an act, vve believe, hereto-
fore unexampled in British history. They retire beyond
the Indus and Pnnnubs, leaving the Affghans to restore
order out of anarchy. If this is a voluntary step taken
by the Government ol India, it is truly •‘something new
under ihe. sun." It argues that England has come to the
conclusion, that her empire cannot safely lie farther ex
tended; or that the powers of Europe hare interfered in this
important matter. This latter conclusion acquires strength
when the position of the barbarous country of the AtF-
ghans is examined. We call the attention of our readers
to the Proclamation of the Governor of India, iu another
column.
Central Bank Bills Burned.
We annex a statement of the hills of the Central
Bank, which were burned on Friday last, by the direc
tors, in the presence of bis Excellency the Governor, in
conformity with the late law. This amount was receiv
ed from collections made on the assets of the bank since
the first of October hist. Many of the notes included
in the schedule published, having been paid since it was
made out.
There is oil hand an additional stint of about forty
thousand dollars, taken up on bonds issued, exclusive of
some seventy or eighty thousand dollarsof one and two
dollar bills of the new emission, none of which were
burned. So much the liabilities of the bank have been
reduced in the last three months—leaving but little over
u million of dollars of its bills now in the hands of the
peo2>fe. If the collections for the next three months
are equally great, they will reduce the circulation to
about seven hundred thousand dollars.
The amount to be collected for taxes, and which will
be received from sales of public lands, will probably
withdraw the whole of fhese bills from circulation in the
next eight or ten mouths.
Account of Central Bank bills burnt on the
Gth January, 1843.
Old emission of bills signed by Jas. Camak,
President, and Henry W. Malone, Cashier.
40 bills of the denomination of $1,
21
073
I 13d
1039
381
“ 19
$•>,
•«5,
fftlO,
$20,
§50,
§100,
40
42
4,805
14,300
20.780
19,050
34,900
ed a new and vast field of enterprise and commerce;
has pioduced a sensible improvement in the price of our
great staple. How long this will last, or to what extent
it will go, we do not pretend to suggest. The rise, vve
believe, in our markets, is about one cent per pound.
Congressional election Returns.
....170
....’321
.... 44
.... 73
....237
....399
....523
Baldwin
Bibb ...
Bryan..
Burke..
Butts...
Cass ...
Chatham
Cherokee.... 340
Cobb 500
Columbia.... 100
Crawford .... 282
Decatur 98
DeKalb 454
Dooly 134
Early 109
Blbert 55
Forsylli 401
Greene 58
llall 328
Hancock ....191
Harris 203
Heard 278
Houston. ....343
Jackson 400
Jasper 348
Jefierson 04
Jones 271
Laurens 2
Liberty 50
253
480
57
399
187
309
523
300
303
311
181
227
400
bo
121
478
217
055
235
331
590
109
353
293
285
317
305
303
107
Lincoln 99
Lumpkin ....331
Monroe 448
McIntosh .... 90
Meriwether.. 424
Marion 107
Morgan 206
Muscogee.... 671
Newton 191
Oglethorpe... 45
Bike 429
Pulaski 100
Putnam
Randolph..
Richmond
Stewart ..
..173
..292
...263
.331
Sumter 234
..470
Talbot
Taliaferro.... 32
Tatnall 24
Telfair 90
Thomas 14
Troup 190
Twiggs 2' 19
Upson 173
Warren 100
Washington.. 300
Wilkes 171
Wilkinson . ..252
221
1113
586
103
457
273
366
706
013
442
348
53
340
193
727
443
304
4 67
2-31
158
123
194
605
303
593
411
445
327
183
AUGUSTA, December 31st, 1842.
DEAR SI R—In looking over the Constilui ionalist tiiis morning,
I was surprised to find iny name on the Clay Invitation Commit
tee. 1 diti not attend the public meeting, for I was not one of his
“friem s;” ami, however much 1 may admire the talents of this dis
tinguished gentleman, w hom it is proposed to invite to the cily,
I will not be willingly entrapped into a political movement en
tirely at variance with my principles and preferences. No one
will doubt lor a moment, that the movement is one lor political
effect, in lavor of the great Orator of the West. I cannot lavor his
political aspirations, and will not stand for a moment in a doubt
ful attitude It that gentleman were to visit the city in a casual
manner, as on the common business of life, without traversing the
country as a politician, seeking his personal advancement, no one
would sooner tender to him the hospitalities ot the city; but, I
cannot join in an invitation to him to visit our city, that he may
have increased opportunity of forwarding his own views and those
of his political admirers, at ihe expense of my political principles
and friends. Please to erase my name from'the Committee, and
believe me, Respectfully,
j. g. mcwiiorter.
R. 11. Wilde, Chairman Clay Committee.
New emission of 1S40, signed T.
Fort, President, aud A. M. Nesbit,
Cashier.
9933
6095
3334
$94,037
$5
$10
820
§49,605
60,950
60,080
Amount old emission,
Total amount burnt,
$177,295
94,037
271,332
Mistakes.
In regard to the Central Bank, the Legislature nt its
late session committed two great mistakes—the with
drawal of its board of directors, and the order to burn
its bills as fast as they are collected. These acts although
not so intended, are considered as manifesting a deter
mination in the legislature to bring the bank to a speedy
close and abolish the charter. The shock given to the
credit of the bills, by these acts, is greater than that given
by the report of the examining committee, and cannot
be parried or modified. A speedy collection of the
debts due the bank is the only remedy. To vvliat point
should it be pressed; and what will be the consequence!
These are important questions.
I>r. McWhorter.
\Ve have not for a long time published any thing with
more Satisfaction than the letter of this gentleman, “to
K. II. Wilde, Chairman of the Clay Committee.” We
say not a word of the contents of this fine production,
that our readers may enjoy it for themselves.
The Augusta Constitutionalist.
It is due to the Constitutionalist, to state that the ar
gument vve to-day extract from it. on the subject of the
law passed by the Legislature for the completion of fifty-
two miles of the Western and Atlantic Rail Road, is by
far the best and most conclusive we have seen in regard
to the construction given to that law by Gov McDonald.
We ask for it a fair and caudid consideration.
E? On Wednesday evening, between 9 and half-past
9 o’clock, a shock of an earthquake was felt by several
of our citizens. It was also felt in Hamburg. It seems
that it was felt further east, and at the same time. The
Columbia South Carolinian, of Thursday last, says:
“Two slight shocks of Earthquake were distinctly felt in
this town last evening, about 9 o’clock."—Augusta Con
stitutionalist. 7th inst.
The shock above spoken of was felt in this place at
the same time. It was so slight as to escape the atten
tion of most of our citizens, except in the State House,
whose tall massy walls and broad base give to the slight
est movement of the earth, correspondingly striking ef
fects. The noise, vibration and fall of plastering pro
duced for a moment considerable trepidation in all who
were present.
The Remedy worse than the Disease.
“ Excellent cows have been sold at Dayton, Ohio, at
Constable’s sale, at $3 each; hay, §1 per ton; 500 bush
els of corn, in the ear, for $3; and 30 acres of wheat,
well put in, for the same sum.”—Ohio paper.
The property of the unfortunate debtors, ofthe great
State of Ohio, passes through the forms of justice, to
their creditors, it would seem in mere mockery. It is
taken for nothing. That great community of freemen
is governed badly—the miseries of her industrious pop
ulation cry front the ground. We think their misfor
tunes have been aggravated by the impetuosity of their
own feelings and conduct. They chaiged all the ills
they sulFcred, to the Banks; aud they put them down
by law and bp mobs. They have repudiated every cur
rency but specie or its equivalent in the shortest possible
way; but tiie specie refused to follow Mr. Benton's
tlacing the rues in “no time ” They are suf-
maxirn, replacing
fering the penalty of their rashuess.
When the Bank of England, during her continental
wars, stopped payment, the government gave to it ev
ery possible support, and allowed it time—full time—to
restore its bullion aud coin. The bilis at
EVACUATION OF AFFGHANISTAN.
Government Gazette Extraordinary.
[Published by Authority.]
PROCLAMATION.
SECRET DEPARTMENT, )
Simla, the 1st Oct., 1842. J
The government of India directed its army to passtlia
Indus in order to expel front Afghanistan a chief believ
ed to be hostile to British interests, and to replace upon
his throne a sovereign represented to be friendly lo those
interests, and popular with his former subjects.
The chief believed lo be hostile became a prisoner, and
the sovereign represented to be popular was replaced
upon his throne; but, after events which brought into
question his fidelity to the government by which he was
restored, he lost by the hands ol an assassin the throne he
had only held amidst insurrections, and his death was
preceded and followed by still existing anarchy.
Disasters unparalleled iu their extent, unless hythe
errors in which they originated, aud by the treachery hy
which they were completed, have in one short cam
paign been avenged upon every scene of past misfor
tune; and repeated victories in the fit Id, and the cap
ture of the cities and citadels of Ghnznee and Cabal,
have again attached the opinion of invincibility to the
Brit sh arms.
The British army in possession of Affghanistan will
now be withdrawn to the Sutlej.
The Governor-General will leave it to the Affghans
themselves to create a government amidst the anarchy
which is the consequence of their crimes.
To force a sovereign upon a reluctant people would
be as inconsistent with the policy as it is with the princi
ples of the British Government, tending to place the
arms and resources of that people at the disposal of the
first invader, and to impose the burden of supporting a
Sovereign without the prospect ofjienefit from his al
liance.
The Governor-General will willingly recognize any
government approved by the Affghans themselves,
which shall appear desirous and capable of maintaining
friendly relations with neighboring states.
Content with the limits nature appears to have assign
ed to its empire, the Government of India will devote
all its efforts to the establishment and maintenance of
general peace, to the protection of the sovereign aud
chiefs its allies, and to the prosperity and happiness of
its own faithful subjects.
The rivers of the Punnub and the Indus, and tiie
mountainous passes and the barbarous tribes of AtTshan-
istan, will be placed between the British army and an
enemy approaching from the west, if indeed, such aneit-
-emy there can be, and no longer between the army and
its supplies.
The enormous expenditure required for the support
of a large force, in a false military position, at a distunes
from its own frontier and its resources, will no longer ar
rest every measure for the improvement of the country
and of the people.
The combined army of England and of India, sope-
rior in equipment, in discipline, in valorandin the of
ficers by whom itiscommnnded, to any force which cante
opposed to it in Asia, will stand in unassailable strength
upon its own soil, and forever, under the blessings of
Providence, preserve the glorious empire it has won. in
security and in honor.
The Governor General cannot fear the misconstruc
tion of his motives in thus frankly announcing to sur
rounding States the pacific aud conservative policy of his
Government. .
Affghanistan and China have seen at once the forces
at his disposal, and the effect with which they can be ap
plied.
Siucerely attached to peace for the sake of the bene
fits it confers upon the people, the Governor General is
resolved that peace shall be observed, and will put forth
the whole powerof the British Goverumentto coerce the
State hy which it shall he infringed.
By order of the Right lion, the Governor General oi
India,
T. H. MAD DOCK.
Secretary to the Government of India with the
Governor General.
one time fell
as low as twenty per cent below par, and the mobs, and
legislative acts,as pernicious as mobs, which have almost
gone the rounds of every State in this Union, would
have prostrated every thing in that country at that time,
as low as the same insane acts have done in Ohio. En
gland allowed her citizens twenty-five years to ship the
products of their labor to all parts of the world, to re
store the treasures which had been exhausted by the go
vernment in its foreign wars, using at home, all the
while, a depreciated currency. That country flourish
ed iu spite of its burthens, and its citizens received all
the lime, a fair equivalent for their labor. Ohio—and
how many other States—have cut the Gordion knot at
once. They have put down banks and bankers “in no
time,” and their “excellent cows" sell for three dollars,
their hay one dollar per tun, and their corn for nothing /
COTTON MARKET-
The receipts of Cotton this week have not been as largo
ownig, we presume, to the festivites of Christmas, during
which time blacks as w ell ns whites have their holiday fro
lic*. To the receipts and shipments below, however,shoul"
he added the amount received and shipped from the “‘j
Rond depot daring the present week, w hich we have no
been able to obtain. There has been little doing m
market and no alteration of price. We quote! a 6.
Bales received during the week, - - M'S
Balea shipped “ “ - - 2 .°- !b
Receipts from September last,
“ Shipped, -
. 39,034
. 2-2,838
On hand, - - - - - - ,
The market in Mobile has been more lively during t
week, and 12,500 bales were
theTrtbane ofthe 24 th, ordinary. 5 a —^nigotaary
middling fttr, 61 a 67; fair, 77 a
Advertiser 30th, ult.
eeil niULf IIVV‘7 a , rv. irl
disposed of. Weqnot^
tnry, 5 a 57; middling, o. -