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unfortunate plaintiff in error feels that after all this
tribunal Can do for him. one half of‘ the body of this
death” must go with him to thegrave never to be hid
from him or his family, until the Judge that never errs
Bliall say to him and them, that a life of virtue and in
nocence ought to have protected lntn, on earth, from
each calamity.
3 S. T. BAILEY
Alt for PU’f in Error.
From the Constitutionalist.
MILLARD, FILLMORE—“ENTITLED TO
THE FIRST PLACE ON THE TICKET.”
What shail be said by a Southern press
of the sentiment expressed by a Southern
man, that Millard Fillmore is entitled to
the first place on the Presidential ticket!
Millard Fillmore justly entitled to be Pres
ident of the United States! Wonders will
never cease. Yet this sentiment is uttered
at the South, and that too by no less a per
sonage than General Zachary Iaylor.
Here is the sentiment. We extract from
his Allison letter No. 2.
“The National YY’hig Convention met in June
and selected me as their candidate. I accepted the
monination with gratitude and with pride. I was
proud of the confidence of such a body of men—
representing such a constituency as the Whig party
of the United States, a manifestation the more grate
ful, because it was not cumbered with exactions in
compatible with the dignity of the Presidential office,
and the responsibilities of the incumbent to the
whole people of the nation. And I may add, that
these, emotions tcere increased by associating my name
icith that of the distinguished citizen of Work Yurk,
whose acknowledged abilities and sound conserva
tive opinions might have justly entitled him to
THE FIRST PLACE ON THE TICKET.”
From the Southern Banner.
EILLMORE AN ABOLITIONIST!! !
Our readers will bear us witness, and
particularly that portion of the whig parly,
who read our paper, that we have never,
until recently, held by Fillmore, the
whig Vice Presidential candidate, as an
abolitionist. We are not in the practice of
making reckless or unfounned assertions
relative to our political opponents. We
have heretofore, only insisted that Mr. Fill
more is a Wilmot Pi aviso man. We how
proclaim him fearlessly to the wotld as an
ABOLITIONIST, and willproveit. The
basis of the chatge is found in his letter to
the “Anti-Slavery Society' of Erie county
(N. Y.,) in 1S38, published in our last, pa
per, as well as his recent letter to Gov.
Gayle, of Alabama.
We have taken the material part of his
letter, in 1838, placed it conspicuously in
our columns, and drawn black lines around
it to direct the public attention, as well
a3 to pass senteuce of condemnation up
on it.
MILLARD FILLMORE—Come upon
the stand before the Southern people.
Q. Do you believe that petitions to Con
From the Richmond Enqsrrer.
GEN. TAYLOR 3 NORTHERN FACE.
In his speech in the United States Sen
ate, Corwin of Ohio announced as follows
the grotinds upon which he would support
General Tayloi:
“I declare, it anybody is concerned to know what
is my opinion or the subject, and what is the opinion
of the Free States of the Union that if General Tay
lor -.cashiot considered, as being committed by his publish
ed letters against the exercise of the zelo pouter upon
this subject, he would not get my vo te. nor would he
get the vote of a Free State in America, if I could
help it.
“Mr. Hatmegan—i wohM like to be informed by
tile Senator from Ohio, as he has referred to General
Cass 1 position, and as he is about tu give Ins support
to General Taylor, if he can give us Gen. Taylor’s
views on the subject, and what his opinion will be as
expressed in his Message to C ongress.
"Mr. Corwin—I cannot.
“Mr. Hatmegan—I understood the Senator from
Ohio to say, that if General Taylor would interpose
a veto opon the subject, he would not vote for him
under any circumstances.
“Mr. Corwin—I would not, nor would any man
in my State, unless,iude-cd, I found him opposed to
just such another man who had a great many had
qualities beside. (A lau gh.) But, Sir, I have to say
that I do not heliece that General Taylor cotdd get the
electoral vide of a Fiee S site in America, if it mere not
for the belief that premits. that upon this subject, as trrll
ns upon any other of m like cliarcctcr, he mould not inter
pose his veto. If the Congress of the United States
oress on the subject of slavery and the ' will that there shall be freedom from slavery forcccr,
i slave-trade ought to be received, read &
: respectfully considered by the represents-
; tives of the people *
A. I DO. You cannot justify yourself, | ba <c »" United St Odes Senate
and any man sitting in the While House dare interpose
his puny arm anas! it, I will not say he will be taken
through the forms i if impeachment—there might be a more
summary method j'ouuil out of disposing of him.—[De-
j as some 'of your friends have falsely as-
If any Southern man doubts that Gene- ! sumed, by any precedent drawn from
ral Taylor has now yielded himself, body
and soul, to the domination, influence and
Southern Democratic votes. No Southern
Democrat has ever voted that abolition pe-
control of that Southern school of Whig . tilions, should he either read •printed or re-
Doliticians, whose votes have uniformly
been registered against the South whenev
er her peculiar institutions and her rights
connected with it were involved, let him
engrave tlie «jbuvc wurUo uu l.io raomory
and his heart, and doubt no more.
The opinions of Millard Fillmore sound
and conservative! What was his language
in 183S to an anti-slavery society which
chatechised him in in the Buffalo District,
when he was running for Congress'? It
was as follows:
Buffalo, Oct. 17. 1838.
Sir: Your communication of the 15th inst. as
chairman of a committee appointed by *• The Anti-Sla
very Society of the County of Erie," has just come to
hand. You solicit my answer to the following inte-
rogatories:
1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress on
the subject of slavery and the slave-trade ought to
be received, read, and respectfully considered by the
representatives of the people T
2d Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas
to this Union under any circnmStanses, so long as
■laves are held therein ?
3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the
constitutional power it possescs, to abolish the inter
nal slave-trade between the States ?
4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for
the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?
Iam much engaged, and have no time to enter in
to an argument, or to explain at length my reasons
for my opiniou.—I shall therefore content myself, for
itie present, by answering ALL. juur interrogatories
in the AFFIRMATIVE and leave for some future
occasion a more extended discussion on the subject.
With these views he was elected to Con
gress, and in strict conformity to these
views he uniformly voted in Congress on
every occasion in which the slavery ques
tion come up. These votes we have exhib
ited in our columns. Our readers are fam
iliar with them. The votes and opinions
of Millard Fillmore have been presented
by us to the public in the following lan
guage, which we here reiterate :
Millard Fillmore it was, who voted with Giddings.
Slade, and others, to instruct the Committee on Ter
ritories to introduce a bill repealing a law passed by
the people of Florida in their Territorial Legislature,
excluding free negroes from that territory !!
Millard Fillmore it was, who voted with Slade and
Giddings against laying on the table a petition ask
ing Congress to pass a Taw protecting negro-stealers
and incendiaries in the slave States, and asking to
have the privtledge of sending through the Post
Office, into onr counties and among our people, their
insane, insulting, and outrageous attacks upon us as
slave-holders and citizens of a shave-holding commu
nity?
Millard Fillmoro it was, who said he was “interest
ed in the claim to property in man,” in the District
of Columbia, and wanted to abolish slavery there
without the consent of the people and without ma
king them any compensation !!!
Millard Fillmore it was, who voted against censur
ing Joshua R. Giddings for introducing resolutions
into the House of Represenatives in which mutiny
and murder (by slaves) were justified and approved
in “terms shocking to ail sense of law, order and
hnmility !!!!”
Millard Fillmore it was, who voted against all but
the first of the Resolutions introduced by Mr. Ather
ton of New Hampshire I! !
These votes have never been atoned for
by him. These opinions have never been
retracted. He went into Congress with
them. He came out of Congress with
them, and there is no evidence or presump
tion that these are not his opinions still.
If he is elected Vice President lie goes in
to that high office with these opinions, and
in case of the death of General Taylor,
steps into the Presidency with these same
opinions.
Are these the “sound conservative opin
ions” which Gen. Taylor so much admires!
Does he indeed think it a matter for proud
and greatful emotions that he is placed on
the same ticket with this man—this arch en-
The follo'.vingis an extract from a speech
of that violent Abolitionist, Thaddeus Ste-
vens, at a Taylor meeting at Doylestown,
Pa:
“These sentiments, honesly and radically held by
the speaker. (Mr. Stevens) together with bis convic
tion. based opon the most satisfactory evidence, that
Gen. TayV.tr’s views and feelings are against the ex
tension oj slavery, and that he would leacetlie question
that no further action should be had thereon.” \ to be sct iled by the Representatives of the people
Pimkney Patton, and Atherton res- I ,ndnce hurt to vote for Gen. Taylor, and use
, . • , * * c ...l; ,l ... ,t.i a his infl uence to elevate him to the Presidency, tie
olutions, against the last of which to t 8 j a ppea', e d to those who honestly desire to prevent the
effect, in that same year of 1S3S lOL vo- j exten tension of slavery to the new territory lately ac-
fered—but on the contrary, the vote was
“that they should without being read, prin
ted, or referred, be laid upon the table, and
ted.
Q. Are you opposed to the annexation
of Texas to this Union, under any circum
stances, so long as slaves are held therein?
A. I AM. You are then opposed to the
annexation of Texas, wider any circumstan
ces, “so long as slaves are held therein?
Q. Are you in favor of Congress exercis
ing all the Constitutional power it posessess
to abolish the internal slave-trade between
the States?
A. I AM. You were then in favor of;
“preventing the removal of slaves from j
States”—and you voted upon the Atherton
Resolutions in Congress, in the December j
after you penned this letter, not only, that .
Congress had the power to do so—but that f -
it had the power to do so “for the purpose speech, in which he spoke c
of overthrowing the institution of slavery | which Cass and iaylor bore to the exten-
within the States.” It is true that you, in ! sum of slavery was pointed and forcible.—
common with Joshua R. Giddings and oth- ! He considered H settled that Cass would ve
er notorious abolitionists, voted on that oc- | lo l \ e Wdmot Proviso and that Taylor
casion, the abstiact proposition that Cota- ’could not. Among other reasons cited in
oress had no power to interfere with slave- re S ard to Gen - Ta y lor was ‘I" 8 , that he was
ry in the STATES—but you did, on that ! associated with the Whig Party, every man
occasion, also vote, that Congress could do ° f who, “ ln ,he N > ,h were ln favor of tlle
that “indirectly,” which it could not do “di- Proviso—while those in the South would
quir. :d, to consider well the position of things—to re
tied upon the fact that Taylor or Cass must inevita
bly be elected, if the choice is made by the people—
th? t the Buffalo nominees stand not the shadow of a
ch.ance—that every vole withheld from Taylor and
V an Buren, will be one vole towards the election of
Cass—that the evil we now deprecate, and those that
havepreceded and precipitated it upou the country,
were drodneed, or might have been prevented, by
those who blindly, though no doubt honestly, cast
their votes for a third party candidate in 1844, and
thereby secured the election of James K. Polk ”
From the Cincinnati Atlas, (Whig.)
The place of Mr. Corwin was supplied
by the Hon. Caleb Smith, of Indiana, who
addressed the meeting at Cincinnati for an
hour and twenty minutes, in a clear,
forcible, and instructive argument on the
Presidential question. The last part of his
if the relations
enterlhe glorious midship: not with feelings of strife
jealousy, or envy—such sentiments are not charac
teristic ofher people—but with aspirations prompted
by the spirilofa laudable emulation and an honora
ble ambition.
The Congressional Globe and Appendix
is now befoie us. In the Appendix page
309 commences Mr. Stephens’ speech.—
The above extract is taken from page 314,
of the Appendix, and is theconclusion of that
epeech which is there reported in full.
What Whig will have the face to deny the
genuineness of this extract. That part
which we quote above, is the extract here-
t ifore published. The remainder follows
immediately thereafter, and is the conclu-
"sion of the speech.
We repeat what we have heretofore ur
ged on this point. Such sentiments as
these uttered by a Southern on the floor o
Congress, are calculated to do the cause of
the South more injury than whole piles of
Abolition speeches and petitions. It is put
ting arguments in the mouths of our oppo
nents. It is giving them weapons to hurl
back at us.
How can Mr. Stephens or his supporters
expect to win ftiends for the South with
such language on their lips] If he^ asks a
Northern man to vote to give the South a
participation in the territory won by the
common blood aud treasure of the Union,
what is the obvious reply? “You ask me
to do that which you admit to be wrong.—
You ask me to vote for the extension of the
area of slavery when you admit that slave
ry is an institution of which you are no de
fender. You ask me to extend slaveiy,
and at the same time wish that not a slate
breathed theait of America. ^ ou now ask
me to vote for the extension of slavery.
Yet you have declared that you had- no
wish to see it extend to other countries
VVe respectfully decline to do this. You
admit our power to legislate on the subject.
We of the North will therefore legislate in
opposition to an'institution which by your
own admission is indefensible, and there
fore should he destroyed as far as we Mn
destroy it by constitutional legislation. ’
Such is the lauguage with whiclt Mr.
Stephens’ application for support and pro
tectiou to the South will be greeted by his
Northern allies.
In this connection it may not be amiss to
append the following compliment to that
gentleman from one of his Northern admir
ers. It is from that rabid print, the^ New
York Globe, the organ of the Free Soilers
in New York city:
“ Hon. A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, who
VOTED WITH THE NoRTH ON THE SLAVERY
question, has been unanimously nominated
for re-election. He is one of the Noblest
Whigs at the South.—Daily Globe, 9th
inst.
for Gen. Taylor, because he lias been like Goliab, of
Gath, “a mao of war from his youth up!”
They insist upon having a Northern candidate to
humble the South, and are opposed to a • Northern
man with Southern principles;” and therefore they
take a Southern man with no principles at all.
They firmly believe that the salvation of the coun
try depends upon the Whig party and therefore they
want a President who is a uo-pariy man: who will
have no opinion of his own. but will be Whig if Con
gress is Whig; Democratic il Congress is Democrat
ic; abolitionist if Congress is fur abolition; Native
American irCongress is Native American; and neith
er one thing nor the other, if the Senate and House
of Representatives happen to be divided.
Ill short, a sort of chameleon President, who is to
take the hue and the color of the Congress he hap
pens lo light upon.
deavor to conduct myself in such a way a9 not to
impair much less forfeit the good opinion of Colonel
Wvnn as well as that of many other valued friends;
all of which I will thank you to communicate to the
Colonel, as well as all I have stated in relation to his i
valued and highly valuable donation. [The residue
of the letter relating to oilier matters, is omitted ]
With respect and esteem,
your friend truly.
Z. TAYLOR.
yiule ICigliisauil United Slates’ Bights,
rectiy” and thereby assert the power “indi
rectly" to abolish the institution of slavery
in the States, by “preventing the removal
of slaves from State to State.” The Ath
erton Resolutions asserted th-.is measure
not urge Gen. Taylor to veto it. He sta
ted that ne was informed w'thin a week,
by the Hon. Win. B. Preston, of Virginia,
that if the Proviso should pass Congress,
and General Taylor should not veto it, he
among others, to be “a part of the plan of should approve and sustain his course—and
operations set on foot by the Abolitionist svch^Ir. Smith stated was the positiori of the
to overthrow the institution of slavery in
the States”—asserted it correctly. Every
man of the least knowledge of their pol
icy knows it to be true. Fix the slave to
the soil, and emancipations follows as a mat
ter of course,” is the declaration and the
policy we heard from the lips of your
Northern whig brethren about that time.
They avowed it to be a part of their plan
of emancipation—and if they could have
succeeded in carrying out your views, as
southern whigs.
In this case, the whole whig party would
be united in sustaining Gen. Taylor is not
vetoing the Proviso.
Truman Smith, Senator of the United
States, in a letter to the New Haven Cou
rier, writes as follows:
“August 22, 1648.
“Gentlemen: The confidence expressed by yon in
the leading article in your paper yesterday, m regard
to General Taylor in reference to the Free Soil
question, is. I can assure you, well founded. A
expressed in your Buffalo letter, and affirm- friend of mine, in whotul repose implicit confidence,
,*[ * , „ ,i.„ had a conversation with the General on this subject
ed by your votes on the Atherton Kesolu- lastMay . andin a , ettert0 me dated the l(Jth of that
ions in the December following, all must month, he feports that conversation in full. The
admit, that the plan would have accomplish- ground taken by him is, that the ordinance of
i « I hninnrr honn nnccnj)
edyour purposes.
87 having been passed by Congress, approved by
^ * 4 . r c • j* . i • | Washington, and upheld by the judiciary, the con-
Q. Are you in favor of unmediate egis- ( stitutionality of the measure has been settled by all
• - departments of the Government, and consequently
there is no ground left for the interposition of the ve
to. He told my friend that he would neither veto the
Wilmot Proviso, nor would he intrigue against it, nor
do anything to embarrass its passage through the tico
Houses of Congress.
The following is an extract from a letter
to the editor of the Washington Union,
written by Senator Baldwin of Connecticut:
I wish it not to be understood that I entertain
A DOUBT THAT GEN. TaYLOR WOULD SIGN ANY BILL
WHICH MAY BE PASSED BY CONGRESS APPLYING TO
THE TERRITORIES OF THE U-NITED STATES THE PRO
VISO OF the Ordinance of J787 on the subject of
SLAVERY.”
GOLD REGION OF CALIFORNIA.
Extract of a letter addressed by Thomas O.
Larkin to the Navy Department, dated
“Monterey, (California,) Jnly 1, 1848.
“This part of California is at present in
_ state of great excitement from the late
discovery of an extensive gold region on
the branches of the Sacramonto river. All
our towns are becoming vacated. I he
gold is obtained on the surface of the earth
To three feet deep—the workmen needing
only a pickaxe and shovel to dig up the
dirt, and a tin pan to wash il in. Many
men, during tiie months of May and June
last, obtained live to thirty dollars per day.
I have myself seen eight men (in a compa
ny) average fifty dollars each per day for
two or thiee days. I was with them. This
gold is on public land, and lias been found
over a tract of one hundred miles.”
We understand there are fuller details
received in Washington about this extiaor-
dinary gold region, with specimens ot the
gold. The resources of California are rap
idly developing themselves. Yet .Mr. Web
ster once said that these new acquisitions
were not worth a dollar ! Is it a country
of this description that the wliigs are wil
ling to retrocede ?
We have had the pleasure of seeing
Passed Midshipman, Edward Fitzgerald
Beale, who artived last evening in the
southern boat. He brings despatches from
Commodore Jones, and Mr. Larkin, our
navy agent at Monterey, California. He
left San Pas on the 1st of August, and
travelled from the Pacific to Vera Cruz in
the unprecedented short period of 10 days
—from Mexico to Vera Cruz (275 miles)
in 4S hours.
His despatches, and the accounts he him
self brings, confirm what is said in Mr.
Larkin’s letter above of this new El Dora
do. There is said to be nothing like this
gold region, recently discovered by acci
dent. The mechanics are deserting the
towns, the seamen the whaling vessels, in
search of gold, which is said to lie gather
ed over a large surlace in great abundance.
[ Washington Union, 17th ult.
lation for the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia?
A. I AM. Do you not know, sir,—can
you deny it—that the District of Columbia,
was the point of attack by the abolitumists
at the time you gave them the answer,
j Every one knows it. Yet you went furth
er than ever John Quincy Adams, or the
notorious Joshua R. Giddings, in openly
avowing your desire for the IMMEDIAT E
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY in the dis
trict! ! !
j You were, then, in 183S an open an a-
! vowed ABOLITIONIST, although you
may not have been a member of their or- :
ganization. You encouraged and approved
their designs. There can be not the least
doubt, from your letter in 1838 and your
From the Constitutionalist.
You encouraged and approved MR. STEPHENS’ SPEECH ON THE AN
NEXATION OF TEXAS.
Wehav6 more than once published an
voles'on the* Atherton Resolutions of the ; extract from this speech, made on the
same year, how you stood at that time. ! 25th day of January, 1845, in the House of
Have you changed your position?
In your letter to Gov. Gayle, of Alabama,
emy of the South? Is it, indeed, true that ; of July 31st 1848, since you have become _
Gen. Taylor thinks Millard Fillmore just- a candidate for the Vice Presidency, and Quintuple Alliance pamphlet, (a garbled
t the j consequently for the votes of the Southern extract, too,) and it shows that if Mr. Ste-
Representatives, on the annexation of Tex
as. That extract we have published side
bv side with the extract from Mr. Cass’
LY ENTITLED TO THE FIRST PLACE ON
ticket? Oh, if this be so then woe to the j people, the charge of being an ABOLI-
‘ ’ TIONIST was distinctly before you, as we
1 learn from Gov. Gayle himself and you do
i not deny it. Nor do you introduce any facts
! in your letter to him, which in the least
south must be the day when General Zach
ary Taylor ascends to the Presidential
Chair, since he would carry into office with
him, this man of sound, conservative opin
ions,” whom he so much admires. Then
would Fillmoreism be rank and rampant in
its fierce prejudicies and hostility to south
ern rights, backed, as it would be, by the
venomous and intolerant fanaticism of the
anti-slavery hordes of the north. Then
would this very Buffalo anti-slavery society,
with whose views Millard Fillmore’s so
exactly chime, sing pagans of praise to the
rising fortunes of aholitionism, and cheer
on their legions to still fiercer assaults up
on us. And where, we ask, would the
south look for help, or hope for sympathy,
if it appear that by her votes, and her assis
tance, abolitionism was elevated, in the
person of Millard Fillmore, to the high
places of the land? She could no longer
hope for the.generous sympathies of that
uoble band of northern democrats who
have so often stood with locked shields, and
shoulder to shoulder, with the southern
members, to resist the onslaught of north
ern whigs and abolitionists. They will
feel betrayed and deserted by the south,
whom they have served often at self-sacri
fice; for what sympathy can any people
have who wantonly desert their own cause
and surrender to their foe.
Whatever may heretofore have been
said at the south of independent Taylorism,
- is now sadly inapplicable. They are words
that have lost significance, if ever entitled
tc any.—Henceforth, Taylor and Fillmore
must flourish or fade together. Together
they must stand or fall, for General Taylor,
by his full endorsement of Millard Fill
more, has forfeited all claim, which his
friends may have put forth for him at the
south, to support on the ground of his south
ern birth and location. Wheu whig crouds
and mass meetings hereafter shout, Hurrah
for Taylor, it is but just that they should add
the name of the sound and consevative ! 1
Fillmore.
phens is an acceptable candidate to South
ern men, not one word of objection can be
uttered by them to the sentiments of Gen.
Cass.
But we are informed from numerous
disapproves the charge. In that letter you I sources, by letter and otherwise, that the
have simply dodged behind the States, with i Whigs assert that Mr. Stephens never used
which you think that congress has no right I any such language. They say it is a Dem-
to interfere. So you thought in 1838 in 1 ocratic invention against him—that Mr.
your votes upon the Atherton resolution— ! Stephens could not possibly have given ex-
so thought that avowed abolitionist, Joshua j pression to such sentiments;
By a decree of the Council, the Jesuits
have been banished from Venice.
R. Giddings, who voted with yon to that
effect. The Journals show it. But then,
your subsequent votes and his, disproved
your sincerity, when you affirmed that, in
relation to the subject of slavery, Congress
can do that “indirectly'’ which it can do “di
rectly.” So far as your letter to Gov.
Gayle goes, it does not appear that you
have chattged your opinions one jot nr tittle
on the question of slavery, since the year
183S. You then openly avowed the doc
trines of the Abolitionists—you were an
Abolitionist in every respect, except mere
member-ship in their societies. You are
an Abolitionist NOW—you have not
changed your position.
People of Georgia! is it come to this—
that you are asked to cast your votes for a
map for Vice President of the UniledStates,
who is still REEKING WITH ABOLI
TIONISM!—A man to hold your destinies
in tie hollow of his hand in the casting vote
he nay be called to give in the Senate up
on s. tie vote between fifteen slave holding
and fifteen non-slave-holding States, on a
question of slavery ! !!
We will not insult you by supposing that
you will not spurn him from yoti, with loath
ing and disgust.
Governor Johnson.—We understood that
our excellent and beloved Chief Magistrate,
is now able to walk about the House, by
the aid of crutches; but are sorry to learn
that, his general health has suffered much
from his long confinement. He hopes to
be iu Columbia on the seventh of Novem
ber, at which time he will call the legisla
tors together, to cast the electoral vote of
the Stale for President and Vice Presi
dent.—Carolinian.
We now repeat ihe extract, and here
with furnish the source whence we take
“This acquisition will give additional power to the
enulwestern section in the national councils and for
this purpose I want it—not that I am desirous to see
an extension of the “area of -slavery,” as some gen
tlemen have said its effects would he. I am no defen
der of slavery in the abstract. .Liberty always had
charms for me, and I would raj*oice to see all the
sons of Adam’s family, in every land and clime, in
the enjoyment of those rights whitih are set fourth in
our declaration of independence .as “natural and in
alienable,” if a stern necessity bearing the marks and
impress of the hand of the Creator himself, did not, in
some cases interpose and prevent. Such is the case
with the States where slavery now exists. But I
have no wish to see it extended to other countries;
and if the annexation of Texas were for the sole pur
pose of extending slavery where it does not now and
would not otherwise exist. I should op pose it. This
is notits object, nor wrllitbe its effect. Slavery al
ready exists in Texas and will-continue to exist there.
The same necessity that prevails in-the southern
States prevails there, and will -prevail wherever the
Anglo-Saxon and African race are blended in the
same’proportions. It matters not, so fir as tills institu
tion isconcemed, whether Texas be in the Union or
out of it. That, therefore, is not my object: but it is
the political advantages it will Recure, preserving a
proper balance between the different sections of the
country. This is my object; and is it not proper
and right7”
If we look around we see the East, by her econo-
my. her industry, and enterprise, by her commerce,
navigation, and mechanic arts, growing opulent,
strong, and powerful. The West, which a few years
ago was nothing but an unbroken wilderness, em{
bracing the broad and fertile Mississippi, where the
voice of civilization was never heard, is now teem
ing with its millions of population. The tido of em
igration, still rolling in that direction, has already
reached the base of the Rocky Mountains, and will
soon break over those lofty barriers and be diffused
in the extensive plains of Oregon. Already the West
vies for the ascendency on this floor; and why should
not the South also be advancing? Are her limits
never to be enlarged, and her influence and power
never to be increased? Is she to be left behind in
this race for distinction and aggrandizement, if you
please? As one of her tone, I say no. Let her, too,
Opinion of the Cotton Crops.—During
the last fortnight we have not missed an op
portunity that ha3 presented itself to us, to
ascei tiau the opinions and calculations of
the planters here and iu every other part of
the cotton region whence we have found
them, in relation to the cotton crop and its
present promise compared with what it
gave them at this time last year. We shall
be more specific and mention that we have
conversed, during that time, with intelligent
observers from Union, Ouachita, More
house, Caldwell, Catahoula, I- ranklin, Rap
ides, Caddo, Carroll, Madison and Tensas
paiishes, in this State, as well as with many
from .different points in our own parish, and
with citizens of many counties in Mississip
pi, nearly all of whom were planters of
experience, on the subject of the cotton
crop and the comparative views of it no
ticed above. Although the opinions thus
received have been as various, in some re
spects, as the names of the districts whose
fields were the authority for them, we have
found little difficulty, aftei having noted
down all of them in juxtaposition, in arriv
ing at an opinion of our own, in relation to
the average prospect. That opinion is that
the damage done to the cotton crop within
four or five weeks past has been so severe
as to reduce the expectations of the plan
ter below those entertained by him at this
time of last year; and that if we have un
favorable weather, during any part of this
month, there being so much cotton open,
the falling off from the crop of last year in
upper Louisiana and southwestern Missis
sippi will be very great. Rarely, if ever,
has so much cotton been open at the same
time as is seen now.— Concordia Intelligen
cer, 9th inst.
The Cotton Crop.—The New Orleans
Crescent of the 15th inst. says:—Last eve
ning we conversed with a gentleman just
from the Red River country, and we regret
to learn the calterpillar is making sad work
with the late cotton fifelds in the northwes
tern prairies. Two plantations which our
informant saw on the Bayou Rapides were
completely swept.
John Ross, the Cherokee Chief.—This dis
tinguished and highly respected gentleman
has spent the summer, with his family, in
visiting Brandywine Springs, Cape May,
and Schooley’s Mountain. A correspon
dent of the* Newark Advertiser, says :
“They have won golden opinions of the vis
itors. They are not only well educated,
but polished and urbane. Mr. Ross is, be
yond all doubt, au extraordinary man.
Two of his sons, noble youths, who
were of the company, have been at Princ-
tonfor some lime, and return, after several
years absence, to their home in the West.
Miss Hicks, a niece of Mr. Ross, also is of
the same company, has lately finished her
academical course at Laurenceville. The
Cherokee Advocate, published at Tahlequ-
ah, is edited by the nephew of Mr. Ross.”
Another nephew of Mr. Ross—a young
physician of fine lallents and promise—is
about to carry off a bride, (says the Phila-
aelphia City Item,) “one of our own fair
Philadelphians. This wedding will create
wide-spread but most agteeable excitement
in our midst. We have had the pleasure for
some years, of knowing Dr. Ross, and en
tertaining for him the livliest and sincerest
regard.”
BIG SHOTS FROM A BIG GUN.
No man hits Federalism harder than
Hon. B. F. Hallett, and no man more clear
ly and satisfactorily shows up their gross
inconsistencies, their contemptible tergiver
sations, and their utter recklessness of prin
ciple. The following hard hits are from
his spepch at Syracuse, N. Y., and ate but
a sample of the way in which he “puts the
licks into them” in all his speeches:—
In ehort, the only rule upon which an honest Whig
can support Gen. Taylor is the rule of contradiction.
They must construe their candidate as we are told to
intepret had dreams by opposites.
They claim to be Whigs, and they support Gen.
Taylor because he is not an ultra Whig, that is, not
enough of a Whig to hurthiui. 8othe less Wliigge-
ry he has, the better he is for ihe Whigs.
They are opposed to land indemnity from Mexico,
and go for Taylor because he was in favor of taking
seven of her provinces, up to the line of Sierra Ma-
dre! [See his letter to Geo, Gaines.J
They denounce the Mexican war as “a God ab
horred war,” and all engaged in it as partakersin the
crime; and they support Taylor becansa he has killed
and captured more Mexicans than any other of the
“criminals” engaged in that war.
They are the friends of peace and afraid of anoth
er war if Gen. Cas9 is elected, who has been a friend
of peace for thirty odd years; and therefore they go
Correspondence of the New Fork Journal of Com
merce.
Monterey, Upper California, July 2,1848.
Since my last, a gold mine has been sprung here.
Il has been discovered that ibe sands which border tbe^
American Fork and tlie Feather river, branches of
the Sacramento, are full of particles of gold, resem
bling in shape squirrel shot, flattened out. It is got
by washing in any vessel, from a tea-saucer to a wai til
ing pan. A single person will gather, by litis process,
from one to two ounces a day—and some have gone
as high as a hundred dollars’worth. 'Iwo thousand
whites aud as many Indians are now engaged ill
washing the sand. All labor of every other kind has
stopped except a little farmiug. Mechanics, doctors,
lawyers, merchants, sailors, and soldiers, have all gone
ill mass to the gold region. Only the women re
main, and they will it is expected, start soon. 1 heir
cradles will answer admirably to wash out gold in,
and the littte fellows in the mean time must amuse
themselves with the iugots which their mothers dig.
The excitement which this gold discovery has pro
duced is most intense. People stop each other in the
streets to feel the pulse, and see how the gold fever
as it is called, heats. Talk to a labourer about hiring
him for fifty dollars a month, and he will turn up his
nose at you. Ofi’er him ten dollars a day, and he will
tell yon he is bound to Feather river. One man,
who resides next door to me, gathered five hundred
dollars’worth ill six days. He has one lump which
weighs over an ounce. A trough such as you feed
pigs in, will bring in tiie gold region fitly dollars.—
Puta piece of sheet iron, punched with holes, on it,
and it will bring over a hundred. My friend J. R.
paid sixteen dollars for a litllle basket; and his com
panion gave twenty for a chamber pot—all to wash
out the gold in. Il heats all the dreams of romance,
and all the golden marvels of the wand of Midas, and
yet it is true, if there be truth iu man where gold is
concerned.
Sailors all run from our ships, and soldiers from
our camps, lo search the gold region. One \aukee
captain here fouud that all his sailors were about to
desert, aud so he told them he would join them, aud
they would give the mate tiie ship—and sure enough,
when the mate waked up in the morning he found
the captain, crew,and ship's launch, all gone! and he
himself soul monarch of all he surveyed. The last
vessel that left the coast was obliged tu pay her crew
fifty dollars per month eacii. There is no use ill chas
ing a sailor here; you might as well huut a hare iu an
interminable forest.
[From the -V. Y. doily Tribune, llfA rust]
LETTER FROM JOHN M. BOTTS.
Published by order of the Clay Committee.
Richmond, Sept. G, 1843.
Sly Dear Sir: I received your letter yesterday.by
which I was delighted to hear of the fixed purpose—
not au Albany ttash-tu-the-pair—of tlie determined
friends of the Whig cause, and of Whig principles,
to nominate Henry Clay: for. as matters now stand,
admitting Hen. Taylor to be a Whig candidate, (winch
! I utterly deny.) the party is doomed to certain, inev
itable and disgraceful defeat, and every man not wil
fully biiud must see it It was an inexcusable blun
der to suppose that from a million and a quarter to a
million and a half of free, iudependaut Whig voters
could be wheedled into line at the word of command :
from some fifty or sixty Washington politicians (most j
of whom had scarcely shed their pin-fealherf in poll- i
tics) for a candidate who had never filled a civil sta- j
lion, and who had not for forty years, aud perhaps j
in his J,fe, given a vote for man or mfcastirj; without ;
experience or knowledge of the practical operations J
of anv one of the domestic questions about which J
we had differed; of no acquaintance with our foreign j
relations; who had said to the people, “You must ;
take me on your own responsibility”—“I will not be
the candidate of a party.” iior*‘\ v ill I be the exponent
of yonr party principles,” nor “look to the doctrines
of your party as the rule of my action:” and while he
professed to shrink from no responsibility, steadily
refused to give his opinion on any one question, ex
cept th * practical use of the Veto power; aud declar
ed his determination not to be governed by the ac
tion of the Convention, hut would be a candidate no
matter who might be nominated; and in my judge
ment his name never should have been considered
in that Convention after he made that declaration.
But this last objection, it was said, had been remov
ed by the pledges made for him by Judge Saunders
in behalf of the Louisiana Delegation, which he sub-
{ sequently adopted by a card written by his authority
and jpublished by Bailie Peyton, Bulltt, &.c and
this declaration was held up by the Taylor men and
Whig presses of the country as sufficient to reconcile
all Whigs to his election. That Peyton Card and
his cordial acceptance of the nomination had placed
him upon the Whig platform; and just at the mo
ment that many of us had brought our minds to the
conclusion to vote for him, however reluctantly, he
writes another letter, in which he says he would have
accepted the nomination from the Baltimore Conven
tion on the same terms on which he accepted tlie Phil
adelphia nomination ! What becomes, then, of the
Saunders pledge? What becomes of the Peyton
Card/ And if it be true that there were uo terms
expressed or implied in the Philadelphia nomination
that would be inconsistent with an acceptance of
the democratic nomination at Baltimore, in what an
altitude does it place the Whig party, selecting as
their candidate one who could with equal propriety
have be come the candidate of their opponents?
And if not true, iu what a position does it place
Gen. Taylor? ...... Ifr
But vvhat I desire to learn is this this. It Hen.
Taylor is not bound by the action of the Philadelphia
j Convention, who is? And if he may disregard its
| recommendations, who may not?—And if he is
j bound by their action, what right has he to lend them-
j fluence of his name to the defeat of Mr. Fillmore
! who was associated with him. by the same body of
men, by accepting a nomination with Gen. Butler,
a Loco-Foco, whose election he thereby assists in
promoting. In short his whole course of conduct
is insulting to the Whig party and especially to all
those who participated in the proceedings at Phila-
leiphia, and if they had any Whig spirit left in them,
they would resent it.
If it is ascertained that the purpose o f that Conven
tion was pervered from its original legitimate objects
of ascertaining and giving expression to public sen
timent: by smothering it on the one hand, and manufac
turing it on the other, or in other words, if it has been
ascertained, (of which there is no doubt.) that tlie
nomination was made through the instrumentality of
politicians without the slightest reference io tiie pub
lic will, and that the interests of the party are likely to
, be sacrificed by it; then I hold that the error ought to
be corrected promptly by the people themselves, and
I trust in God, the meeting you notify me of, may
put the ball iu motion, that it may roll, and gather as
it rolls, until the Whig party shall have its eyes open-
| ed to its true condition, and uniting as one man, on
j the only one who lives embalmed in the hearts of his
i countrymen, we may catnraand a triumph, that our
! realstrength entitles us to ucheive. I shall be in
New York very shortly.
Yours truly in great haste,
JOHN M. BOTTS.
‘TU ihe StnrSpangled Banner .oh,long may it wave
O’er the Land of the F ree and the Homo of the Bra v e.’
[itiom
ntM.EDEEVU.LE, SEPT. 26, i S4S.
FOR PRESIDENT,
LEWIS CASS.
Of Michigan.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM O. BUTLER.
Of Kentucky.
Electoral Ticket.
WALTER T. COLdUITT, of Troup,
M. HALL McALLISTEU, of Chatham.
JOHN W. ANDERSON. ofCiiaffittiu,
LEONIDAS B. MERCER, of Lee,
ALLEN COCHRAN, of Mini roe,
JOHN D. ST ELL. of Fayette,
LEWIS TLMLIN. of Cass,
ROBERT E. McMILLEN, of Elbert.
WILLIAM McKINLEY, of Oglethorpe,
JAMES GARDNER, Jr., of Richmond.
For Congress,
IstDist—Joseph W. Jackson, of Chatham.
2d
3d
4th
5th
6th
7th
Sth
M. J. Wellborn, of Muscogee.
John J. Cary, of Upson,
fau. A. Haralson, of Troup.
Titos. C. Hackett, of Floyd.
Howell Cobb, of Clark.
Joseph Day, of Jones.
A. J. Lawson, of Burke.
JXeiv York Nominatiims fur Governor.—
They are now complete, as follows:—Dem
ocratic, Reuben H. Walworth; Whig,
Hamilton Fish; Barnburner, John A. Dix.
From the Mobile Register.
AND YET ANOTHER.
Tlie cry is still they come. Mr. Clay
was thought to wield the pen of a ready
letter writer. But he is nothing to “ Old
Zack.” No subject, from horses to the
presidency, escapes the touch of his pen.—
The Little Rock Banner gives au epistle
from him, addressed to Major Butler, of
of Arkansas, some two years since, in which
he treats of the mysteries of “horse flesh”
and war iu a glowing style. The compli
ments to “Rocky Mountain” will certainly
make “Old Whiley” jealous. This is the
most finished and characteristic letter yet
written by Gett. Taylor. It bears the flesh
marks of originali y. Major Bliss could
have had no hand in it. It is “Old Zack”
all over, in all ils whiches. We commend it
to Mr. Griswold for his next American edi
tion of the, "Curiosities of Literature.”—
Here it is:
Gen. Taylor in 1S46.—The Little Rock
Banner publishes the following letter from
Gen. Taylor, written at a time when there
was some ground for apprehending a diffi
culty between this countjy and Great Bri
tain. The letter is an acknowledgement of
the proffer of a war horse by Major Butler,
of Arkansas:—N. O. Delta.
Headquarters army ok Occupation, )
Corpus Chrisli, Texas,Jan. 15, 1846. j
Aly Dear Major—Your highly esteemed letter of
the 28th of Nov ember last, accompanied by one from
Col. Wynn, of Lafayette county, Arkansas, to you ol
the 24lh of the same month, hasjust reached me.—
While 1 feel much flattered as well as proud for the
Colonels (1 fear) loo fav orable opinion of my public
services and especially for the handsome manner he
has been pleased to notice the same, accompanied by
the proft’er of a fine high bred charger, which 1 regret
to say, that such is the difficulty of gelling an animal
of that description to this place, or farther west, with
out injury, and the uncertainly of his finding me in
this section of country, even were 1 to make the at
tempt, and should succeed in getting him brought
here; and were I to order him to iny plantation, he
might he neglected, which would he to ine a source of
such mortification, as well as in the event of injury in
getting him here, as to compel me to decline the Cols,
kind and disinterested ofier, for which I am duly grate
ful, and which cannot be forgotten by me. At the
same time, should our threatened difficulties with
Great Britain result iu the appeal to arms, which l sin
cerely hope will not he die case, or cor relations with
(hat country assume such a character as to induce ihe
President to have the whole or a large portion of the
troops now here, withdrawn to more important points
along our southern audeasternseacoast, and it should
be my lot to accompany them, aud be assigned to du
ty in Louisiana, which in all probability, will be the
case, I will with great pleasure and many thanks ac
cept Rocky Mountain, and take the proper steps to
have him delivered to me, and will use him as a par
ade horse in time of peace, and a charger in the event
of war; and no matter what position may be as
signed me, either in peace or in war, I will en-
Yes! “Tell Them of It."—The New
York Post, a violent Van Buren paper, thus
speaks of General Cass and free soil :
“Tell them of it.—When the Cass politi
cians pretend that their candidate is in fa
vor of free soil, just tell them that Cass
voted against the Wilmot Proviso in tlie
Senate.”
Yes! tell them of if! By its fruits shall
the tree be known. When the Southern
AVhig papers or speakers, false to the truth
and the South, pretend that Cass is a pro
viso man or an Abolitionist—just tell them
that he (E/^voted.^]) against the proviso
— nay, just tell them that upon all ques
tions, in which Southern interests have
been involved, he has voted with us; against
us never! And tell them, further, that
Fillmore has ([/'’voted^/J) against us
always; with us never! ! ! and that Tay
lor endorses Fillmore!—Georgian.
H r. have neither the right nor the power to touch slave
ry where itensts.—Gen. Cass.
Congress has no rigid to say, that there shall he slave
ry in New York or that there shall be no slavery in Gear
gia; nor is there any human pouter but the people of
those. Stales.—Gen. Cass.
The principles involved in the IViimol Proviso should
be kept out of tlie national legislature and left to the
people of the confederacy in their respective local govern
ments.—Gen. Cass.
Let the people regulate their internal conctfnsintheir
own way.—Gen. Cass.
Leave to the people, who will be ajfeclcd by this ques
tion, to adjust it upon their own responsibility, and in
their own manner.—Gen. Cass.
/ am opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by
Congress over the subject of slaveiy.—Gen. Cass.
I do not see in the. Constitution any grant of such a
power to Congress.—Gen. Cass.
“This acquisition will give additional power to Ihe
South-western section in the national councils, and
for this purpose 1 want it. Not that / am desirous to
see an extension of-the area of slavery, as some gentle
men have said its effect would be. / am no defender of
slavery in tlie abstract. Liberty a’ways had charms
for nte. and 1 would rejoice to see all of Adam’s fam
ily, in every land and clime, in the enjoyment of those
rights which are set forth in onr Declaration of In
dependence, as natural and inalienable if a stern ne
cessity hearing the mark and impress of the Creator
himself did not, in some cases, interpose and prevent.
Such is the case with the States where slavery now exists.
But I HAVE NO WISH TO SEE IT EXTENDED TO OTHER
countries; and if Ihcannexaiion of Texas was for the
sole purpose of extending slavery where it does not note,
and would not otherwise exist, ] would oppose it.”
[A. H. Stephens’Texas speech, 1845;
Facts to be Remembered.
That the election for President and Vice
President takes place on Tuesday, the
7th of November; that every inan who
wishes to vote fur Cass and Butler, must
vote for the Ten Electors whose names are
at the head of this column, and who are
pledged, if elected, to cast their votes for
Cass and Butler; that every man who
wishes to vote for Taylor, cannot do so
without voting for Fillmore, and in doing
this, must vote for the Teu Whig Electors,
who are pledged, if elected, to cast their
votes for Taylor and Fillmore.
“The Eternal Principles of Whiggery”—
What are they ?
We lately heard a Taylor orator declare
in favor of “the eternal principles of the
Whig party.” What are they? was the
question involuntarily suggested to every
listener. “They are written down in the
history of that glorious party," was the
ready reply of the spiril-ed orator. Well,
what does the record show ? Let us see :
It shows that the “eternal” whig party
was formed in 1833 upon the principle of
opposition to the “ tyranny of Andrew
Jackson,” whom they styled King Andrew
the First.
That, in the first Presidential election
after their organization, they brought out
as their Presidpntial candidate Judge
White of Tennessee who had been the
main supporter and advocate of every one
of the “Tyrant’s” measures which the
Whig paity was established to put down.
That, in the election of 1840, they sup
ported Gen. Harrison as a Jeffersonian
Democrat, an opponent of a National Bank
and a high protective tariff, and as the sup
porter of “Virginia principles” generally.
That immediately after the election of
Gen. Harrison, they called au extra session
of Congress and passed an odious Bank
bill, a high protective tariff’ bill, and other
bills in direct opposition to the pledges up
on which they came into power, and then
denounced John Tyler as a traitor for ar
resting somt^of them by his exercise of
the constitutional veto.
That in 1844, they ardently supported
Henry Clay for President, because he was
the “embodiment” of certain great, well
defined, legible principles, upon the estab
lishment of which, in the Administration
Democrats of tlie 7tli! to the polls!
to tbe polls!!!
You have in your candidate Judge Day,
one worthy of your confidence and zealous
support. He is with you and of you.—
With him as your representative on the
floor of Congress, your rights—the rights
aud honor of the South will be safe. Abo
litionists and barnburners will not claim
him as their ally, nor rejoice over his tri
umphs. It is true the odds are against you,
but let this keep none from the polls.—
There are some honest whigs that will vote
with you; who will.not by their votes for Mr.
Stephens sanction his course. As patriots,
one and all, go to the polls, and by your
vote enter your solemn protest against the
acts of youj representative. If it do not
succeed in driving him from our national
counsels, it may curb his “Vaulting ambi
tion.” If it does no more, it will at least
give you the proud satisfaction of knowing
that you have been true to yourselves, true
to the South, tiue to tbe Constitution, and
true to your country.
The Electio.i ou Monday next.
The eyes of the whole Union are direc
ted to Georgia. Whigs and Democrats a-
bioad claim the State. The result of the
electiou next Monday, will have an impor
tant bearing on the election in November.
Let no democrat then be absent from the
polls. If you reside in a district, where
your candidate does not need your aid, go
and swell the tide of his victory-. If you
do not like him personally—vote, make this
oblation on your country's altar—vote for
your principles. If you tesidein a Distiict
where the majority is against you, let nut
this deter you. Remember that your vote
will tell, and if it shall not elect the man of
your choice, that it will tell of your princi
ples and of the strength of your party.
The democratic candidates in the sever
al Districts are all worthy of the highest
confidence and entitled to the most zealous
support. We repeat, let no democrat fail
to deposit his vote in the ballot-box on
Monday next.
QJ 3 The address to the public of Col-
S. T. Bailey, found on the first page, affords
additional and conclusive evidence of the
absolute necessity of a Court of Errors.—
It is one of the wondets of the day, that
of the Government, they considered the j th e people of the Stale should so long have
salvation of this Republc depended.
permitted their property, their liberty and
That they have now contemptuously | their lives to he exposed to tho dangers of
discarded their “embodiment,” and taken judicial blunders arid judicial despotism -
up Taylor, who is pledged to no principles ; That Court constitutes their palladium-
at all.
Hurra for the “eternal” principles of the
Whig party ! !—Richmond Examiner.
C5- Col. Y. P. King, the Whig Elector
for this District, addressed the people m
this city yesterday. The printed hand
bills giving notice of the meeting, announc
ed that the Taylor Elector would address
the people. What .means this ? Was the
nmission of “ Fillmore” a typographical
The Tiriff of 1846, yielding its millious
of dollars annually, and nine millious more
than was yielded by the tariff of 1S42 and
, nineteen millions more than was calculated
by the great Whig financier, Evans of j error ? Or, is “Fillmore” abandoned by
Maine—the Independant Treasury receiv- \ Col. King ? Or, is it the design of the Zach-
ing and disbursing the enormous amount arites to lay low and keep dark about the
of ninety eight millions of dollars in specie,
j without a jar during the state of war in
j 1847, without a single defaulting officer, or
a loss to an individual or the government—
j are but amazing monuments of Democrat
ic wisdom.
abolitionist Fillmore ?
Since writing the above, we learn that
the meeting did not consist of one hundred
individuals, and that the Taylor Elector-
true to his notice, did not once name jW/ufi*
Fillmore.