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The South In Danger.
read before you vote.
iJdreSo of the Democratic Association, Wash
ington, D. C.
There never was a period when the South
was i” s0 uiuch danger as at this moment. To
procure the Abolition vote for Henry Clay, we
will show that the Whig party of the North,
their leading presses, legislative bodies, and
statesmen, have denounced the South, they
have held up slavery as a crime, they have
promised a speedy union toeflect its overthrow
with the Abolitionists, and have joined with
them in holding up the South to obloquy and
reproach. The means used by this new coali- j
tiuti are to represent the people of the South
ta their sister States and to the world, as dis- j
,,raced and degraded by the institution of |
slavery, and as unworthy of Christian cornrnu- I
nion and social intercourse. Already this de
moniac feeling has dissolved the Methodist
Church, and other American churches are j
threatened with a similar fate. The object is
to taboo the South, to render us infamous, to
put the mark of Cain upon our forehead, and j
to deprive us of character first, as the means of
despoiling us of our property afterwards.
Men of the South, the effort is to disgrace and
degrade vou and your children forever. 1 hat
Mich a party exists in the North, is conceded.
They denounce you in their presses, petitions,
and speeches, us man-stealers, as robbers, as
flesh-jobbers, as slave-breeders, as convict
criminals, as vile and infamous, as unwor
thy of Christian or social communion, and
fiuallv, as existing only by sufferance as a part
of the Union. Now if, as we shall demon
strate, the party which thus denounces the
•South, is courted by the Whig party of the
North, if they are assured, as we shall show,
by the Whigs of the North, that their views
are identical with those of the Abolitionists,
that they are only using different means to ac
complish the same object, and that the aboli
tion of slavery will be more certainly effected
by the election of Clay than that of Birney,
surely you cannot continue united as a party
with the Whigs of die North, who thus join
with your enemies to disgrace and degrade
you. If the leading Whig statesmen of the
North denounce you as culprits and criminals,
and immediately succeeding this denuncia
tion, these your avowed enemies are nomina
ted and elected as Governors, as members of
< ’digress, and of the Slate Legislature, by the
Whig party of llie North, can you continue
united with such a party, and if you do, are
not your own votes joined with those of your
enemies in subjecting you to disgrace and de
gradation. But let us to the proof; And we
extract from the National Intelligencer repub
lished in the Liberty Legion, the following ad
dress on the subject of Texas, by twenty-one
members of Congress, a// friends of Mr. Clay,
■ah ot whom, since their condemnation of you,
have boon sustained by the united vote of the
Whigs of tire North.
“We hesitate not to say, that annexation,
effected by any act or proceeding of the Fed
eral Government, or any of its departments,
would be identical with dissolution. It would
be a violation of our national compact, its ob
jects, designs, and the great elementary prin
ciples which entered into its formation, of a
character so deep and fundamental, and would
be an attempt to eternize an institution and a
jxover of nature so unjust in themselves, so in
jurious to the interests and abhorrent to the
feelings of the jteople of the free States, as, in
• uir opinion, not only inevitably to result in a
dissolution of the Union, but fully to justify it;
and we not only assert that the people of the
free States “ought not to submit to it,” but we
say, with confidence, they would not submit to
it. We know their present temper and spirit
on this subject too well to believe for a moment
that they would become particeps criminis in
any such subtle contrivance for the irremedia
ble perpetuation of an institution which the
wisest and liest men who formed our Federal
Constitution, as well from the slave as the free
States, regarded as an ecil and a curse, soon to
become extinct under the operation of laws to
be passed prohibiting the slave-trade, and the
progressive influence of the principles of the
Revolution.”
John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts;
Seth M. Gates, of New York; William Slade,
of Vermont; W illiam B. Calhoun, of Massa
chusetts; Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio; Sher
lock J. Andrews, of Ohio; Nathaniel B. Bor-
don, of Massachusetts; Thomas C. Chittenden,
of New York; John Mattixtks, of Vermont;
Christopher Morgan, of New York; Joshua
M. Howard, of Michigan; Victory Birdseye,
of New York; Thomas A. Tomlinson, of New
York; Staley N. Clark, of New York; Charles
Hudson, of Massachusetts; Archibald L. Linn,
of New York; Thomas W. Williams, of Con
necticut; Truman Smith, of Connecticut; Da
vid Bronson, of Maine; George N. Briggs, of
Massachusetts; and Hi land Hall, of Vermont.
Washington, March J, IS 13.
Of the Whig members of Congress, who
signed this address, (for it was scorned and
denounced by the Democrats,) each one was
elected by the Whig party, each of them is
still a whig, an ardent friend of Henry Clay,
and each of them has been sustained since this
denunciation of the South by his Whig con
stituents of the North, thus endorsing these li
bels upon us and out institutions. These
Whig members of Congress denounced slave
ry “as an evil and a curse,” as at: instiution
“unjust,” “injurious to the interests and abhor
rent to the feelings of the people of the lice
States,” arid, finally, they declared that rhe at
tempt to sustain it by the annexation of Texas,
would “fuliv justify a dissolution of the Union.”
If tl lese charges are true, they disgrace and
.degrade the South. Yet they were made by
•21 leading Whig friends of Mr. Clay, in Con
gress, and endorsed subsequently by theii
Whig constituents. Nearly all ofthese twen
ty-one members were sustained for re-election
by their Whig constituents; or those who did
nut return again to Congress, they elevated to
higher stations. Thus, Mattocks, in Septem
ber, 1843, and Slade, in Sept., 1S1J, were
■lecteii k v tire Whigs as Governors of Yet-
moiit, and Briggs, in Nov. 1S43, as Governor
of Massachusetts. Such are the allies with
whom tlie Whigs of the South are asked to eo-
operaie in the election of Henry Clay. Such
is the party su the North whom the Whigs of
the South are asked to place in power, thus
sustaining the enemies who denounce, instead
of their friends, the Democracy of the North,
who sustain and defend the South and their in
stitutions.
Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, one of the twenty-
one Whig members of Congress who issued
the above address, in his speech in Congress,
on the 1st May, 1814, against the annexation
of Texas, says:
“A long life of public service, in which lie
(Mr. Clay,) has shown himself honest and in
dependent, gives the country the best possible
assurance that he will maintain those rights to
which 1 have alluded, and will wipe out ?he foul
disgrace already brought upon our national
diameter, by attempting to make slavery and
m'* S |?. VO lJ ai ) ft a s, tbject of national support.
■' r ‘”’ nie y, if elected, and were in possession
1 i.Clay s talents and experience, could do
( N ,° MORE ” W. H Seaward, the last Whig
.'"m no ' | ^ or k, and an ardent supporter
r ‘ j d y, thus speaks and writes iu the
Will! an< die sanction, of the entire
I'rihiinp"^ (, ‘ *' ,ew York. The New York
Augus^-V isl'"'" ^diig and Clay organ, of
oriiewai 'l „ b c,, tUains the letter of Govern-
ineetin-r ' e i.r ' ,u, - v 8 - l 844 - to the WUi S mass
ed bvtl 0t Wale rville, published aud endors-
■ • le,n a s a part of their proceedings, in
Vtxou
which he
says; “Our adversaries, (the Demo
BY PARK & ROGERS.)
crats,) are broken up in their central councils j
and in their caucus cohesions. They have, <
committed themselves, beyond retreat, to the ,
extension and fortification of human slavery” ,
—that is, totlie acquisition, of Texas, and he con- !
eludes by saying: “Once compel our country- j
men to admit that the Wiug party are, as they j
truly are, the party - of emancipation and of j
progress, and we shall no longer have to com- I
plain of any portion of our fellow-citizens, that:
they strke down the arm which upholds re- j
publican institutions, and controls them for the
public welfare.”
In bis speech of 13th July, 1S44, to the i
great Whig Syracuse Convention of N. York, '
and received by them with unbounded ap- j
plause, Governor Seward says to that portion j
present who were Abolitionists: “I have al
ways believed and trusted, that the Whigs of l
America would come up to the ground you j
have so nobly assumed. Not that I supposed, j
or believed, they would all at once, or from j
the same impulses, reach that ground. But 1
that the progress of events would surely bring
them there, and they would assume it cheer
fully. That consummation has come. All
that is dear to the Whigs of the United States,
in regard to policy, to principle, and to ad
ministration, is now involved with your own
favorite cause, in the present issue, upon the
admission of Texas into the Union. You have
now this great, generous, and triumphant par
ty on the very ground to which you have invi
ted them, and for not assuming which, prema
turely, you have so often denounced them;”
and he adds: “The security, the duration, the
extension of slavery, all depend on the annex
ation of Texas. How, then, can any friend of
emancipation vote for (l’olk) the Texas candi
date, or withhold his vote from (Clay) the
Whig candidate, without exhibiting the mere
caprice of faction.” Such are the open ap
peals of the Whigs of the North, through their
meetings, presses, and leaders, to the Aboli
tionists, to vote for Mr. Clay, and overthrow
slavery. The Sentinel says: “ What gives
Gov. Seward some show of right to endorse
for the opinions of Henry Clay, is that, in all
probability, in case of Mr. Clay’s election to
the Presidency, Mr. Seward has been design
ated to fill the responsible office of Secretary
of State.” Gov. Seward’s letter, giving the
pledge of Mr. Clay, dated Auburn, June 12,
1841, and addressed to the Central Whig com
mittee, of the State of Vermont, is as follows:
“Renominate John Mattocks, (for Governor,)
or if, for his convenience, or the public inter
est, it be convenient to change, then nominate
some such true liberty-loving Whig, and re
new your declaration that the extension of hu
man slavery is at war with the principles of the
Whig party - , and that negro emancipation is
among the great works to which that party
is devoted, and you may rest assured that the
echo from the green mountains will be the
most cheering sound that ever reached (Mr. Clay)
THE SAGE OF Ashland.” Well, the Whigs of
Vermont did nominate for Governor, William
Slade, a most b tter Abolitionist, and did re
new their Abolition resolutions. Mr. Slade
was, when Mr. Clay was Secretary of State,
one of his confidential clerks, and, in his let
ter ol July, 1S44, accepting the nomination of
the Whigs for Governor of Vermont, Mr.
Slade says: “I rejoice to say that I believe
Henry Clay has. and will tin more to iuomii
slavery IN this Union than any other man.”
In bis letter to the Whig mass convention of
Sheldon, of 13th July, 1S44, published and en
dorsed by them, Mr. Slade says: “The Whig
party occupy, at this moment, a position ol un
paralleled interest. Besides their advocacy of
the measures to which they have long been
committed, they constitute, to all present prac
tical purposes, the true ‘Liberty party'—be
cause, with their great leader, they are com
ing to the rescue of tiie Union, by resisting the
consummation of a scheme, whose avowed ob
ject is, to augment the power of slavery, and
fasten its rule irrevocably on the country.
“But there is a new and fearfully important
question which has been suddenly thrown be
fore the country, to be decided in the present
contest. I mean the question of annexing a
foreign nation to our Confederacy—a question
involving, as it seems to me, nothing less than
the very existence of this Union. The consum
mation of this project, which awaits the tri
umph of our opponents in this year’s contest,
will be tantamount to an act declaring the
Union dissolved;” and Mr. Slade adds: “I need
not say that the success of our opponents in
this Presidential election would be the success
of this measure. Their candidate has been
selected for the express purpose cf carrying it.
He is committed to it irrevocably. And
where is Henry Clay) Opposed Jo it, and op
posed for reasons of perpetual force.” The
leading Whig organ of New York, the Tri
bune, characterizes this letter as “a command
ing expression of lofty sentiments and impor
tant truths.” The same paper of the 6th Ju
ly, contains the letter of June, 1S44, of John
Reed, the Whig Lieutenant Governor of Mas
sachusetts, in which, after denouncing Pu'.k
and Dallas as “ultra immediate re-annexation
Texas men,” denouncing the Texas letter of
Mr. Walker, Senator from Mississippi, as a
“bold and ingenious appeal to ignorance and
prejudice, and a “slander upon the free ne
groes,” and describing Mr. Walker as the
“President maker, the master spirit who dic
tated and controlled the measures and result
of the Baltimore Convention,” Governor Reed
says: “Massachusetts is anxious to prevent the
annexation of Texas, because such annexation
would be a palpable violation of the Constitu
tion; because it would increast, and enlarge, and
perpetuate the slave territory u/id slave power.
“They will endeavor, and I have no doubt
will be successful, in giving their electoral
vote for Messrs. Clay aud Frelinghuysen, for
President and Vice President.” “They would
reject the proposition to annex Texas to the
United States, because it is unconstitutional
aud unjust, and above all things would avoid
the secret, cunning, insidious, base machina
tions of the Texas policy of this day of dishon
or and disgrace.”
“Will you, who denominate yourselves of
the Liberty party, examine and consider the
points and suggestions I have ventured to
make. I beg you to come to the rescue. Par
ticipate in the great revolution and reform
which I trust in God is about to take place.
You cannot choose Mr. Birney. We are, as
far as I know, agreed in our political views, as
to the policy of the Government generally, and
most assuredly are agreed as to the awful con
sequences which would inevitably result in the
event of the annexation of Texas. If Mr.
Polk is elected, Texas will he annexed. I re
peat, unite with us and share the glory of de
feating the Texas [dot, aud saving the coun- t
try.
In reviewing these things, I have often ex
pressed ike opinion, that at least a portion of
the Liberty party would unite with us in the
choice of President and Vice President. 1
take satisfaction in cherishing the hope.
Very respectfully,
JOHN REE1V
Tlie New York Tribune of August contains
geokgli. octobjeu is. ish.
[VOL. 15. NO. is.
the letter of John Quincy Adams, dated July
29, 1844, in which speaking of what he calls
“the slave-mongering Texas treaty,” and the
determination of England to abolish slavery in
Texas and throughout the world, he says:—
“We are yet to learn with what ears the sound
of the trumpet of slavery was listened to by
the British Queen and her ministers. We arc
yet to learn whether the successors of Eliza
beth on the throne of England, and her Bur-
leighs and Walsinghams, upon hearing that
their avowed purpose to promote universal
emancipation and the extinction of slavery up
on the earth is to he met by the man robbers of
our own country with exterminating war, will,
like craven cowards, turn their backs and flee,
or eat their own words, or disclaim the pur
pose which they have avowed.” At the great
Whig mass meeting at Springfield, Massachu
setts, on the 10th August, 1841, Mr. Choate,
the Whig United States Senator said: “Does
not every stockjobber, landjobber, and fiesh-
jobber, who clamors for annexation, understand
perfectly that he aids his objects by choosing
Mr. Polk] The election of Mr. Polk will or
may annex Texas as a territory. The elec
tion of Mr. Clay defeats or postpones it inde
finitely. Read his letter upon this subject,
observe the broad and permanent grounds of
exclusion which lie there sketches; advert to
the well-weighed declaration, that so long as
any considerable opposition to the measure
shall be manifested he will resist it, and you
cannot fail to see, that unless you yourselves,
unless Massachusetts, and Vermont, and Ohio,
should withdraw their opposition, for bis term
at least you are safe, and all are safe. That
letter, in my judgment, makes him a title to
every anti-Texas vote in America.” Such
is the view taken by Mr. Choate, the Whig
United Slates Senator from Massachusetts, in
favor of Mr. Clay, and against Texas, and
against the people of the South, whom, in the
language of the Abolition journals, be compli
ments with the title of “fleshjobber.”
Mr. Webster the great Whig leader in the
North, addressed the same meeting, and thus
appealed directly to the Abolitionists in favor
of Mr. Clay: “If the third party, as it is called,
it.be Abolitionists!) will but unite with the
Whigs in defeating a measure which both alike
condemn, then, indeed, the voice of Massachu
setts will be heard throughout the Union.”—
“If there be one person belonging to that third
party here, of him I would ask, what he intends
to do in this crisis? If there be none, let me
request each one of you who may know such
a man, to put the question to him when you
return home. No one can deny, that to vote
for Mr. Polk is to vote for the annexation of
Texas, or if be should deny, it is not less true.
I tell you, that if Polk is elected, annexation
follows inevitably!” And Mr. Webster adds:
“The great fundamental evei lasting objection
to the annexation of Texas, that it is a scheme
for the extension of the slavery of the African
race.” But in a still later speech to the great
Whig mass meeting at Boston Common, on
the 19th September, Mr. Webster said:—
“There is no disguising it. It is either Polk
and Texas, or neither Polk nor Texas. On
the other side is Henry Clay. His opinions
have been exjiressed on this subject of Texas.”
“Well, then, gentlemen, 1 for one, say that
under the present circumstances of the case. 1
give my voto heartily for Mr. Clay; and I say
I give it, among other reasons, because he is
pledged against Texas. With his opinions on
more incidental points, I do not now mean to
hold any controversy. I uii< l uo»uom.i.iy,
that the annexation of Texas does tend, and
will tend to the existence and perpetuation of
African slavery, and the tyranny of race over
race on this continent, and therefore I will not
go for it.” “Henry Clay has said that he is
against annexation unless it is called for by the
common consent of the country, aud that he is
against Texas being made a new province
against the wishes of any considerable number
of these States. Till then he holds himself
bound to oppose annexation. Here is bis
pledge, and upon it I take my stand. He is a
man of honor and truth, and will redeem bis
pledge. Yes, gentlemen, Yve take him at bis
word, and lie dare not forfeit that uerd.”
This speech of Mr. Webster is since Mr.
Clay’s last Texas letter, and in no one of which
does lie withdraw his pledge against the an
nexation of Texas, “if opposed by any consid
erable number of States;” and, as the Whig
States of the North will forever oppose it.—
Mr. We'ostersays “here is his pledge,and upon
it I take my stand.” Mr. Webster might have
added, as other Whig orators of the North
have done, that unless Mexico consents, Mr.
Clay is also pledged to oppose the annexation
of! Texas. Now, Mexico, with her debt of
eighty-four millions of dollars, due England,
is as completely under British influence as ti
she were a British province; and to ask the
consent of Mexico, is to ask the consent of
England, which we all know will never be
granted. Among the items of news brought
by a late steam packet from England, and re
published iu the National Intelligencer is the
following official announcement: “The Queen
(Victoria) has conferred the Grand Cross of
Charles III, on Santa Anna, President of
the Republic of Mexico.” Such are the hon
ors conferred by England on Santa Anna for
threatening war upon this country, if we per
sisted in the annexation of Texas. And we
are to ask the consent of Santa Anna, now a
British nobleman. Well, then, might Mr.
Webster say, that the pledge of Henry Clay
against the annexation of Texas would never
be forfeited, for a considerable number of the
States would forever oppose the annexation;
and Mexico, governed by the counsels of Eng
land, would never consent to it; and were not
this pledge of Mr. Clay certain and reliable, he
would never receive the support of the Whigs
of the North. Among the reasons urged by
Mr. Clay against the annexation of Texas, are
the legislative resolutions of Massachusetts and
Vermont. Now, on what grounds do these
States oppose the annexation] Upon Aboli
tion and anti-slavery grounds. Thus the Le
gislature of Massachusetts opposed the annex
ation of Texas, upon the ground, as set forth
in their first set of resolutions, that it would
•‘strengthen ami extend the evils of a system
(slavery) which is unjust in itself, in striking
contrast with the theory of our institutions, aud
condemned by the moral sentiment of man
kind.” Vermont, in her legislative resolutions,
“solemnly protests against the annexation of
Texas in any form,” and against the admission
into this Union of any State whose Constitu
tion tolerates domestic slavery, and “instructs
her Senators “to abolish slavery and the slave
trade in the District of Columbia and in the
Territories of the United Stales.
The Legislatures of the States of Massachu
setts and Vermont pass resolutions against the
annexation of Texas, upon the very strongest
Anti-slavery and Abolition grounds, and Mr.
Clay approves, endorses, adopts, and sustains
them, by referring to these resolutions as a suf
ficient reason of itself against the annexation of
Texas. The doctrines of the Whig Legisla
tures of the North is, that slavery is a crime
ami u dtagraco. and that tho alaveholdiug Si
are not fit associates for the free States of the
North; and Mr. Clay adopts unequivocally
these resolutions, by giving them as an insu
perable objection to the annexation. And now
how stands the case? By the last census, the
North has 135 Representatives in Congress,
aud the South but 88, being a majority of 47 in
favor of the North, which is still increasing at
every census. The Senate is still equally divi
ded, but Wisconsin and Iowa are both to be
admitted as free States, and if Florida were ad
mitted at the same time, it would make a ma
jority against us in the Senate. The only hope
of the South, then, is the annexation of Texas,
which would give the South a majority in the
Senate, whilst the North maintained its pre
ponderance in the House, and thus give effec
tual security to the South, and greatly tend to
preserve and perpetuate the Union, which,
with the growing spirit of Abolition in the
(North) would be greatly endangered by giv
ing to the North the unrestrained majority in
both Houses of Congress. Even if Mr. Clay
were not opposed to annexation, the whole
Whig party of the North, are and their suc
cess would be the defeat of annexation, what
ever the views of Mr. Clay might he. But is
his course free from censure on this subject?—
Without referring again to his adoption of the
Vermont and Massachusetts anti-Texas and
anti-slavery resolutions as the ground of his ac
tion in opposing annexation, let us examine
further his course on this subject. In the life
of Mr. Clay, by bis confidential friend and cho
sen biographer, Mr. Prentice, of Louisville, lie
says: “He (Mr. Clay.) has been the slave's
friend through life. In all stations has he
pleaded the cause of African freedom, without
fear from high or low. To him, more than to
any other individual, is owing that great revo
lution which has taken place on this subject.—
A revolution whose wheels must continue to
move onward until they reach the goal of uni
versal freedom.” He almost endeavored to
dissever Kentucky from the South, by propo
sing to insert in her Constitution a clause for
“the prospective eradication of slavery from
the State, by means of a gradual emancipation
of those held in bondage.” See his life, by his
friend Epes Sargent, pp. 5, 16. Where the
South would have been with Kentucky against
them on the question of abolition, let the pre
sent posture of affairs and the events of the last
few years answer. Nor has Mr. Clay changed
his opinion on this subject, for lie would not
only take Kentucky, but Virginia also, from
the South, aud leave them a feeble and a de
fenceless minority. In his speech of the 20th
January, 1827, in the Hall of the House cf Re
presentatives, Mr. Clay said: “If I could be
instrumental in eradicating (slavery) this deep
est stain upon the character of our country,
and removing all cause of reproach on account
of it by foreign nations, If I could only be in
strumental in ridding of this foul blot that re
vered Stale (Virginia) that gave me birth, or
that not less beloved State which kindly adopt
ed me as her son, I would not exchange the
proud satisfaction which I should enjoy for the
honor of all the triumphs ever decreed to the
most successful conqueror.” Page 326.
In his speech in the Senate on the 9th
March, IS36, recorded in Gales & Seaton’s
Register of Debates, vol. 12, part 1st, page
7S6, Mr. Clay said. “He contended that as
mJtiior Virginia mu Maryland, nor belli com
bined, could abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia, the power, without limitation or re
striction, existed only in Congress;” and in the
debate in the Senate. .January it, ism. “Mr.
OI...Y ii...ugin iiie Senator from South Carolina
would not declare that it would be unconstitu
tional for Congress to abolish slavery in the
District or Territories.” But the Senator
from South Carolina did deny the power, as
does Mr. Polk andeveiy Southern Senator.—
It is said, however, Mr. Clay deems it inexpe
dient to exercise the power; but, as he oppo
ses the exercise of the veto power on ques
tions of expediency, what safeguard would the
South have in his views on this subject, when
he distinctly informs the Abolitionists that
Congress does possess the constitutional pow
er to abolish slavery in the District of Colum
bia, and in the Territories of the United States.
On the 9th March J836, Mr. Clay voted in the
Senate of the United States in favor of the re
ception of Abolition petitions. Senate jour
nal, page 210. Ori the 2d of June, 1836, he
voted against the engrossment of the bill pre
venting the transmission of incendiary Aboli
tion documents through the mail; and on the
8th June, 1S36, he voted against the passage
of that bill, so important to the safety of the
South. See Senate journal of that year, pages
400 and 416. Iu his speech at Lexington,
Kentucky, in September, 1S36, printed under
his own eye, in one of his friendly presses, the
Lexington Intelligencer, and also printed in
Niles’ Register of the 17th September, 1836,
Mr. Clay says: “I consider slavery as a curse,
a curse to the master, a wrong, a grievous
wrong to the slave. In the abstract it is all
wrong, and no possible contingency can make
it right.” Here Mr. Clay deliberately de
nounces slavery as “a curse,” “a wrong, a grie
vous wrong to the slave;” and to cap the climax
he adds, “no possible contingency can make it
right.” What stronger encouragement can Ab
olition ask than this? Men ofthe South, do you
consider that you, as charged by Mr. Clay, are
offering “grievous wrong to the slave?” Ifso,
write irrevocable sentence of your own ac
knowledged guilt and self-degradation, by
electing to the highest office in your gift, the
very man who lias thus condemned, rebuked,
and denounced you. And when you have
done the deed, and the rejoicing shouts of
Vermont, and Massachusetts, and the other
Whig States of the North, triumphant, by your
aid, over your friends the prostrate Democra
cy of the North, shall proclaim to you, in the
language ofyour President, abolish' slavery,
which you yourselves will thus have declared,
“A GRIEVOUS WRONG TO TIIE SLAVE,” “AND NO
POSSIBLE CONTINGENCY CAN MAKE IT RIGHT,”
what will be your answer, and how will you
escape the sentence of your own self-condem
nation? Reflect, then, Whigs, of the South,
our brethren and fellow-citizens, pause and
consider well all the dreadful consequences,
before you sink us all together into one com
mon abyss of ruin and degradation.
JAMES TOWLES, Chairman.
C. P. Sengstack, Secretary.
Washington City, Sept. 25,1844.
MISERABLE AND SILLY FALSEHOODS. AND
LYING HANDBILLS!
The notorious James Watson Webb, the purchased
tool of the United Sta'es Bank, has just returned from
Europe, where it is generally believed he went to raise
money from the holders of State Stocks, to aid in the
election of Clay to get the General Government to as
sume their payment, and to cover his own wickedness
has set a story afloat that money has been raised to aid
the election of Polk! He has therefore hunted up a sub
scription list, for the circulation of pamphlets among the
people of England by die anti-corn taw league, and ap
plied it to this country, and the whig* poor silly dupes,
tiie humbugged of a set of huinbuggers, have sent *
handbill all over the country,got up at Zanesville, < mio.
Such a silly and ridiculous fraud never appeared before;
aud when the democrats ask where this money is, the
silly coons look blue, and refuse to bring forward the
Auent. If any such be.itis among the whigs, to be used
to“ prevent the annexation of Texas. Grew«
would piro millions to prevent that ■"?“ ttiSh «old is
km wbeN lbe afaoe pinch., .od BW °* n *™ U
being used. * * j
DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Tbe following resolutions were unanimously adopted
by the Democratic National Convention, which assem
bled at Baltimore, May 27,1844.
RESOLUTIONS.
Resolved, That the American democracy place their
trust not iu factitious symbols, not ill displays and ap
peals insulting to the judgments and subversive of the
intellect of the people, hut in a clear, reliance upon the
intelligence; the patriotism, and the discrominating jus-
tico of the American musses
Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature
of o ,|r political creed, which we are proud to maintain
before the world as the great moral element in a form of
government, springing from and upheld by the popular
will, and we contrast it with the creed and practice of
federalism, under whatever neme of form which seeks
to palsy tho will of the constituent, ami which conceives
no imposture loo monstrous for the popular credulity.
Resolved, therefore, That, entertaining these views,
the democratic party of this Union, through their dele!
gates assembled in a general convention of the Suites,
coining together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to
the doctrines and faith of a free representative govern
ment, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rec
titude of their intentions, renew and re-assert before the
American people, the declaration of principles avowed
by them when, on a former occasion, in general con
vention, they presented their candidates for the popular
suffrages:
J. That the federal government is one of limited pow
ers, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants
power shows therein, ought to be strictly construed by
all the departments and agents of the government, and
that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful
constitutional powers.
2. That the constitution does not confer upon the gen
eral government the power to commence and carry on
a general system of interne! improvements.
3. That ihe constitution does not confer authority up
on the federal government, directly or indirectly, to as
sume the debts of the several States, contracted for local
internal improvements, or other State purposes; nor
would such assumption be just and expedient.
4. That justice and sound policy forbid the federal go
vernment to foster one branch of industry to the detri
ment of another, or to cherish the interests of one por
tion or oiircommon country; that every citizen and ev
ery section of the country has a right to demand and to
insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to
complete and ample protection of persons and properly
from domestic violence or foreign aggression.
5. That ; t is the duty of every branch of the govern
ment to inforce and practice the most rigid economy in
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue
ought to he raised than is required to defray the neces
sary expenses of the government.
6. That Congress has no power to charter a national
bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly
hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to
our republican institutions and the liberties of the peo
ple, and calculated to place (he business of the country
within the control of a concentrated money power, and
above the laws and the will of tiie people.
7. That Congress has no power, under the constitu
tion, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions
of the several States; and that such States are the sole
and proper judges of every thing appertaining to their
own affairs, not prohibited by the constitution; that all ef
forts of the abolitionists, or others, made induce Con
gress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take
incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead
to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and
that all such efforts will have an inevitable tendency to
diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the
stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not
to be countenanced by any friend to our political institu
tions.
8. That the separation of the moneys of the govern
ment from banking institions, is indispensable for the sa
fety of the funds of the government and the rights of the
people.
9. That the liberal principles embodied by Ieffersott
in thedeclaratiun of independence, and sanctioned in tbe
constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty, and
the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever
been cardinal principles in the democratic faith; and ev
ery attempt to abridge the present privlege of becoming
citizens and the owners of soil among us, ought to be re
sisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and se
dition laws from our statute book.
Resolved. That the proceeds oftlie public landsought
to be sacredly applied to tho national objects specified in
the constitution: and that we are opposed to the law late
ly ndnptoj, m'I to any taw fbr the distribution of such
proceeds amoegtbe States, as alike inexpedient in poli
cy and repugnant to the constitution.
Resolved. That vve are decidedly opposed to taking
from the President the qualified veto power by which he
isannhlu.l. under ro.trlollon, ro.pon.ibiliiia.. ..nply
sufficient to guard the public interest, to suspend the pas
sage of a bill, whose merits cannot secure the approval
o( two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representa
tives, until the judgment of the people can be obtained
thereon, and which lias thrice saved the Ainerieun peo
ple from the corrupt and tyranical domination of the
Bank of the United States.
Resolved, That our tide to the whole of the Territory
of Oreffou is clear and unquestionable, that no portion
oftlie same ought to be ceded to England or any other
power; and that the re-occupation of Oregon and the
re-annexation of Texas, at the earliest praeticable peri-
ed.are great Ameiicau measures, which this convention
recommends to the cordial support of the democracy of
the Union.
Resolved, That this convention hereby presents to tho
people of die United States James K. Polk, of Tennes
see, as the candidate of the democratic party for the of
lice of President, and George M. Dallas, of Pennsylva
nia, as the candidate of the democratic party for the of
fice of Vice President of the United States.
NEW YORK AND PENNSYLVANIA.
In the Empire State and Keystone State,
everything looks bright for the democracy;
indeed the prospects of the latter never were
fairer. New York has in nomination, as can
didate for governor, a man of whom she may
well feel proud. Who does not know Silas
Wright! It is unnecessary to speak of him;
he is identifield with the democracy as one of
its noblest champions. The people of New
York will rally to his support with glorious
success. A most brilliant triumph awaits this
distinguished statesman. Pennsylvania has
also a noble candidate fbr the gubernatorial
ebair, in the person of Francis R. Shunk, tbe
democratic candidate. His nomination was
spontaneous—the people selected him with
one voice. No other candidate was named in
the convention. A letter written by Hon. G.
M. Dallas thus speaks of Mr. Shunk:
“I cannot be mistaken in the conviction,
that he richly deserves the whole-souled back
ing of every one of us, that is, of every one
whose creed is Jeffersonian, of every one who
professes the faith for which he has vigorous
ly, and consistently, and generously, and al
ways battled. No firmer morals than his : no
honester purposes: no deeper sense of the
obligations of public duty: no more untiring
industry: no clearer intelligence: no wider
experience in the business and wants of this
commonwealth: no purer democracy! He is
fit for the office, fit for the occasion, fit as a
statesman,as a party man. We, who cling
to the precepts and practices of republican
ism, who eschew corporate monopolies and
moneyed monsters, who inculcate economy,
love good faith, toleration, frugal and plain
habits and equality : we, I say, can fasten out-
reliance upon Mr. Shunk as fearlessly as ever
mariners looked to the tried truest pilot.”
With such nominations in these two power
ful states, who can doubt the result? The
democrats of both, publicly and privately—in
speeches and letters—at home and abroad
speak confidently of the issue. In New York,
said recently one of the leading journals, “the
most brilliant triumph ever recorded of the
democracy is in store for us”; tbe Democratic
Union says of Pennsylvania, “there never
was an election pending in Pennsylvania in
which the overwhelming triumph of the dem
ocratic party was more certain than it is now!”
Most gloriously will the cheering news from
Maine speed through these great states,
lead the w ay,” says the bright particular star
in the east: “ We will prepare to follow,” let
the democracy of those states reply. We be
lieve they will even try to eclipse Maine in
majorities. It u a noble rivalry! As the
Maine democracy have covered themselves
with glory, so let the democracy of New York
—of Pennsylvania, pick their flints,
their forces rally about^irstao^^ ■«.;
a»;*g ive Eflth deserves. With these two
Hates? 8 for the democratic ticket, the whigs
will receive a Waterloo defeat in November.
Beauties of Whiggcry.
Thereto of the Bank Bill is the transccndenlly glorious
act of Jackson’s life; and if he is sustained by the Ameri
can people, it will be the first stroke struck for the free
dom of labor; be probably the greatest event of thiscentu-
ry. Church and State was the short cut to fraudulent
power in the last age. Cash anil State was to take their
place. But the re-solemnization of the incestuous nup
tials has been put off. They are now compelled to take
issue before the country, and that country will forbid the
bans.—Gcoriga Journal, 2ikh July, 1832.
By Maj. James A. Meriwether. Our brethren ofthe
North and East who oppress us. Bone of one bone aud
flesh of one flesh; we rejoice with them in their good for
tune and weep with them in their bad fortune. We ad
mire their enterprise and esteem their friendship but
spurn that friendship with disdain, when we have to pur
chase it at the cost of our liberties. You must relieve
the burdens you have imposed, or do worse.—Georgia
Journal, 19 th July, 1832.
By Judge Charles Dougherty:—Resistance to op
pression, front any and every quarter, at any and every
hazard.
By Col. William C. Dawson of Greene: The friends
of the tariff— In truth and in candor we now tell them our
forbearance is ended—the arguments of conciliation and
modification have been exhausted Do you think Geor
gia will submit? Rather think that the spirit of ”76 nev
er existed and \hat oppression is preferable to Freedom.
By Mr. Toombs of Wilkes: The tariff system—wheth-
er it lie constitutional or not, it violates the inherent rights
of bonthern freemen. If constitutional, let our oppres
sors remember that when revolution commences, consti
tutions end, and that the exactions of a British Parlia
ment were met with the unshaken sword of American
patriots.
Has Col. Toombs’ sword grown rusty?
We publish Mr. Clay’s speech in reply to the Young
Men (as they are called) convened in Washington to
nominate him for the Presidency. We do this neither
from love of the man nor his sentiments. If there is any
thing peculiar in our feelings towards Mr. Clay (and we
confess vve never do contemplate a highly gifted a an wilh
commoujfeelings) it is of that kind which we felt at the fall
oTLucifer—mingled pity aud indignation, to see unhal
lowed ambition triumph over a son of light. We pub
lish his address principally to show our readers how suit
able he is for the office he seeks, so far at least as the
South is concerned. We cannot think of the total
change in this man without almost cursing that lust of
power, which once felt, is not to he arrested in iLs ca
reer, though in its march it tramples over every high and
ennobling attribute of our nature In thisjra.se it is some
consolation to believe that political degeneracy is not to
reap the reward for which it has degraded itself.—South
ern Recorder, May 24 th, 1832.
Retract from Mr. day's Snitch, in Smite ,23d Mar
1842.]
“The Senator (Mr. Calhoun.) was continnallycharg-
ing'him j .Mr. Clay) with the. design of violating “the com
promise act! When had he swerved from it! He was
still fur adhering to it, as he understood its principles.
Those principles he did not consider incompatible with the
PROTECTION of American industry, in prefetenre t-
anyother. HE HAD LIVED, AND WOULD DIE,
AN ADVOCATE OF THE PROTECTIVE SYS
TEM. HE HAD NEVER CHANGED HIS PRIN
CIPLES. THEY WERE NOW THE SAME AS
THEY had EVER BEEN; but he submitted to the
restrictions of the compromise act as a matter of NE
CESSITY. And he did not even now think it prudent,
because not practicable, to go as far as his inclinations
led him, with the friends of PROTECTION. But as
far as he COULD GO HE WOULD!’’
“Mr. Clay has identified himself with a course of poli
cy on the part of the Federal Government, which is in
•or opinion no less unjust than injurious to the* best in
terests of the South; against his views, we have warred
hitherto, aud shall continue to war uncompromisingly.’
[ Southern Recorder, April 3, 1838.
“We consider that a choice of either (Van Buren or
Clay,) would be a great evil; therefore we shall choose
neither.—Southern Recorder, May 7,1839.
“Mr. Clay, has long since forfeited all claims to the
suffrages ofthe South, by his zealous support ofthe Ta
riff: and his advocacy of the Force BUI, will afford an ad
ditional reason for his receiving the determined opposi
tion ofthe State Rights Party.”—Geo. Journal, Dec.
25.1838.
“We can never support the distinguished Orator,
whose powerful eloquence, has in so many instances
been directed against the interests of the South- We
can never support an advocate ofthe “Force Bill”—we
cannot support ‘ Harry ofthe West.”—Georgia Journal,
Feb. 20. 1839.
“We were among those who believed Mr. Clay was
trtnde]rel to a United Bnnk,bul «venis as they have
transpired, convinces us that we were in error.* “We
are pleased that he has abandoned the project, and sin
cerely hope that the energies of his great and powerful
mind, will be directed to the support of what we con
ceive to be more beneficial to the country.—Georgia
Journal, May 28, 1839.
“The opposition which is made to Henry Clay by the
State Rights Party, is one of principle. They have no
predilections for him as President of die United States,
nor love for his political creed. He lias always been the
open and avowed, but generous opposer of their doc
trines. They cannot, to be consistent, cast their suffra
ges in his favor, and opposition to his election, will be as
firmly persevered id, as will be the opposition of the same
party, to Martin V an Buren.”—Georgia Journal, June
11.1839.
“Our correspondent with all his zeal, cannot arrive at
the forced construction, that vve necessarily because Mr.
Calhoun is in favor, and Clay and Webster opposed to
the Sub Treasury scheme, are tinctured with Clayism,
Websterism, Federalism, the American System and Ab
olitionism. Of these sins we have never been accused
by our enemies, and it is too late in the day for us to be
catechised by our friends. ”
To answer our correspondent categorically, we have
to say. that vve are neither a Clay nor Webster man, and
so far as the Snh-Treasnry is concerned we are not a
Calhoun man.”—Georgia Messenger, Apri/fiG, 1838.
“As to the other charges of minor consideration, but
no less false, viz:
That the Georgia Whigs are in favor of a National
Bank.
That the Georgia Whigs are in favor of Henry Clay.
That the Georgia Whigs, are penegyrists of Daniel
W ebster.
We would express our denial iu a very emphatic mon
osyllable, were not live use of it offensive to “ears po
lite.”—Georgia Messenger, August 23. 1838.
. “My best reflections and most careful investigations
have confirmed the opinion, that Congress has no pow
er to charter a Bank.”
“ Opposition to a National Bank lies deep in the ele
ments of onr party organization. We shall in vain ex
pect the respect due to consistent politicians, if we be
come the advocates of a National Bank.”
“ I belong neither to the house of York or Lancaster.
My principles will not permit me to support either Van
Bureu or CLAY.”—E. A. Nisbet, July 21, 1838.
MR. CLAY—THE TARIFF.
We have another epistle from this “man ofi
letters.” Its singular character induces us to
copy it entire.
It will be observed that Mr. Clay now says,
one leading object of the Compromise Act was
“TO PRESERVE THE POLICY OF
PROTECTION.”
Yet the Act in its results abandoned the pol
icy of protection by reducing all duties to a
level of 20 per cent; and Mr. Clay himself
drew a provision designed to be inserted in it,
expressed in the following words, viz:
“AND SUCH DUTIES SHALL BE
LAID WITHOUT REFERENCE TO
THE PROTECTION OF ANY DOMES
TIC ARTICLES WHATEVER.”
If, therefore, one leading object of the Com
promise Act was “to preserve the policy of
the protection!” as Mr. Clay now says, it was a
PREMEDITATED FRAUD. On its face
it abandoned that principle; Mr. Clay propos
ed to declare such to be its object in tbe most
solemn manner; yet he now says it was design
ed “to preserve the policy ot protection.”—
The very reverse of its provisions and of Mr.
Clay’s written provision declaring its object,
was the real object. It was to cheat those “fine
fellows” of the South into submission by mak
ing solemn promises in the form rf law with de
liberate intent to violate them before they took ef
fect!
There is no escaping from this conclusion,
Mr. Clay proves himself to be one of the most
faithless men that ever deceived and betrayed a
confiding people.
CASSIUS M. CL \Y
made a speech ^Cka^daTor abo! , itionist >
whig mass meeting, or the i’ ** i ^ re lh ®
morning Mr. H. Clay’s third TextletS wal
received at that place, and tnanvYr
nounced it a locofoco for gery N^ 88 £ ro *
stus. He read it, adopted and ll
and maintained that it exactly a PP r °ved If »
«« it i, not M, Cla, b5
LYm, Ckvt <* «■>■»”’ »d
that Mr. Olay is the instrument by which that-
party expects to get power to promote thS
own objects He insisted that I»lr. Clay has
imposed such “restrictions” upon annexation
as will necessarily result in defeating if and
instanced as final and satisfactory, Mr Clay’s
assent, that annexation shall be rejected while
the anti-slavery States oppose it. This he con
siders a good excuse to the abolitionist party
that “once more” and never again, they should
support a slave-holder for president.
The following very significant passage is
from his speech, in which Cassius M. Clay
announces, without reference to their candi
date, what he considers to be the pledged
principles of the whig party. W e find it cop
ied from the Cleaveland Herald into the Re
public, the new whig paper in the city of New
York:
But I am asked, what are the duties of our
members of congress? I answer, without fear
or doubt, that no man shall receive my vote
unless lie be true upon all these great ques
tions of national policy. Upon the question of
slavery he must not falter. It is time the mo
nopoly of the slave power was broken down.
Every 125.000 slaves send a representative to
the halls of Congress, so that the legalized
property of the south has twenty representa
tives in the House at this time. Our Capitol
stands in a slave auction mart. T ask, then,
that a man to represent the interests of tiie
north shall be ready to do all in his power to
effect a change in the constitution, which shall
give to legal voters only a representation in the
councils of our nation; that he shall seek to
wipe the sin of human slavery from every inch
of our soil without the limits of the constitution,
and strike from the constitution every blot
which slavery has imprinted upon its fair
ame.
Such are the principles which I understand
the whigs are ready to proclaim and defend in
the State ot Massachusetts; and when the
whigs abandon them, I will say to one and all
—go, raise the standard of universal freedom
upon the foundation of eternal truth, and
abandon it not till every hope in the dim future
shall be realized. The death knell of slavery
is already sounded, and it shall he echoed from
the mountains and hills and valleys of our own
loved New England. Let Texas be its bury
ing place.—its darkened sepulchre; and let
those who wish its annexation to the United
States be the chief mourners, while its funeral
requiem is sung.—Savannah Georgian.
( From the Columbus Enquirer, Nov. 15,1834.)
HENRY CLAY, A TRAITOR AND A
TORY.
“A tory of the present day, may be defined
to be a petty office holder who believes in his
heart that the President can do no wrong, and
who would willingly submit to the utmost
stretch of governmental injustice rather than
lose that office; who would join the hired myr
midons ofhis country, and sword in hand, spill
the best blood in a neighboring State for a re
assertion of natural and constitutional rights;
who would see the destroying car of Federal
usurpation roiling across the bosom of Geor
gia; prostrating her dignity, crushing her do
mestic institutions, destroying her sovereignty,
without baring his servile heart to the oppres
sor, or lifting his trembling arm in defence of
the oppressed. Is he answered; and do his
cherished doctrines bear any resemblance to
those of the gentry above described] If so,
whatever may be his pretensions to patriotism,
o* u. :..w...iauons against the principles of oth
ers, he is a traitor to the best interest ofhis na
tive or adopted State, and stands confessed the
tool and tory whose voice has been hushed by
the gold of government, and whose arm has
been palsied by the emoluments of office.—
WHAT BETTER IS SUCH A MAN,
READY AND WILLING TO RIVET
ON US, WITH THE BAYONET, AND
CEMENT WITH OUR BLOOD, ALL
THE CURSES OF THE TARIFF, THE
BANK, AND EVERY OTHER FEDE
RAL MEASURE, THAN ARE HENRY
CLAY AND DANIEL WEBSTER AND
OTHERS, WHO HAVE LABORED TO
ESTABLISH AND Perpetuate THOSE
ABUSES? Yet we, who have striven as men,
and as Editors to resist if possible these grow
ing impositions; who have upheld, as far a3
possible, the interests, the honor, and tbe rights
of Georgia; who have stood by the whole
South in her every unequal conflict, are brand
ed as a set of‘beardless traitors.’ ”
Quere.— Was the present Editor of the Re
publican, the Editor of the Columbus Enquirer
in the vear 1834?—if not, when he was the Ed
itor of that paper, did not the Enquirer advo
cate the same political principles it did in eigh
teen thirty-four1 Will the present Editor of
the Republican answer these questions?—Sa
vannah Georgian.
ayif Mr. Clay shouldn’t be elected presi
dent, his expistolary exploits may yet make
the fortune of some industrious compiler.—
When collected and numbered, they would
appear somewhat in this way:—
The Mrs. Hutchcraft Blanket Letter;
The Cocked Hat Letter;
The Cologne Letter;
The various Ciay Club Letter;
The Yonng Ladies’ Bedquilt Letter,
The Soft Letter to the Missouri Hards;
The Clay Silk Handkerchief Letter;
The deep inteiestin the Latter Day Sainta
Letter;
The Kid Glove Letter;
The Cassius Marcellus Abolition Repudiat
ing Letter;
"Letter to Cassius softening the same;
The Ash Stick cut by my own hand Letter;
The Texas Letter; the Anti-Texas Letter;
Tariff and Anti-Tariff Letters—a raedly;
Tbe Anti-Protective Agricultural Letter;
The Mississippi Magnolia Letter, etc.—
These, with some productions of a more tragi
cal character, would from a volume of t rt mg
interest, and link the author with bis land 3
language for some years, at least, e
close ofhis career as a statesmen.
(TT-Mr. Clay says of Mr. Webster
“Icare not what are Webster s motives
whether it be for love of office, or because the
pr'«—
him with utter contempt;
ould sink a party, his name w«miu.
Truth, Mr. Clay, so down you must go-for
Reasons for leaving thn
Whig party.—Samuel W.
dhti^niehed lawyer of Pittsburg, who
renounced Whigien,. end now goes heart and hand with
£2 Deoioera tie party, meets the sneers of the Whim.
ius :—
1 have round political associates more to my taste
en plam. but honest-men who prize principles above
money-men who are indeed men—not while s\ laves, low- j
er far than the nnfortunates of the South who, even in
the hot market, are refreshed with the proud delight of|
knowing they are not self sold.” ”
Mi. Webster now says
“I give mv vote heartily for Mr. Clay.
8 cl and truth, and will redeem
is a man of honor ana uuu ,
his pledge.”—Speech at Boston, 19th Sept.
Post.
“Protection to all tbe great interests ofthe
whole Union—-embracing Agriculture,
Tames A, citizen id
ry in his moral deportment more punctual and
exact in business^- ^gettc and
in the expression of his opinion, and more P a
triotic, does not hie.—Andrew Jackson-
“We will strive to promote the cense 01 State Rights,
by placing before the people, tbe eels and opinions ot a
distinguished son of Georgia, (G- M-Troup,) in contrast
with those of Martin Van Buren and Henry Clay.
[Georgia Journal, July 9, 1839.
