Newspaper Page Text
Minte UiKlita nnd United State* ltighta.
Tis the star spangled banner, oh, long may it wave,
O’er the land of the free and the home of the brave.”
FEDERAL UNION.
JIHJiKVGEmjhG, 1HAKCII 'Mi, 1844.
For Sale at this Office.
A few Copies of the Laws, passed by the
Legislature of 1843. Price, 81 per copy.—
Postage to any office under 100 miles, is 19
cents.
Democratic Meeting.
Our friends in this county are respectfully
invited to a perusal of the proceedings of a
meeting of the party on Saturday last. It will
be seen, they meet again on the 28th, every
member of the party is requested to he pre
sent.
£Gr* We have taken some pains, to lay be
fore our readers, a correct synopsis of Mr.
Clay’s speech. We give his fiierids notice,
that the principles and conduct it fixes on him,
are the crimes against Georgia, and the whole
South, for which he will he brought to the
bar, in November next. If we have misrep
resented him, now is the time to redress the
wrong; his supporters will look to it.
Mr. Clay in Milledgeville.
We leave to his friends, the account of Mr.
Clay’s reception in this place. It was a poor
affair; and they are welcome to the task of
making the most of it. About six hundred
persons of all colors, ages, sexes, and condi
tions, were present at the delivery of his
speech. Of this assembly, a large proportion,
not less we think, than one-third, were Dem
ocrats. But for the presence of these, the fail-
tire would have been still more miserable.
This was still more remaikable, at the ball
given in honor of the occasion. We rejoice,
that our Democratic friends, have given this
proof of their moderation; and wevrillnotdeny
that we are pleased, it lias had the effect of sa
ving Mr. Clay, the deep personal mortifica
tion, which the small gathering of his sad and
sober look.ng friends would have produced.
We would not have had Mr. Clay subjected
to a personal mortification in our town; his
age, his reputation, the high stations he has
filled, and the concentration of public atten
tion on him, would have rendered it painful to
us, to witness such a scene.
The fluency with which Mr. Clay delivered
his speech, imparted to it no animation; he
felt little—his audience less. There was no
enthusiasm in the crowd; the Democratic leav
en was too strong, and none could be raised.
They were told to cheer him, and one poor
fellow, bawled out a time ov two, who-zau!!
He had halloed too soon! They tried it again,
and if ever you heard the firing of platoons by
raw militia, you have a correct notion of this
cheering. One at a time, and feeble at that.
A faint cry or two was heard, when he enlar
ged on the triumphs of the tariff; hut long fa
ces ruled, when he praised himself, for oppo
sing the Cherokee treaty. The evidence of
good feeling, was no where conspicuous; even
amongst the most favored, we thought we
perceived a 6ort of "loaf and Jish” disturlmnce,
The outpourings of joyful hearts, and the
greetings of patriotic and devoted Americans,
when LaFayette was with us, came up to our
minds, but alas, wliat a contrast was here!
The Circus, which arrived two days after his
departure, was honored with a larger audience
on every night it was open.
Mr. Clay's Speech.
We need not bespeak the attention of our
readers, to our synopsis of the speech of this
candidate for the highest honor in the world.
They will, of course, read it with avidity. We
will say, that it contains no intentional misrep
resentation of the argument of the orator of
Ashland. We were present at its delivery,
and have faithfully attempted to embody all
the expression of opinion and argument it con
tained. The anecdotes with which he inter
spersed his remarks, altogether the most a-
greeable part of the performance, we have not
thought it necessary to preserve. They were
not a part of his argument.
We will not fatigue our readers with a
lengthy analysis of this speech. It contains
matter of deep import, and we have placed it
on record, that it may be in our power here
after, to refer to its doctrines, without the dan
ger of error. The campaign opens on these
doctrines, and our readers will hear of them
again. A few words on the subject, and for
the present, we have done.
The fire of youth, and the power of man
hood, cannot contend with time. Age has
made its mark on Mr. Clay. Fluent and ea
sy it: his orations, he finds more difficulty in
stopping, than in speaking. Always the hero
of his own story, he looks back with a compla
cency and approval of his own actions, com
mon to garrulous old age. We think, we do
him no injustice in saying, that his speeches
are full of zeal and eloquence, but want the
finish of a great orator, or the argument of a
profound statesman. Mr. Clay began by pro
testing against being considered a partisan or
ator, in favor of himself—lie went on with the
single object of winning for his party, the suc
cess it aims at, and for himself the palm of vic
tory. His speech is his defence, where lie
has been accused, and liis trumpet, where he
has been applauded.
His defence of his vote for John Quincy
Adams as President of the United States, was
perhaps the most lame and impotent part of
his performance. His denunciation of Gen
eral Jackson, was in bad taste, and his retreat
behind the character of the great LaFayette,
any thing rather than a satisfactory excuse.
His effort in settling the Missouri question,
is a brilliant page in his history, and has no
spot that we know of, to dim its lustre. Nor
have we any thing to take exceptions to, in
the part he acted, in the celebrated compro
mise of the tariff. The fault he had commit
ted, was in driving the country to the necessi
ty of that measure. No man in the United
States, had done so much in producing the a-
latming state of public sentiment, which was
to he obviated by the compromise of the tariff
But of what avail was this act of compromise ?
Is it not known that this measure of peace
was violated by the Whig party in the enact
ment of the present abominablo tariff law ?
Mr, Clay denies dictating its passage but what
evidence does he give of his disapproval of its
provisions ? None !
Mr. Clay’s views of the tariff, are no longer
a subject of controversy; we have them from
his own lips. He believes in a tariff for pro
tection, and believes that such a tariff cheap
ens commodities. He goes farther—he be
lieves that a tax on articles of foreign import,
cheapens the article so taxed, and instances
that necessary of life, coffee, which he thinks
would become cheaper, if a tax of two cents a
pound were laid on it! Such is his theory of
finance—such his statesmanship.
These remarks have been extended beyond
our intention a t the outset. We close with
h:s last and least defensible position—his op
position to the Cherokee treaty. This treaty
he thought too corrupt, for his approval. Was
he ignorant of the whole history of this coun
try, in regard to Indian lands’! Was the Cner-
okees less dissatisfied with this treaty, than all
the nations or tribes, who have been dispos
sessed of their homes. Every body knows
that no Indian tribe in the United States, has,
within the last half century, willingly given up
afoot of its territory. They have given way
to the pressure of the white population; and
the corrupt contracts of their chiefs, were but
the forms under which they submitted, to the
dire necessity. They have not been consid
ered as nations, or treated as equals, and Mr.
Clay’s attempt to place the Cherokees on this
high ground, is perfectly ridiculous. The
truth is, Mr. Clay, in that case, let his passions
get the better of his judgment. His hate of
General Jackson, was so great, that his sole
purpose was to thwart his views and destroy
his administration. To do this, the rights of
States, and the interests of the country, were
sacrificed. To do this, he would have planted
and confirmed the Cherokee Nation, in the
heart of Georgia forever. Were there not
Georgians then, who gave him aid and coun
sel, in his unholy purpose; and who but these
are demanding of us, to worship him now!
Bosnoctatic CSiainpion.
Under this title our indefatigable co-worher,
P. C. Guieu, of the Constitutionalist, propo
ses to publish at Augusta, a weekly paper de
voted exclusively to the Presidential contest.
The first number of this paper will appear on
the 15th of April next; it will be published
six months at the low price of one dollar in
advance, with large reduction to those who
subscribe for a large number of copies. We
take pleasure in suggesting to our friends, and
especially to the Democratic Associations
which are forming, the great advantage of
patronising this new undeitaking.
Messrs. Editors :
Gentlemen—In reading over the “Pro
gramme of the reception of Mr. Clay at Mill-
edgeville on Tuesday last,” the following part
of the procession, as published, somewhat
surprised me—“Faculty and Students of Ogle
thorpe University, with the Clergy of the city
and county.” To a casual reader it might not
seem strange that the Faculty and Students of
Oglethorpe University should join in honoring
the arrival of any of our distinguished men.
But to one acquainted with the course pursued
by this said Faculty two or three years since,
itseems strange indeed, and why it is so, I will
proceed to tell. It will be remembered by
most of our fellow-citizens, that shortly after
the death of the ill-fated Harrison, Georgia’s
own distinguished son, the lamented Forsyth
in passing thro’ Milledgeville, was solicited to
address the people on the principal political
measures of the day. This he consented to
do. As might have been expected, the
Students anxious to hear one whoso fame as
an orator stood unrivalled in the Union, made,
en masse, respectful application to he present
on that occasion. Incredible as it may now
appear, this request was relused—a second
time made, and a second time refused.
Many of the Students, feeling themselves
unnecessarily restricted, and thinking that a
proper consideration had not been given to
their petition, which was signed by the whole
number of Students, and couched in the most
civil and courteous language, determined to go
at all events. They did go, and derived a
satisfaction, in hearing that great man speak,
to which, it is to be hoped, memory will al
ways recur with pleasure.
For this offence, they were, to the number
of fifteen, suspended from an exercise of the
College duties, for the space of two months.
This of course created some excitement at
the time, as many of the nncv>oii<U/l * v -
sons of citizens, in the immediate neighbor
hood, who felt not a little vexed at this ultra
exercise of authority by the Faculty.
Many too were so uncharitable as to attri
bute this action on the part of the Faculty, to
party prejudice, as it was well known that
every member of the Faculty was a Whig.
That they were influenced by a feeling of par-
tizansliip, I do not pretend to say. But that
the President, Faculty, and Students of Ogle
thorpe University were present to hear Mr.
Clay make a political speech, I do know. It
is equally true, that an * ex officio member of
the Faculty of this Institution, Rector of the
Academy at Midway, one who aided in the
deliberations of the very body that suspended
their Students (and who by the way is a Whig)
headed the list of Marshals a6 published in the
hand bills.
I notice this for the purpose of holding up
to light, the apparent incongruity of action of
this body, in the two instances mentioned;
and in the hope of impressing upon the minds
of the Faculty of this Institution, as well as
upon all the instructois of our youth, the in
estimable value of that priceless jewel,
CONSISTENCY.
From the Charleston Courier.
Mr. Calhoun's acceptance erf the office of Se
cretary of State.—We are gratified to announce
to our readers that Mr. Calhoun has accepted
the office of Secretary of State, to which he
was nominted by President Tyler, with im
mediate and unanimous confirmation by the
Senate. In accepting this office, at the present
juncture, and under existing circumstances,
Mr. Calhoun cannot hut be regarded as hav
ing sacrificed much for the good and at the call
of his country ; and the patriotic act will be
doubtless universally appreciated. He is em
inently qualified for the administration of the
state department, and it is especial cause for
congratulation that he should be placed at its
head, when the adjustment of the delicate
questions of Texas and the Oregon demand
all the wisdom and prudence of the most gifted
statesmanship.
The following is an extract from a letter re
ceived in this city yesterday afternoon, an
nouncing the foregoing intelligence :—
“ Pendleton, March 15, 1844.
“ I was with Mr. Calhoun to-day. The
mail came freighted with lettersfromhis friends
urging his acceptance. You will be gratified to
learn that he could not resist “ this call of his
country upon his patriotism,” and that as early
as practicable he will pass through the old
city, on his way to Washington. Texas and
Oregon will be the absorbing questions for his
great mind, and depend upon it his wisdom,
firmness and moderation will secure Loth to
this Union.”
CtUWho forced the expensive “Extra Ses
sion!
HENRY CLAY.
Who over-ruled and brow-heat the last
Congress and compelled the passage of a de
testable scheme fot a National Bank!
HENRY CLAY.
Who fought for the unconstitutional Distri
bution Act!
HENRY CLAY.
Who helped pass the odious Bankrupt Law
by which millions of money were swindled
out of honest hands and put in the pockets of
corrupt knaves and swindlers!
HENRY CLAY.
Who, in open disregard of the Constitution
and every principle of State Rights, advocat
ed the passage of the mandatory act, relative
to districting the States?
HENRY CLAY.
Who opposes the advocates of freedom in
Rhode Island?
H.EN-RY clay.
ho, after having forced a duel which re
sulted in the death of the lamented Cilly, de
clared it. was “only a bubble which would
burst in nine days?”
HENRY CLAY.
Who said to Mr. Polk, when he cast a vote
deciding a question against federalism, “Go
home G—d d—m you, where you belong?”
HENRY CLAY.—Manchester Dem.
Mr. Clay’s Speech,
Delivered before the assembled Citizens of Milledgeville, on
the 19th March, 1844.
From a cold, which he had contracted on
his route from Columbus to Macon, Mr. Clay
felt almost incapacitated from speaking; but
the animated faces around him, and the very
eloquent speech of Governor Crawford, de
manded of him an acknowledgment, even if
he had been wholly deprived of the power of
speech. He had long felt the wish, now so
pleasingly gratified, of visiting the State of
Georgia, and snaking the acquaintance of her
citizens. He had come now as a private citi
zen, seeking no honor, and desiring no dem
onstrations of the kind he had met. Even
now, he desired his reception to be freed from
every party bias, and to meet every Georgian
with the toleration and kindness, he really felt
for all parties. He believed all parties, to be
in the main honest, and deprecated the per
sonal differences which were allowed to arise
from difference of opinion. The contest was
not with enemies of the country, but between
two great parties aiming at the good of the
country, but differing in the means of accom
plishing so great an object. Why should they
scowl at one another! Why carry their op
position, to so unwarrantable a length? With
regard to the great questions of public interest,
which were now before the people, why should
he speak? Was there a doubt of his opinions
in regard to one of them? His spoken, re
folded and printed opinions were before the
world; aud they remained unaltered. He
would therefore, limit his remarks to a few
topics, which had from his own personal rela
tion to them, acquired a peculiar importance
to himself.
Governor Crawford, had done hint the hon
or of comparing his trip through the State of
Georgia, to that of the great and good La
Fayette, in 1S25. The association of that
name, in his own mind, with a questioned and
responsible act of his own, would excuse him
for relating an anecdote which happened at
the time. Mr. Adams had been made Presi
dent of the United States, by the aid of his
(Mr. C’s) vote in the House of Representa
tives. It would he remembered, that the
choice of the House, was restricted to three
persons; Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford and Gen
eral Jackson. It was known to all his private
friends, before he left Kentucky, that his pre
ference was for Mr. Crawford, who he had al
ways regarded as his friend, and considered
one of the gifted men of the age. He had vis
ited him on reaching Washington, and found
him laboring under the effects of paralysis,
feeble in body and in all probability, injured
in his mental faculties. He was out of the
question. The appointment lay betweenGen-
eral Jackson and Mr. Adams. Mr. Clay bad
a thousand times, expressed his opinion of
General Jackson. He regarded him as too
rash, impetuous and inexperienced, for the oc
cupant of this high office. He could not as a
sworn officer, give him his vote. He therefore,
cast his vote for Mr. Adams, as the last altern
ative. He knew Mr. Adams was not without
his faults, but in the situation in which he was
placed, lie had felt bound to support him. But
having done so, lie felt the necessity of addres
sing to his constituents a long letter of defence
and justification of himself for his vote on this
impoitant matter. This letter he had finished
and in manuscript, when General LaFayette
was in Washington, and to him he showed it.
The letter contained a full and strong account
of the personal afflictions of Mr. Crawford; for
Mr. Clay in the pursuit of matters of deep ex
citement, looked not to the right or to the left.
<> 1 t--!’-,-..-,— —o
marked, that a thing so painful ought not to
be brought to Mr. Crawford’s eyes. Could it
not be avoided and left out of the letter? By
all means, and, said Mr. Clay, I thank you for
the suggestion; they shall be left out, and they
were left out. Thus ever and in all places,
was the great foreigner doing good at all times
and in all places.
The flattering terms in which Governor
Crawford had alluded to two incidents of his
political career, the Missouri question and the
compromise act of 1833, demanded of Mr.
Clay, a short account of his agency in these
transactions. The Missouri question had been
twice before Congress; the first attempt to re
strict the people of that State, in their right to
establish their own form of government, had
been productive of great excitement, blit it had
passed over. The second arose over accept
ing that State into the confederacy with a
clause in its constitution forbidding the emi
gration of free persons of color to it. Mi.Clay
was in Kentucky, when this question took on
a character so fearful to the union. He came
late to Congress, and met every where with
discussions on a severance of the union. He
visited Mr. Lowndes, and found him in de
spair. The question came up, and was deci
ded against receiving that State into the union.
To accomplish any thing, the matter had a-
gain to be taken up, and the decision revers
ed. Mr. Clay allowed time, considerable
time, for the excited feelings of the members
to cool, and for every one to ponder for him.
self, on the prospect of a dissevered utiion-
He was visited, talked to, and urged to make
a move in the important matter. He took ev
ery occasion to penetrate the particular views
of individuals, and found amongst the negative
voters, a class who deprecated the consequen
ces of leaving the matter in its present posi
tion, but wanted of moral firmness to meet
their constituents. These be made the pivot
of his future operations. At last he made a
move in the matter. He moved for the ap
pointment of a committee of one from each
State, and that they should be selected by bal
lot; a means of designating a committee till
then, unknown in the House. On that com
mittee, he placed the names of several that
bad voted against the reception of Missouri
into the union, and had the influence to have
them elected; eighteen the first ballot, and the
remaining six were upon his suggestion, made
up of those having the next highest numher of
votes. The committee met, and readily a-
greed to report favorably, to the reception of
the new State into the union. But this did
not satisfy Mr. Clay; he urged on A. B. and
C. the question, “will you vote for it in the
House, and had the happiness to wring from
them, the positive promise he desired.” This
gave the turn scale in the House, and he now
knew the question was settled. It was Sun
day evening, and he had now to take a walk
of three miles, to dine with the Russian Min
ister, from whom he had a standing inviiation
to dine on every Sunday, and never, no never
did he move with a more buoyant step, or ele
vated feelings than on that occ sion.
The compromise act had been originated
by himself, unaided by suggestion, unsupport
ed by authority. He had first thought of it
while at Philadelphia, on a visit to his sister
He had a meeting of certain manufacturers of
that city—they approved the plan. He saw
Mr. Webster, and he disapproved of it—Gen
eral Jackson disapproved of it, as did other high
and powerful names. Mr. Clay urged it for
ward, as it was his custom to do, with means-
ures he approved. Mr. Calhoun demanded a
home valuation, but others and enough to de-
stioy the measure with that feature, objected
to it.
Thus opposed, he demanded a reference
of the whole subject to a committee from both
Houses to be united. This committee met,
and was immediately startled by a question
raised by Mr. Randolph, “who shall preside
over this committee.” Mr. Clay settled the
question in a moment, by moving that each
committee should sit under its own officer,
and that when each had agreed to the same
report, it should be carried into each branch
of Congress. Thus organised, it was with dif-
ficu ty a report coul| be carried, and the com-
mi tee over which he presided, arose to retire
from the room. M< Clay threw himself into
the door and said, “gentlemen, you shall not
go out of this door, till you have acted on this
question—the Senate and House of Represen
tatives have referred it to us, and it must be
reported back to tlem; this is your duty, and
you have it to do.’’ Thus brought to their
seats, the report was agreed to and made to
Congress. Mr. Clay had been charged with
arrogance and dictation, as to the measures of
the late Senate; but he repudiated, not debts,
but dictation to the Senate. If ever he had
acted the dictator, it was on this occasion, and
over this commutes. The measure was now
prepared for the fir.al action of Congress. The
opposition it had net with, made him despair
of carrying it through; but, at the crisis, and
when from its position, it was to be saved or
lost, Mr. Calhoun came forward aud gave it
his support. Thus it was saved and thus per
haps, the evils which then menaced the coun
try averted. General Jackson’s sanction to
the compromise act, was not gained without
difliculty. It was urged on him by his most
influential friends, amongst them, the lament
ed Judge White, then a Senator from Ten
nessee. They used argument, persuation and
even threats before they were successful.
With regard to the tariff question, Mr.Clay’s
opinions remained unchanged. They had
been deliveted and published more than twen
ty years ago—they were against extremes on
either hand—the safe course was a medium
course, aud this he had always supported.
Free trade would place our markets, in the
hands of the foreigner, and diain us of all our
specie; prohibition on the contrary, might pro
duce monopoly and its attendant evils; he was
equally opposed to both. This question was
too wide for discussion here—it would take
days to develope its important details. But
the great principle of demand and supply go
verned the whole. * Experience had taught us
a great lesson—it had taught us, that a tariff
laid on an article, did not increase its price,
and often reduced it. Cotton bagging, and he
was himself a grower of hemp, and some of
his family manufacturers of this article, had
fallen all the time under a protective tarff It
had sunk to twelve and a half cents at the man
ufactories. These effects of the tariff, had
been predicted by its friends. All their pre
dictions had been verified. On the contrary,
the predictions of their adversaries had been
uniformly falsified. They had pronounced
the several tariffs enacted since 1S16, destroy
ers of trade—they had predicted the bank
ruptcy of the treasury, and yet the revenue
has been ample, and is now increasing. And
from the same causes, like effects will again
happen. Suppose a tax of two cents a pound,
were laid on coffee—and by the way, a small
tax on this article, has been rather troublesome
to some of your leadincr men: (looking.at Mr.
Dawson, on whom all eyes and much merri
ment shone.) Mr. Clay would not have ex
pected such a thing from the liberal sons of
Georgia. But suppose such a tax were now
laid. Coffee, it is known, has suddenly be
come an enormous “product, find as an aiticle
of commerce much resembling cotton. The
increase of its price, which this tariff' would
cause, would cause an instant increase of its
production, & it would he forced on your mar
kets, at a rate more reduced than the two cents
paid on it as a duty. Thus coffee would fol
low the rule of all experience, and become
cheaper in consequence of the tax imposed
on it.
Mr. Clay repeated his aversion to all ex
tariff question, he^was for a judicious use of
the protective power, for the purpose of fos
tering American Industry.
On the subject of a distribution of the pro
ceeds of the sales of the public lands, amongst
the States, Mr. Clay was decidedly in its favor.
Two States were distinguished for their con
tributions to this great fund, Virginia and
Georgia. By far the largest portion had been
given by Virginia; but the contribution by
Georgia, was a noble gift. Ought not these
States to derive some benefit, from the sales of
this vast property? But apart from this con
sideration, has not the public lands, been a
subject of contest and political management,
throughout the history of this government?
They were a fruitful source of corruption;—
and would be so used as long as they remain
ed in connexion with the Treasury of the Uni
ted States. He was for cutting off this source
of corruption, by giving to the States, the pro
ceeds of these sales. And shall it be forgotten,
that this fund in the hands of the States, would
contribute in an eminent degree, to their pros
perity, improvement, and independence; it
would also, be a permanent common fund, and
a great bond to the uion.
He was, and always had been, the friend of
Georgia—he wished to see her covering all
her territory and enjoying all the blessings
which Providence had allotted to her. He
saw with great satisfaction, her rising great
ness, and was particularly gratified that her
last Legislature had remedied the defects in her
currency, and provided fur the re-cstablishmcnt
of her credit. But he felt bound to say, that as
a Senator of the United States, supporting a
clear conscience and doing justice to men in
presence of the world, and a still Higher Tri
bunal, he had voted against the ratification of
the treaty, by which she had acquired her
Cherokee Lands. Treaties, like other con
tracts, must have two parties, and both must
he willing. In this case, the Senate had be
fore them proof—irresistible proofs, that the
treaty was induced by corruption, made with
out authority and against the wishes of almost
the whole Cheorkee Nation. He could not
consider this the act of one Nation treating
with another, and therefore voted against it.
Mr. Clay apologised for the lengthy and de
sultory remarks into which he had been drawn.
They were demanded by feelings which it
would have been wrong, for him to suppress.
Received as he was, in the heart of a great
State—welcomed by her honored and elo
quent Chief Magistrate in the presence of
her assembled citizens, and greeted by the
smiles of her fair daughters, he could not feel
otherwise than profoundly thankful. “To
you, fellow-citizens, said he, 1 offer my un
feigned thanks, and to you Governor Craw
ford, (offering him his hand,) who I meet as the
chosen organ and father of ibis people, I offer
again and again, my profoundest thanks.”
Bounties of Whiggery.
[Extract from Mr. Clay's Speech, in Senate 23d March,
1843.]
“ The Senator (Mr. Calhoun.) was continually charg
ing him (Mr. Clay) with the design of violating the com
promise act? If hen had he sicerrcd from it? He teas
still fur adhering to it, as he understood its principles.
Thosf principles he did not consider incompatible with the
PROTECTION of Amciican industry, in prcfetcncc to
anyother. HE HAD LIVED, AND WOULD DIE,
AN ADVOCATE OF THE PROTECTIVE SY’S-
TEM. HE HAD NEVER CHANGED HIS PRIN
CIPLES. THEY WERE NOW THE SAME AS
THEY had EVER BEEN; but he submitted to the
restriction* of the compromise act as a matter of NE
CESSITY. And he did not even now think it prudent,
because not practicable, to go as far as his inclinations
led him, with the friends of PROTECTION. But as
far as he COULD GO HE WOULD ."’
“Mr. Clay, has long smee forfeited all claims to the
suffrages of the South, by his zealous support of the Ta
riff; and his advocacy of the Force Bill, will afford an ad
ditional reason for his receiving the determined opposi
tion of the State Rights Party.”—Ga. Journal, Dec.
25,1836.
“We can never support the distinguished Orator
whose powerful eloquence, has in so many instances
been directed against the interests of the South. We
can never support an advocate of the “Force Bill”—we
cannot support ‘ Harry of the West.”—Georgia Journal,
Feb. 26, 1639.
“We were among those who believed Mr. Clay was
wedded to a United States Bank, but events as they have
tranepired, convinces us that we were in error.’ “We
•re pleased that be has abandoned the project, and sin.
cerely hope that the energies of his great end powerful
mind, will be directed to the support of what we conceive
to be more beneficial to the country.—Ga. Journal, May
23.1339.
“Our correspondent with all his zeal, cannot arrive at
the forced construction, that we necessarily because Mr.
Calhoun is in favor, and Clay and Webster opposed to
the Sub Treasury scheme, are iiuctured with Clavism,
YVebsterism, Federalism, the American System and Ab
olitionism. Of these sins we have never been accused
by our euemies, and it is too late in the day for us to be
catechised by our friends.”
To answer our correspondent categorically, we have
tc say .that we are neither a Clay nor Webster man, and
so far as the Sub-Treasury is concerned we are not a
Calhoun man.”—Georgia Messenger, April 20,1833.
“As to the other charges of minor consideration, but
no less false, viz:
That the Georgia Whigs are in favor of a National
Bank.
That the Georgia Whigs are in favor of Henry Clay.
That the Georgia Whigs, are penegyrists of Daniel
Webster.
YVe would express our denial in a very emphatic mon
osyllable, were not the use of it offensive to “ears po
lite.”—Georgia Messenger, August 23, 1833.
To the Editor t>f the Georgia Messenger:
“My best reflections and most careful investigations
have confirmed the opinion, that Congress ha3 no pow
er to charter a Bank.”
“ Opposition to a National Bank lies deep in the ele
ments of our party organization. We shall in vain ex
pect the respect due to consistent politicians, if we bc-
' come the advocates of a National Bank.”
“ I belong neither to the house of York or Lancaster.
Mv principles will not permit me to support either Y’an
Buren or CLAY’.”—E. A. Nisbet, July 24, 1338.
“The opposition which is made to Henry Clay by the
States Right Party, is one of principle. They have no
predilections for him as President of the United Sates,
nor love for his political creed. He has always been the
open and avDwed, hut generous opposer of their doc
trines. They cannot, to' he consistent, cast their suffra
ges in his favor, and opposition to his election, will be as
firmly persevered in, as will be the opposition of the same
party, to Martin Van Uureu.”—Georgia Journal, June
11, 1839.
“We will strive to promote the cause of State Rights,
by placing before the people, the acts and opinions of a
distinguished sou of Georgia, (G. M. Troup,) in contrast
with those of Martin Y r an Buren and Henry Clay.”
[ Georgia Journal, July 9, 1839.
“Mr. Clay has identified himself with a course of poli
cy on the part of the Federal Government, which is in
oor opinion no less unjust than injurious to the best in
terests of the South; against his views, we have warred
hitherto, and shall continue to war uncompromisingly.’
[Southern Recorder, April 3, 1838.
“YVe consider that a choice of either (Y r an Boren or
Clay.) would be a great evil; therefore we shall choose
neither.—Southern Recorder, May 7, 1839.
Baldw in Democratic .liseteng.
Pursuant to adjournment a portion of the
Democratic party of Baldwin county, met at
the Court House in Milledgeville, on Saturday
the 23rd inst.
On motion the Hon. M. Fort, was called
to the Chair, and A. E. Cochran, requested to
act as Secretary.
On motion of Wm. J. Davis, Esq. the re
solution of a previous meeting appointing a
committee to report such suggestions and re
commendations, as might he deemed proper
for the lutuie action of the party in this coun
ty, was read : Whereupon, Col. H. Y.
Johnson, the Chairman of said committee be
ing absent, Col. John G. Park, presented the
following report from that committee, to wit:
REPORT.
The necessity for vigorous and united ac
tion, by the Democratic party, is apparent
from considerations, at once so numerous and
imperative, that your Committee are at a loss
which to select, as most appropriate and con
sistent with that brevity, which ought to char
acterise their report. On the one hand, we
have to contend with an opposition, who are
united, and whose leaders are talented and
zealous, but corrupt as talented, and are un
scrupulous as zealous, in the means which they
stoop to employ, to accomplish their ends.
v. A- _.i_ r _ i l --- - - —«*Ky,
by all that is valuable in the admirable struc
ture of our free government, by all that is sa
cred in the doctrines and principles which we I
support, and by every high and noble consid- ;
eration, which binds us to the rights and inter- i
ests and prosperity of the South. Who, let it ;
be asked, are our opponents? It is true, and j
humiliating as true, that a small integral part
of the Federal Host, are our brethren by hab
itation and in interest; and we would feign
hope—nay we believe, that they deserve ex
emption from the charge of corruption, which
so justly lies against the greater portion of their
leaders. But nothing is hazzarded in the as
sertion, that the Whig party cf the United
States, is constituted of Tariffites, Bank men,
and Abolitionists;—of the friends of Internal j
Improvements and Assumption of the State ;
Debts, by the General Government;—and of
the advocates of a Distribution of the Land
fund and a virtual abrogation of the Execu
tive Veto. These are the constituent ele
ments of the great Federal party—elements
essentially heterogeneous in their nature, com
bining and forming a kind of mechanical mix
ture, without any chemical affinity. They
scarcely agree in any thing involving princi
ple, but are united for the sake of power and
plunder. And what are the means which they
employ to accomplish their purposes? Do
they make any annunciation of common prin
ciples as the basis of their political creed? Do
they make any rational and calm appeal to the
good sense of the people? No, none! Their
principles, if they have any, are hostile to the
best interests of the country and subversive of
the government. And instead of addressing
themselves to the intelligence of the people,
they treat them with contempt, by vulgar ap
peals to the lowest passions known to human
nature.—Banners and processions are their
arguments, and their most potent oratory bac-
chanalien songs, corrupt and degraded in sen
timent and thought. The justness of these re
marks, finds its illustration, in the measure and
conduct of the Whig party in 1840 aud ’41,
and in the whole political career of him, whom
they have chosen as their file leader, in tire ap
proaching Presidential campaign. To en
large in detail, upon the incidents here allu
ded to, would he an. unnecessary consumption
of time and almost a wanton offence to the
feelings of men of coriect propriety, and who
are sensitive in reference to the character of
our people in the eyes of civilized nations. A
bare reference to them, calls them up to the
recollection, in most disgustingand mortifying
distinctness. The mention of the name of
Henry Clay, suggests in a moment, to the
mind of every Southern republican, the idea
of all that is intolerable in the Protective sys
tem, and all that is loathesome in the corrup
tion of a National Bank; and ten years ago,
the mention of that name in connexion witli
the Presidency, would have provoked a vol
cano of indignant denunciation, from the very
party who are now shouting paeans to his
praise, and with most odious sycophancy are.
burning incense at his shrine. In view of
such an opposition, animated by such a spirit,
employing such means and struggling under
the banner of such a leader, is it a time for
Democrats to be supine and inactive? Shall
we stand quietly by, and permit the Federal
ists to take the field without a contest, and
plant their flag upon the very walls of the cap-
itol? Shade of Jefferson! whose principles
are outraged and misrepresented, and whose
memory is sought to he tarnished, by the
tongue of foul detraction, forbid it!
But if it be important to defeat the Federal
party, in their efforts to grasp the reigns of go
vernment, and fix upon the country as a per-
maneut policy, a set of measures which are
unjust, oppressive, unconstitutional and pecu
liarly ruinous to the South; how much more
important that we should triumphantly assert
and maintain the political principles of the
Jeffersonian Republican school. These prin
ciples are familiar as household words. They
have been proclaimed over and over again,
since tbe memorable contest of 1800. They
have been the landmarks, by which the ship
of State has been guided, by every Democratic
President, from Washington down to the pre
sent day. They are few but comprehensive,
simple, but sublime. They emanate from the
constitution as do the rays from the sun; and
like the light of that brilliant luminary, they
exhibit the beauty and symmetry and wisdom
of our admirable form of government. It is
for the integrity of that instrument, interpre
ted by the rule of strict construction, that we
contend as a party. With our success, in the
maintainance of this position, we honestly
think, are linked the hopes of the South, and
the destiny of the Union. Nothing else, we
believe, can restrain the federal government
within the legitimate sphere of its action. And
without this restraint, it will invade or usurp,
the rights reserved to the States, erect itself
into a great elective consolidated empire, and
reduce the States to mere dependencies, to
obey its behests, or to be crushed by its pow
er. Such we believe to be the direct and in
evitable tendency of the measures of Whig
policy. Therefore, taking the constitution as
our guide, we hold: —
That the government of the United States,
is one of limited powers, originating exclu
sively from, and being clearly defined in the
constitution; and that the doubtfulness of a pow
er, is a sufficient reason, why it should not be
exercised.
That the federal government has no right to
prosecute a general system of Internal Im
provements, or to assume the debts of the sev
eral States contracted for that or other purpo
ses.
That it has no right to foster one branch of
industry, to the injury of another, by a system
of discriminating and protective duties on for
eign imports; but that duties should be levied
and collected, with a view to the actual a-
mount of revenue, necessary for an economi
cal administration of the government.
That Congress has no power to charter a
National Bank, for any pretext whatever.
Such an institution, so far from being “neces
sary and proper,” is, and from the 'inherent
corruption which attaches to the concentration
of a great irresponsible money power, must
ever be fraught with infinite danger to our re
publican form of government.
That the public money should have no con
nection with Banking institutions. Such an
alliance, jeopardizes their safety and tends to
corrupt the agents of the government.
That Congress has no power to raise mo
ney, either from the sale of our public lands,
or otherwise, for the purpose of distribution
among the several States. The vacuum pro
duced in the treasury, by such a measure,
would furnish a pretext for an increase of Ta
riff duties.
That Congress has no power to interfere
with the institution of slavery, within the Dis
trict of Columbia, the Territories or tbe States.
It would be treachery to the compromises
which resulted in the adoption of the consti
tution, fatal to the planting and produciug in
terests, and would ultimately sunder the gold
en chain of Union, which links together our
glorious sisterhood of federated republics.
These are the principles and doctrines a-
round which, the Democratic party proudly
rally: and planting themselves upon the high
ground of the constitution, we fearlessly pro
claim them to tbe world, as our political creed.
On their maintainance, in their simplicity and
purity, are suspended the hopes and destiny
of this great republic. It is the wisdom with
which they are blended and combined for the
promotion of human happiness and liberty,
that renders our institutions the wonder and
admiiation of the world, and our country a
home for the oppressed nf alt nations. They
are to our political, what gravitation is to the
solar system. Destroy them, and every star
that bestuds our national banner, would rush
wildly arid madly from its orbit, and be dash
ed to atoms.
Therefore, in view of their principles, and
the dangers which threaten them, does it not
behove the Democratic party, to awake tovig
ilance and activity? Can we hope to accom
plish any thing valuable, by sloth and leth
argy?
But action to be efficient, must be harmo
nious, as well as zealous. Hence, it becomes
a matter of important inquiry, to ascertain the
best method of producing union and concert
of effort. Your committee believe that they
can suggest no better plan, than the formation
of a Democratic Association in the county. It
is true, as a party, we pride ourselves, upon
differing “toto cclo” from the Whigs. But
however humiliating it may be, for an observ
er to trace even a remote resemblance, yet it
is a false pride,'for us to refuse the formation
of associations, merely because they have a-
dopted a similar mode ‘yclep’d, in the tasteful
language of Whig classics, “Clubs.” The
truth is, the principle of association is success
fully invoked mthe prosecution of every depart
ment of human enterprise—in banking, in in
ternal improvements and in commerce. It is
efficient, because it combines the energies of
individual capital, effort- and intellect. Why
then, should we not take lessons from the expe
rience of the past? And should our pride be
mortified,by being taunted with a resemblance
to the Whigs, we can recover ourselves from
the shock, and tegain our •omplaicency, by
the reflection that we differ from them in all
other respects. We will form no long pro
cessions, to march in solemn tread, in.the rear
of an encaged Raccoon, under banners inscri
bed with foolish and ridiculous mottos. Nor
will we break the quiet of midnight, with
shouts of bacchanalian revelry, or offend the
ears of decency with vulgar chaunts and songs.
Our flag shall be the “star spangled banner of
our country” and our motto
-“long may it wave,
O'er the land of the free, and the home of the brave.”
We shall hold our meetings like rational be
ings, interchange feelings and sentiments, dis
cuss public measures, and by fair and honora
ble argument, urge our principles upon the
consideration and adoption of thinking free
men. Such an association, will enable us to
ascertain definitely, who of our fellow citizens
agree with us in sentiment, and willing to
unite in the great work of rescuing our con
stitution from assault and mutilation, and to
hold communion and intercourse, through our
official organs, with our Democratic brethren
in every part of the State. So that in the com
ing contest for the Presidency, we can present
all the moral power of organized resistance to
the ruinous machinations of the Federal Host.
From these and many other considerations,
your committee beg leave to recommend the
adoption of the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the present state of political
affairs in Georgia, calls loudly upon the Dem
ocratic party, for more zeal, more activity,
more harmony and union of effort, in the sup
port and advancement of their principles and
measures.
Resolved, That as the best method of effect
ing this object, so far as relates to the county
of Baldwin, we will immediately proceed to
form a Democratic Association; and that we
respectfully recommend a similar course to
the adoption of our brethren in the several
counties of the State.
Which Report and Resolutions being read,
were unanimously agreed to. Thereupon it
was
Resolved, That in pursuance of the above
resolution, this meeting now proceed to form
an Association, to be called the Democratic
Association of Baldwin county.
A constitution and bye-laws, for the future
government of the association, were then read
and offered to the meeting, by Col. John G.
Park, which were taken up, amended and a-
dopted.
Col. Park then offered the following Reso
lution, which was adopted.
Resolved, That the Secretary of this meet
ing, copy tbe constitution as amended, to h e
presented for the signatures of our friends at
their next meeting.
On motion.
Resolved, That the association hold a meet
ing at the LaFayette Hall, on Thursdav the
28th inst., at 3 o’clock, P. M., for the purpose
of electing officers, and making further T Un
lations. °
M. FORT, Chairman.
A. E. Cochran, feec’y.
Milledgeville, Ga., March, IS44
To the Judges of the Inferior Courts of this Stole
Gentlemen—The recent establishment of.
Lunatic Asylum by the Legislature, and the
importance of organization and uniformity
an institution so complex and extensive in ;>
details, makes it our duty to address you th ; a
circular.
Three acts have been passed on this subject
and should in every instance of proceeding
under them be before the Court. The first
bears date 10th December, 1841, and is to be
found at page 153 of the laws; the second, 2Sth
December, 1S42, laws page 22; and the third
on the 2Sth December, 1843, laws pa«e 9 ’
In obedience to these laws, the Trustees
will observe the following rules, of which they
request the due observance of the Courts. 3
1. No Idiot, Epileptic, or Lunatic, will
be received at the Asylum, unless under the
sentence or committal of the Inferior Court.
2. Every person so committed, must l>rin<r
from the Clerk of said Court, a certified copy
of the proceedings had in the case.
3. In these proceedings, or the accompany
ing certificate, the following facts must appear
viz: The name of the person—the county from
which he os she is sent—the time of the trial,
the sentence of the Court, and the condition
or circumstances of the patient—whether a
pauper and entitled to public charity or not.
Those who are not paupers are required to
hear their own expenses, and will pay in ad
vance one hundred dollars per annum. Those
who fail to do this, will be returned to the
counties from whicli they came. Paupers
must be delivered without any charge to the
Asylum, but they will be suppoited, and if they
recover, sent to their homes at the public ex
pense.
Citizens of other States, and those who bear
their own expenses, will, at the discretion of
the Trustees, be allowed better fare and ac
commodations in conformity with agreements
made with the guardians or relatives of the
parties.
The Trustees of the Asylum request from
an attending physician.or oilier near friend to
the patient; a short account of each case, to
accompany the documents transmitted.
Very respectfully.
Yours, Ac.
B. A. WHITE,
DAVID COOPER,
T. FORT.
h
From the Madisonian.
INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE.
The following correspondence, consequent
upon the passage of the hill to which it relates,
belongs to the history of the measure, and is
therefore given to the public as a matter of
general interest:
LETTER OF THE PRESIDENT TO
GEN. JACKSON.
Washington, February 16, 1S44.
Dear Sir—I take great pleasure in enclos
ing a copy of the act for your relief from the
fine imposed by Judge Hall, which passed the
two houses, and was approved by myself oa
the same instant that the committee presented
it to me. Strongly impressed with the justice
of the measure, I did not hesitate, in my an
nual message, at the opening of the last ses
sion of Congress, to urge it upon that body;
and it has afforded me no ordinary satisfaction
to affix to it my approval.
Permit me, my dear sir, to present you my
cordial congratulations at this act of justice,
aud this new proof of the high estimate which
your country places upon your valuable ser
vices at a time when the stoutest hearts enter
tained serious apprehensions for the safety of
New-Orleans. Nothing is now left upon her
judicial records to sully in any degree the glo
ry of the memorable defence of that city.
That you may live long to enjoy the constantly
increasing tokens of public esteem, is my
sincere prayer.
I renew to you assurances of my highest
respect, JOHN TYLER.
LETTER FROM GENERAL JACKSON
IN REPLY.
Hermitage, February 27, 1S44.
My Dear Sir—Although greatly afflicted
and debilitated, so that I can scarcely wield
my pen, l cannot forego an attempt to ac
knowledge the receipt of your very kind let
ter of the 16th inst. which is received and
now befoie me, with the copy of the act
which passed the two houses of Congress,
and was so promptly approved by you, res
toring the unjust fine imposed by Judge Hall.
The kind expression you have been pleased to
employ in conveying them, receives, as it de
serves, a tender of my grateful thanks.
I feel grateful to my country for the unsoli
cited appeal to Congress to perform this act of
justice to me. 1 feel grateful to you, sir, for
your bringing to the notice of Congress, in
your official message, the justice of removing
the stain upon my character by the imposition
of this unjust fine, for using the only means in
my power to defend the city of New Orleans,
by declaring martial law, which the Judge,
when declared, approved with uplifted hands,
saying: “ Now the country may be saved
without it, it was lost.” And for this act, the
Judge, sitting in his own cause, arid refusing
to hear ray defence, tendered under his own
rule, imposed this fine.
I feel grateful to Congress for removing this
unjust imputation on my memory, by the pas
sage of the act you have enclosed me, an
with these grateful feelings 1 am now prepar
ed to go hence, whenever an all-wise ro%i
dence may will it, without regrets of any hvn u ,
but with overflowing gratitude to the - Tn - P -
can people, for the generous .“ •
have yielded me through all the othcia stations
to which they have been pleased to call me.
I have just received from that faithful Y
trustworthy officer of yours, Mr. McClintoc'
Young, his letter of the 17th, and one from
the Secretary of the Treasury, advising ®e
that the amount of the fine, See. would bo re
mitted to me at Nashville, so soon as the
rant passes the usual form, b or this evide* 6
of your kindness, I again thank you.
Very respectfully, I remain your most obe
dient servant, ANDREW JACI\>0-■
MR. CLAY’S RECEPTION IN SAVANNAH
Mr. Clay arrived in this city, yesterdav af
ternoon, in the Rail Road Cars, from Gordon.
On his arrival at the Depot, a salute ot z6 g 1 ® 3
was fired in Liberty-street, and he was escort
ed by a cavalcade of about 160 citizens. ® e J.
and boys, and attended by the Comrnitt®-
the Whig Party and others, in 12 or 13 ‘Y
carriages, and was conveyed in an open
louche to the residence of Hon. J. M. !>e‘ rie
in Broughton-street.—Savannah Georgias-
fl^It is rumered in Washington, that U
tain Stockton, of the United States
Princeton, on board of whose vessel t®^
happy calamity occurred, has presente
widow of Mr. Gilmer with $10,000, st-e
in needy circumstance.
The total amount of specie received«® ^
Orleans, from September 1st, to Februarj
was $4,725,000.