Newspaper Page Text
To the Voters of (he 7111 Congres
sional District.
Oil Monday next, devolves on you "lie
discharge of an important and highly re
sponsible duty. Mr. Alexander Hamillon
Stephens, your present representative in
Congress, is again before you a candidate
for re-election. By your votes, you will
then proclaim to the world your approval
ot condemuatiou of the course he has pur
sued. If you return him to his seat, you
will say to Mr. Berrien and Mr. Calhoun,
and those who nobly stood by them on the
Compromise bill, that they are short
sighted, weak and ignorant, or else base,
deluded and unpatriotic guardians of your
rjirlus; you will say to those at the North
and West, who are leagued together for
v.riir destruction, that you ratify the a.vti-
si.aveuy sentiments expressed by Mr.Ste
phens in his Texas speech in 1845; that
you RATIFY HIS ANTI-SOUTHERN
SENTIMENT, that Congress has lice pow-
ei under the Constitution to prohibit slavery
in the territories, and that you RATIFY his
alliance with the whole crew of abolition
ists whom he led on to the defeat of a mea
sure which nearly the whole South as well
as the whole North regard, as a measure
calculited to secure to the former that jus
tice which under the Constitution she l as
the right to claim. If you return Mr. S e-
phens to his seat, you will stamp his past
conduct with your endorsement and give to j
him A CARTE RLANCUB for the future to go
on and continue to render to your bitterest
foes that “aid and comfort” which have in- 1
duced them to claim him, “the noblest
Whig of tlie.South,”—noblest, because lie
has gone further than any other in the ex- ,
pression of his opinions against your l'nsti-
lutions, and in his labois with their oppo- j
nents in measures designed for their de
struction. The question for you to decide j
is, not whether Mr. Stephens will sustain or I
oppose Whig principles and Whig meas- I
tires, but it is whether he will sustain your j
RIGHTS AND INTERESTS AS SOUTHERN MEN. I
This is a matter which rises infinitely above
all party considerations.
Never have the institutions of the South
been exposed to such imminent danger as |
that which now menaces them. At the 1
North and West, there exists no sympathy j
for them, but a fixed determination with a j
large portion o ' the masses, to confine slave
ry within its present limits and ultimately ;
to crush it by the ruin it will bring with :t, j
provided it can he res-Gained within those j
limits. Hitherto the South has planted her
self on the Constitution. Mr. Stephens Ins
been the first within her borders to aban
don this bulwark of her defence, and to pre
sent bis appeal to “the honor, justice and J
good faith” of her oppressors. By this act
he has tendered a “capitulation,” surren
dered her strong hold. Voters of the 7th j
District, will you, can you in justice to
yourselves and to your posterity, ratify this
dangerous and outrageous political heresy]
Mr. Stephens' sentiment is “1 have no
wish to see it (slavery) extended to oth
er countries,” Will you, voters of the >
District, ratify this heresy? Will you send
one to represent you, who will be called 1
upon to act on the extension of slavery, and
who has already declared that he has “no 1
wish to see it extended] Can you ex
pect your rights, the equality of the South
will be sustained by a representative, whose
mouth must bo closed and his influence par- i
alyzed by his past declarations]
I he Buffalo baru-bui tiers, abolitionists
and agrarians in Convention, solemnly de
clared, that the Compromise bill, which Mr. j
Stephens boasts that he killed by the “first I
lick” lie could strike at it, “was no Compro- i
mise but an absolute surrender of the rig its
of nou-slaveholders,” and that it “opened j
the door for the introduction of slavery into i
territories now free.” They hailed Mr. j
Stephens as a co-laborer with them in their
unholy crusade against the South. Their !
allies have since dubbed him “the noblest 1
Whig of the South.” Will you Southern |
men, slave-holders of the 7 th District, cheer
and console your enemies and stimulate j
and encourage them to renewed effort, by \
sending to them a representative who like
them has “no wish to see slavery extended”
and who may again be their file leader in
their wat against you? The time has come j
when the claims of partv should yield to the
demands upon you for your own preserva- i
tion and t ie maintenance of your rights. I
Go then to the polls, and by the ballot you i
shall deposit, say to Mr. Stephens that j
though you may “love Caesar, that you love I
Rome more;” say to the North and to the !
West and to your whole country, that you ]
will rebuke the man who has dared to dis- j
regard your rights and your interests—for 1
once, foiget the partizan and act the pat- I
riot.
(U 55 We understand that at tne Superior
Court in Delvalb county last week, the
Grand Jury found a true Bill for stabbing
as defined by the penal code, against Hon.
F. H. Cone, growing out of his rencontre
with Mr. Stephens. He immediately tiled |
the plea of “guilty.” and was sentenced 1 by [
his Honor Judge Hill, to pay a fine of eight
hundred dollars.
“Humbug? ery.’ >
In an article under this caption, the last
Recorder, charges upon its Democratic co-
, temporaries, that they “have most skilfully,
most adroitly exercised their powers of
humbuggery.” It consists according to this
journal, “in changing the issue from the
election before the people—viz: that of the
| Presidency, to that of Vice Presidency, an
election at best but of secondary and incon-
| siderable importance,” and also in “getting
I up a raw head and bloody bones, in relation
to Mr. Fillmore’s petition on the subject of
slavery.
“Humbuggery,” according to common
i parlance, (for no dictionary records the
; word) means, “imposition.” Now we ask,
where is the imposition that has been prac-
J tised by the Democratic press? Is it true,
that the Vice Presidency is an office of “in
considerable importance ?” Is there no j
; “humbuggery” in this affirmation] The
Vice President, presides in the Senate, and i
has a casting vote in that body. When it is I
remembered that the North and the South, I
are equally divided in the Senate—30 votes j
from one section and 30 Irorr, the other, and i
that before it, will be presented such ques- I
tions as the reception and reference of abo-
lilion petitions, Wilinot Provisoes, and bills
for the abolition of slavery, in the District
of Columbia, and for the restriction of the |
ttansfer of slaves from one State to another, ]
is it a matter of “inconsiderable import
ance,” that the Chair of the President of
the Senate, should be occupied by one who
is true to the Constitution] May not his
casting vote decide forever, the destinies of
the South? Besides this, Geu. Taylor is no j
politician, as he himself acknowledges, and j
if elected, will have to rely upon the advice
and guidance of his cabinet. The Vice
President is a member of the cabinet. Is
it a matter of no “inconsiderable import
ance,” that he shall be one in whose coun
sels the South may confide? lint again,
Gen. Harrison was not proof against the
shafts of deatii, and Gen. Taylor too, may
die. Is it a matter of no "inconsiderable
importance,” that he who must then fill his
[dace, shall be one who will sustain the com
promises of the Constitution, regard as
equal the various sections of this vast con
federacy and administer even handed jus
tice to all] Where then, is “humbuggery”
in the Democratic press regarding the ex
alted and responsible office of Vice Presi
dent, in the light in which it really exists]
If any “humbuggeiy” is practised,is it not by
that press, which knowing that Millatd Fill
more cannot abide the test of scrutiny,
skulks from his defence, with the ignoble
appeal to its readers, Humbug! humbug!!
But, says the Recorder, the “humbugge-
ry” of the Democratic press, is evinced by
“getting up a raw head and bloody bones,
in relation to Mr. Fillmore’s position on the
subject of slavery.” By this language, it is
presumed our cotetnporary means its read
ers to understand that theie is nothing in
Mr. Fillmore’s position, that will render
Mr. Uaralton's Bepljr.
Below is the answer of this gentlman to
the questions propounded to him. Like
excitement in the Curisl Chamber than in tbe Rep
resentative Hall? In proportion to the excitement in
either of these places would bs the excitement abroad.
2. On the same page (4.) you insinuate that the
Mr. Cary and the other Democratic candi- question, is referred to the Judiciary forthe purposeof
dates he tells the people where he stands—
that he favors the Compromise Bill. Mr.
Williamson his opponeut, like Mr. O.ven,
has not deigned to answer the questions ad
dressed to them. Will the people vote in
carrying the election for Gen. Cass. The fact of the
bill's being supported by Berrien, Maugum. Clayton,
and Southern Whigs generally, is proof sufficient
that you are mistakeu here.
3. On page 5, you object that it traces the. Southern
mart to “contest" his rights with the Courts of the terri
tory first, and thru with the Supreme Court. I tnusi
the datk, will they run the hazard of getting I confess that the idea of contesting a right with a Court
another Stephens in Congress, to vote with j is something new to me. I had always believed that
the Abolitionists against the South? If ! a man contested bis right with his antagonist, and that
M w-iv ° i r\ ii . * the Court decided the question at issue according to
essrs. Wtlltamson and Owen, will not tell j jllBtice an 7~„ ht 4
“when respectfully interrogated where they 0 * *
stand, have they the right, ought they, to ex-
jrect the confidence of the people 1
Griffin Georgia *2 id Sept t 1343.
Dear Sir—I.'i answer to the questions propounded
■»o me by “Fayette Henry” in your paper of the j
4. On the same page (5,) you say that it opens aide
the door of expensive and almost endless litigation be-
tween him (the since holder.) anu his slave, without af
fording him (the slaveholder) even the shadow of a sem
blance of a hope that his rights, at the end of the law,
will ccer be recognized or enforced.”
In this objection there are two propositions. The
;>th uist. I reply that uiy vole given in Congress up- riRST l9 that the litigation underthe bill would be expem-
<>n die motion ol Mr. Stephens to lay the Compromise j s i r€ and almost endless. The second is that the rights
Bill upon the table indicated my views. I whs in fa- : 0 f the slave-holder will never be recognized or enforced
vor of the Hill and believed that it secured to the \ at the end of the law.
.South her rights as heretofore contended for on that jy ow to first of these propositions I answer,
bject She has only insisted that there should be no t j iat although a law-suit between the master and his
nee by Congress with the rights secured to | p | ave inight be rdlher expensive, yet the legal issue
the Constitution. 1 his the bill effectually | involved would be promptly settled, and then when
provided for a.id lart.ier inhibited the Legislature of j that issue was once settled the decision would be the
interfe
her by
the new Territory from interfering. If the South
lias no rights under the constitution, it is useless to ask
Congressto give us any by legislation; for while there
are many northern democrats (northern whigs there
are none,) who are ready to abide the compromises
ofthec institution there are few (audcertainly no north
ern whig,) who would be willing to ^ive by legisla
tion any new rights on that subject. It is vain to ex
law of the territories, aud there would be, alter that,
not only no expensive and almost endless litigation,
but no litigation at all.
The second proposition, as stated above, requires
a more protracted notice. T j my mind there is some
thing very strange in the assertion that the rights of
the slave holder would not be recognized at the end
of the law. You are a lawyer, Mr. Stephens. Sup-
pect Congress to establish slavery any where - , pose j , ake my slaves, audio with them to Califor-
I hat body it is believed will not go tardier than the , nia . 0ri(s ^ me ? or hl9 freedom. I go to
constitution which recognises and protects it only.- | atld te || that j want u defend my right
peace which though
principle, was acquiessed in with the hope of setllin;
forever this exciting topic. The recognition of the
same principle in regard to Iowa and Oregon was
but a faithful adherence to the Compromise made up
on the admission of Missouri and which the South
was unwilling to be the first to violate or disregard.
If the noti-slaveholdmg states disregard this peace
compromise, then must the South insist upon the on
ly true principle, the waut of jurisdiction. The Com
promise Bill of the Senate which was defeated last
session neither admitted jurisdiction nor interdicted
slavery, but left the question open under the constitu
tion.
No law existing in a territory acquired by treaty,
contrary to the Constitution of the acquiring power,
can exist a moment after the ratification of the treaty.
Ipso fit to, such law becomes null and void; upon the
ratification of the treaty, the folds of the Constitution
are spread over the new acquisition, and all the rights
of the citizens of the acquiring power, are protected
by the Constitution in the new territory.—The Con
stitution is the supreme law. and all laws which may
be found in the ceded territory violatiye of the Con
stitutional rights of the citizen, are at an end.—and I
... _ cognized or euforced.” Having always oelieved that
?I,,l J!.* avv reco g ri »z e d and enforced right, and that the Court
. w '*“* ~ was designed to mete out the law, what conclusion
would I deduce from your answer? Most assuredly
that you either believed that I h id no right to my
slave under the circumstances, or else that you had
no confidence in the honesty and ability of the Court.
Must I believe that it is your opinion that we of the
South have no right to go to California and New
Mexico with our slaves, and possess them there? You
say that we have the right, hut we cannot enjoy it tin-
til the anti-slavery laws there are repealed by compe
tent authority. Our right then is a kind of abstrac
tion of the brain, upheld by the imagination, but un
supported by law or the Constitution. Rest assur
ed, Mr. Stephens, that if we depeud upon your
“competent authority,” by which I understand you
to mean Congress, to secure our rights, we shall nev
er obtain them. The late vote on the Missouri Com
promise shows this but too plainly.
You cannot take hold of the other horn of the di
lemma, and say that you have no confidence in the
honesty and ability of the Court, for on page 10 of
your speech, you say you are “bound to believe they
would decide honestly, to the bestof their judgment.”
Let me say here. I believe our rights would have
val there by the master with his property. As to any Tote for Gen. Taylor, but if he were obliged
title to a slave accruing In the teriritorte*. I ItotVsfctrtm lo vote to-day between the candidates now
in nomination, he should be “reluctantly
think would be so decid ' ;d Supreme Court of beeili and w ;„ b .' reco n , zed and enforced” by the
the United States. ~ » - .
unless some plan of settling this vexed question is
presented, which I may deem better, I shall support
the bill. Very respectfully, vours Ac.,
H. A. HARALSON.
Col. I). C. Campbell, )
Milledgevillu, Ga. 5
Supreme Court, because “they would decide hon
estly, to the best of their judgment.” With you I
ask, “can any man doubt as to how they would de
cide the supposed case?” For myself I answer, I
cannot. And in giving my reasons for not doubting,
I do not consider that I “cast a gross imputation up
on the Court.” I cannot believe that it at all reflects
Wh««r rAjstibttpnx.r u P on ihe character of the five Southern Judges, when .
^ I we say we are certain, from their known legal or po- j
The Whig press are bitterly complain- j htical opinions, that they would decide in our favor, j
in* 7 of Gen. Cass, that lie did not fully res- ' ^upposeacase could come before the Court in which
0 1 » , cm., m ,i .the issue was, whether slavery was recognized in I
pon.l t, the inquiries of Mr. Moses, the 1’ lor- ; Georgia by the Condition, and I abo.,kfsay that I j
lda Du*legate to the Ldltunoie Convention, j knew the five Southern Judges would decide in our ;
They surely forget that his speeches and favor, even if the Northern ones should go against |
votes in the Senate on the Wilmot Provi- I VVould you say that this was casting-a gross i
him unsafe for the South. Can that print , ~ v—| putation upon tbe Courtf ., B ..o’means, be-1
take this ground? If it does, then all that j so, and Ins Nicholson letter, defined his po- cause the opinions of tbe Southern Judgesupon this !
has appeared in its columns for years past sition. But do they forget, when they com- | issue arc known. So in the oilier case. Weknow
plain of Gen. Cass, the position of Gen. I rrom ll,e position which the South has always main-
Taylor? Has he ever in any way defined l ? l,,ed ' that Con S ress has no right to interfere with ;
, . • • 7 ri t 1 • . . f i - o- siavery 111 any way whatever, that her Judges from
Lts position. lie uia it it is tiue, 111 his Stg- theii certain,legal and political opinions would decide
nal letter, but he took back what he then ! in our favor. And when I say political opinions, I (
said, in his letter to the Tuscaloosa Editor, I tnean opinions or'our great political charter, the
and left the whole country in doubt. He is I S°"f 1 ," lio ‘ l ,he L '"" ed S,al ? 8 ' T , h fi p0 |£' to
. . 1 . 0 J xxr . . ! winch I would direct your attention is this. When
now claimed oy Southern. \V bigs, as oppo- | you say that the antislavery laws of the new territo-
sed to the Wilmot Proviso, because he is a I must be repealed by “competent authority,” by
slave-holder: and by Northern Whi^s as in w hich I understand you to mean Congress, before we
favor ofit; on account of the language of his ! witl1 °ur slaves, yon give CongroMpow-
. * , e j. 1 I 1 er to |e g*«I^te upon slavery, and say our rights can- j
Allison pledge, otandirig as he then does not be maintained without such legislation. As the
Janusfaced, lie has again and again been in- South has always denied Congress this power—as
terrogated toteil vvliat is his position. Again ( ler Judges still deny this power, they will decide that |
11 the subject of abolition; all its abuse of
those who favored the reception of abolition
petitions, of Adams and Giddings and Slade
el omne ill genus, must be set down as the
veriest twaddle, as the most contemptible
“raw-head and bloody bones,” that an Ed
itor has ever written or collated.
The Recorder heretofore, has been first
among the foremost in denouncing those
who have favored the reception and refer
ence of abolition petitions. It knows that
Mr. Fillmore stands convicted by the re
cord on this subject. But now the charge
is, “raw-head and bloody bones.” It iias
never remitted its condemnation of those
who favored the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia. It knows that Mr.
Fillmore stands convicted of favoring that
measure, and is fearlessly challenged to
produce any proof to the contrary, but now
when the charge is preferred against him,
it is all “raw-head aud bloody bones.”
It rejoiced over the censure imposed up
on the notorious Giddings for his infamous
justification of the mutiny and murder on j
board the Creole. But when Millard Fill- ;
more, stands convicted of voting in favor of
Giddings and the Democratic press pro- 1
claims the same truth which the Recorder j
once told, it is all “raw-head and bloody .
bones.”
We might adduce other cases, and eluci- \
date them by quotations from the columns
of the Recorder. But we have said enough '
to accomplish our purpose. We now leave i
it to our readers to decide, with whom rests
the “humbuggery”—whether with the Re- I
cotder or its “Democratic cotemporaiies.”
, . . , her rights most be maintained by some other means. ,
and again, has he declined.—His friends, The only other means is the Constitution, and there-
who can support him, with unblushing fore it is reduced to a certainty that they will decide i
effrontry, now rail out against Gen. Cass 111,1 lv « have a Constitutional right to possess our ;
after all his speeches, votes and letters, be
cause he did not more at length respond to
Mr. Moses.—O Whiggery, where is thy
consistency, decency aud self respect?
nisrcprcscnlatiuiis ol the Whig
Press.
(U 5 * An intelligent and judicious ft iend in
the country writes, “I have traveled over
75 counties in Georgia since the nomina
tion, and you may set down the Sitate safe
for Cass and Buttler.”
The late Election in Maine.
The whigs have endeavored to find some
comfort in the result of this election. Al
though the Democratic candidate for Gov- ,
ernor has failed to get a majority, yet he j
has a plurality of 9,000 votes over his ;
whig opponent. The Legislature being )
thoroughly democratic, and it being their !
province to elect the Governor, the demo
cratic candidate will'of course, be elevated
to that office. Five of the seven Congress
men are democrats.
I he Boston Statesman says, the phtrali- I
*y Cass and Butler, will be 10,000 at !
least—and it cannot be overcome. The |
votes cast show an increase, compared with i
the election of last year, of upwards of
5000 Democratic votes. The whigs must !
indeed be hard pressed when they can tie- I
live any comfoit, or expect any aid, from
Whig Princi]iles.
At the late meeting at Atlanta, log cab- i
ins, coon skins, pepper pods and hard cider j
were dispensed with. The whig journal j
of that place however, in giving an account
of the “banners and transparencies borne
in tbe procession,” furnishes the follow
ing :
1. Caricature, representing a monster in human 1
form, with along knife in one hand, the other hand a- j
bout ihe throat ofanother figure about "the size of a j
piece of chalk,” which is lying upon its back. In
scription. "Matter on Mind—Cone oil Stephens”—
“Do you retract?” "No. never!”
Second side—"Stephens: invincible against false ‘
argumentsand the knife of the assassin,”—“Taylor, 1
Fillmore and Owen”—Bibb county.”
Third side—“Alexander H. Stephens, the true j
friend of Southern Rights.’'—‘ We want no surren- '
der Bill—Stephens,” 1 nailed it to the counter the !
first lick I got at it—Stephens,”—"I ask no man !
bow I shall vote—Stephens.”
Fourth side—"Dodge Boys, but don’t run.”—"I
have no friends to reward, no enemies to punish,noth- j
ing to serve but my couulry—Taylor.” A little more
grape.”—“Come and take me.”
2. Caricature—Cass selling a poor white man to a
negro. Inscription, “How much for him ?” Negro |
says, "I’ll gib Jj}>5.”
slaves in California and New Mexico, any laws of
these concptered provinces to tho contrary notwith- .
standing.
There is no concealing the matter. Mr. Stephens,
that iu the question which would come before the
Court, there could he but two opinions—the North- !
ern and Southern. The Northern opinion is that the
Constitution does not give us any right to go to the :
new territories with our slaves, and the Southern
The following article we clip from the , opinion is the reverse. The four Northern Judges, j
New York Herald, a Taylor paper. It is perhaps with one or more exceptions, headed by that
■ ill ’c,i Mi, • c i arch Free-soilerand Wilmot Provisoist, Judge Me-I
a merited rebuke of the Whig press for Us Lea „ whose , elter t0 |ha Bnffa | 0 Convention of j
base and slanderous assaults upon the char- ; Free-soilers, Barn-burners, Abolitionist*. Wilmot!
acter of Gen. Cass. It applies with equal j Provisoist* el id omne genus, "The Chronicle I
pertinency to uot a few of the whig prints ' quotes to uphold your opinions, would de-!
1 re-* . • . eioe that we poor devil*, the slave-holders—have no i
ot ueotgia. . : right or title “at the end of the law,” and under the !
Journalism and PolUics. The whig journals, nil- ( Constitution, to the new territory; while the five:
der the mistaken view that the course they have a- Southern Jndges, with perhaps one or more of the :
dopted for some time past, has been conducive to the Northern Benchers, regarding the Constitution, and !
interest ol the cause in which they are laboring, are 0 „ r fundamental law, would decide that at the "end I
taking the best possible method of preventing the Q f , be | aw " ollr rights should be "recognized and en-
election of General laylor, and favoring and promo- forced.”
ting that of (Jen. Cass; Look at the course which ] 5. o„ pa!re ]0 of your speech, there is an implied
the Courier and Lnqmrer, tbe Lx press and the Mir- oWjeclion.thalyouurenoadDocatcofreferringanypo-
ror, of this city h ve been, and are still, following. i Ulcal question to the decision of that Court (the Su-
rhe first named Journal, together with the Grape- ; preme Court.)
shot, as it is called—-ati off-shoot of the same concern j Now, according to your theory, the only question
* b . u ? es General Cass in the most shameful manner, ; to be determined by this Court would be, whether
and tabors, from day to day, to cast odium upon him, slavery was recognized by the municipal law of the
as a military man, and as Secretary of War. Article territories. Therefore instead of referring a political
after article, appears iu that paper, having for its ob- question to be determined by the Court, you would
jeet. to prove that Gen. Lass did not, in reality, break on jy re f er a question of municipal law. Out of your
his sword when he heard of Gen. Hull s surrender of own roouth yoil are answer ed.
Detroit to the British, and imputes to him conduct di- I b Q r , page 11 are several questions which mnv be
ametrically the opposite ofwhat ought to distinguish referred to the head of objections to referring the sub-
a gallant soldier. Now, the truth is, and the world j j,, ct to lhe Judiciary. First, you ask, “i/ this Com-
kllOWS It, that Gen. Lass had nothing to do With the nrnmisp hill had nnsseA. hmn rnnlA ttu> mnwtor Imrsp been
surrender of that place; and it is a matter of not the
least consequence whether technically, or really, he did
break his sword, or not. on that occasion. Ono
thing, however, is clear, that General Cass, conduct
ed himself, during his military career, as a brave aud
honorable man—aud was the very soul of chivalry it
self. As to the allegations respecting his behavior,
w hile Secretary of War—reference to the files of the
Courier, published at that time, will show that the e-
dilorof that paper never uttered them, or if he did
so, it was to saek an opportunity of denying them —
The Courier ofthat period abounds with articles lau
datory of Gen. Cass; and, although the editor may
forget the circumstance, others do not. Such con
duct, on the part of a political journal, is sure to pro
duce disgust among its own friends, and must cer
tainly be injurious to the cause of Gen. Taylor.
The Express and Mirror pursue a similar course.
After pronouncing one of Gen. Taylor’s last letters a
forgery, they turn round, eat up their own words, and
assert it to be one of the best he ever wrote. This is
the way in which Gen. Taylor is supported, and were
he dependent on such papers as these for his election,
his inauguration would never take place. Such friends
do him more injury than open and avowed enemies.
Cass and Taylor; Extension of j
Slavery.
Tbe following Resolutions, adopted by i
the State Whig Convention of New Jer- |
sey, assembled for the purpose of appoint- j j slm || endeavor to answer'the arguments yoe put e “ it in.s on so.inen.me pnnnipie . nav
ing their Electoral ticket, exhibit the con- \ Forth in your speech in opposition to Clayton’s Com- j " ^JJ| P aaby n^j'nanaw. '‘on"
entire Whit* Par- i promise. I ° r._ L.. n
No. 1.
lion. A. //. Stephens:
Dear Sir:—Always disapproving of personality,
this quarter.
Tin* Cotton Crop.
In this .State, frum all that we can gather |
from our exchanges, and other sources rf in- S
formation, the crop will be a fair, but not '
a large one.
I 1 rom the great South-west,—Alabama, j
Mississippi, Louisiana and Arkansas, the
tlie accounts are contradictory. In some '
sections they represent the crop as'good, .
atul in others as severely injured by rains,
caterpillars and the boll-worm. Putting all
these statements together, the inference is
teasonable, that the cotton crop of the South
west will not exceed, but most probably fall
short of that of the last vear.
APPOINTMENT BY THE PRESIDENT.
John D. Field, Jr., to be coiner of the
bnited Stales branch mint at Dahlonega,
in tue place of L). H. Mason, deceased.
current sentiment of the entire Whig Par
ty of the North and West in relation to the
positions of Generals Cass and Taylor on
the extension of slavery. The former, it
will be seen, is opposed because ri£ is
pledged to veto any prohibition of the exten
sion of slavery; and the latter sustained,
because by his avowed principles he is bound ,
not tv veto any such measure.
The Whigs of the North and West, have ;
the wiitten declarations of the two candi- |
dates authorizing the conclusions to which j
they have arrived. Is it not strange then i
that Southern Whigs should falsify the
statements of their own allies; and still |
more strange that Southern men should
withhold their support from Gen. Cass!
Resolved, That although the question as to the ex*
tension of slavery being a new question, has never con*
stituled a part of the whig creed, yet the whigs of New
Jersey, as well as the whigs ol all the free States, tho*
■ opposed to all interference with slavery where it now
i exists, are unanimously opposed to its extension,
! and always will exert all the iufiuence they have in
j Congress, to prevent such extension.
Resolved, That by the avowed principles of Gener
al 1 aylor he is bound not to veto any bill because it
prohibits slavery in a new state or territory ; hut that
Gen. Cass has pledged himself to veto any prohibi
tion of the kind, and that therefore as one or the other
| must he elected President, every frieud of freedom is
j hound to support Geu. Taylor.
1. Your first position is, “ That by the bill, the whole
i subject of slavery in California and New Mexico, with
out any legislation on the part of Congress, or the ter i
; rduriul governments, one way or the other, is refer ted to
! the Judiciary to determine whether it can legally exist
there or not.”
i 1 might summarily dispose of the objection by re
minding you that the hill neither gave to, nor took a-
way jurisdiction from, the Supreme Court, and (hat
i therefore your objection lo referring to the Judiciary
‘ the whole subject of slavery iu the jiew territories,
forms no objection to the hill. But 1 choose to an-
f swer your argument* in detail, especially as you
more thau once “challenge and defy refutation,” and
seem to think your speech “unanswerable.” | ;* y ' “T*” i—-
U hat are your objection to referring the subject ; Ie 8?'H ' ^ f A he P ro P er ' r ''
to the Judiciary! 1. Or. page 4, of ymrr speech. I I b " n 4 dothedwilh full authot.ty, to determine. And
promise bill had passed, how could the master have been
protected against the theft or purloining of his slavef
By what law would he have sued to recover him?
Now the territorial Court to which this matter
would be referred, would have to take this thing into
consideration, and it would be for it to determine up
on a rule of practice which would best appertain unto
law, justice and equity. It might adopt the rules of
some particular State, or it might cull from the prac
tice of. each State those pints of rules which they
would deem best calculated to promote equity and
justice. When their rules were once decided upon,
precedent would give them the force of statute law.
Secondly, you ask, “By what law would the sale
and evidences of title in slaves have been determined. 7 ”
Under the Compromise law. men from the South
would have gone to California, and New Mexico
with their slaves, and if some one, entertaining the
opinion that the anti-slavery laws of these territories
set those slaves free, Ii3d persuaded anyone of them
to sue for his freedom, the law by which the owner’s
title would have been tried, would have been the lex
loci—the law of the plate—where the title accrued.
Judge Berrien says that the point settled in the case
of Strother and Lucas was, “that the inhabitants of
Louisiana were entitled to the protection of their
property, as well under the treaty, as by the law of
nations, and. in determining the question of title, to
have the benefit of those laws unUer which it accru
ed.” If this be so, then the principle I have laid down
n the United
this subject, I
refer you to Kent's Commentaries, Vol. 1 ,p. 453, et
passim.
Having adjudicated one case, for instance, by the
lex loci of Georgia, the Court might have determined
that the rules of practice of this State should be the
law by which “sale and evidences of title in slaves”
should have been determined in any transactions
which might have arisen in this species of property
in the territories. And so of the laws of any other
slave State. They might even have adopted the laws
existing in California and New Mexico in regard lo
other personal property as the rules by which they
would have determined the “sale and evidences of
title in slaves.*’ But I am only speculating, where
it is entirely unnecessary. Your questions are pure-
fincl this objection. You say that “such a measure
could but have multiplied difficulties, and increased ex
citement." How could it have multiplied difficulties
when, according to your own opinion, on page 13,
when the COURT had once decided whether the
anti-slavery laws of Mexico were still in force iu the
territories, we should be bound by its decision forev
er? One single decision by the Court, aud the ques
tion would have been settled, while, if it is left to Con
gress, they may make speeches, enact and repeal un
til doomsday. As to its increasing excitement, can you
contend 'hat there would be more fuel added to the
tlame in a dignified Court of justice, containing only
nine judges and a few attorneys. \#here purely legal
questions are discussed, than there would be in the
U. S. House ol Representatives, composed of sever
al hundred members declaiming on partizan politics,
, and making speeches solely to excite their constituents
at home? Can you aver that there would he more
now le* me ask you one question. Is it not better to
allow us to go to these territories with our slaves,
having these minor question*, which could not affect
our title to these slaves, unsettled, than not to be al
lowed to go there at all with them? For you assert
that we can’t go there until Congress repeals certain
laws, and the “Republic” has asserted that the
“Chronicle & Sentinel” declares that Congress nev
er will repeal them. This priuts declares truly too,
without any doubt.
Thirdly, you ask, “And if the Constitution carries
the laws of the States into these territories, does it carry
the laws of all or any particular one? And if any one,
which is it J 9
The Constitution simply carries this law into the
territories—namely, that the master has a rightof prop-
city in his slave. The laws of nations carry the lex
loci ol each State into those territories so far as re
gard* the title to slaves accruing previous to a remo-
that it will be for the proper tribunal to decide upon
rules determining the “sale and evidence of slaves,”
at die same time suggesting several plans for adopt
ing these rules. I will suggest another. In the ab
sence of all other rules, they might adopt those which
obtained in Mexico previous to the passage of her
anti-slavery laws.
Thus I have shown, in the first place, that as the
bill neither gives jurisdiction to the Supreme Court,
nor deprives it of it, your objections to referring the
subject of slavery to die Judiciary form no objection
to the bill; and secondly, I have shown that your ob
jections to referring the subject to the Judiciary are
groundless. CATO.
l_FOR THE FEDERAL UNIOS.]
No. 166.
Hox. Joseph Day—Democratic Policy—
Inadequate Agricultural Representation—
Vines of The Mercury.
The democrats of the 7th District have done right
in nominating a candidate for Congra^. *Tis true,
they cannot expect to succeed in the election ; the ar
rangement made by our adversaries in laying offcon-
grexsional districts, precludes that idea. But demo
crats ought always lo be in the field. If they cannot
elect their candidate, diey may increase their num
bers ; if diey cannot do this, they may retain their
friends. If they cannot retain all their friends, diey
may retain the great body of them ; it is better to re
tain some than to lose all.
Mr. Day is favorably known to the people of
Georgia. He acted many years as a member of
the House of Representatives, and several years as
Speaker. He is a man of sound, practical sense, and
of considerable experience in public business. His
moral character is unquestionable ; his public and
private life is irreproachable.
Mr. Day belongs to the great Agricultural com
munity; be is a plain, unsophisticated farmer; he will , 0
never consent that the great agricultural interest I I is the advice that c >raes from our
mpelfed” to vote for Gen. Taylor. He
said a number of times that he did not come
thereto ask ihera to vote for General Tay
lor, and finally said, “I repeat, for the ten
thousandth time, that I have not come here
to ask you to vote for Gen. Taylor.”
“Call you this backing of your friends!”
Mr. Marsh went on to say that the
evidence in regard to Gen. Taylor's po
sition was not satisfactory to him, and if he
took any position adverse to the Wilmot
Proviso, he (Mr. M.) should not vote for
him. He said the old General was bard
pressed on every side, especially by the
South, and would not be able to resist long
the demands made for an expression of his
opinions. And then he came to the rich
pajt of his speech. He said that as to
General Taylor, although they might not
be satisfied with him, he believed him at
least belter thau Cass or Van Buren, and he
begged the Whigs to hold on and not com
mit themselves! “There are,” said Mr.
Marsh, “sixty days between this and
Presidential election, and if there is any
thing wrong about Gen. Taylor, it will be
right, and if he takes any ground adverse to
the Proviso, a new candidate will be put in
nomination at the North with the rapidity
of lightning.” “But,” he coutinued, “hold
on now; vote the Whig State ticket, and
trust to the Whig party toset matters right.”
shall be taxed forthe benefit of other interests
Mr. Day will always be on the side of his coun
try Anxiously desiring that his country shall always
be right in her intercourse with foreign nations, be
will sustain her in all her controversies.
Mr. Day will alway* respect the authorities of his
country: He would never allow himself to impute
mendacity to the President of the United States, nor
to speak of the mendacious Lews Cass or Zachary
Taylor.
Mr. Day would not only be on the side of his
country, but, knowing that the country can only act
through its organs, he would sustain those organs as
the only means of sustaining the country. After the
constituted authorities had declared that “war existed
by the act of a” foreign nation, he would never allow
himself to declare that tlie war was “unconstitutional
ly and unnecessarily declared
able and accomplished member of Con-
gress-
The New York Tribune thus rebukes the
recklessness of a Southern coteraporary :
That many Southern Taylor men would
prefer Butler to Fillmore we have conclu
sive testimony, but for what object tbe New
Orleans Bee keeps the following standing
in its columns we cannot imagine. The
Abolitionism of Cass has never been dicov-
ered at the North :
“Keep it before the people—That no man
can vote for Win, O. Butler for Vice Prei-
But it is for others to give further information con- I dent without votin<r for Lewis Cass, the
questions to the voters of the 7th District, to wit:— °* J*esident.
Do the representatives of the great agricultural in
terest, in the Congress of the United States, bear any
reasonable proportion, in point of numbers, to the
representatives of other interests?
Having the power to do justice to themselves,
ought not the farmers and planters of the country to
Deatii qf Commander JMcKeuzie.—The
Baltimore Sun announces the death of Com
mander Alexander Slidell McKenzie, U.
. , S. N. While riding through Sing Sing,
take care that Uieir interests shall be more adequate- }ji 3 place of residence, he fell from his horse
^ It is useless to 3ay that the intelligent members of expired, the immediate cause of his
other classes will take care of the interests of the far- j death being a disease of the heart, It will
mer; it is impossible, in the nature of things, that the be recollected that while in command of the
lawyer, the doctor, the merchant, or even the mechan- . brig Somers, he executed young Spencer
ic can adequately appreciate the interests of the far- ! ° * T T c* J P
1 ! son of the Hon. J. C. Spencer, then Secre-
But l return to Mr. Stephens's speech; and I will tary of the Treasury, for mutiny,
here present the view taken ofit by the talented edit- j -
or of The Charon Mercury nu l get it from the Fed- Gen . Xay Ior . a «]„(» creates considera-
era! Union of the 5th instant:— I, . J ,
“His whole argumeut in justification ofhis course," ble merriment among all parties to-day.—
says the Mercury, "rests upon two assumptions;” Men of common sense, and unbiassed with
"First, That slavery cannot exist in a State exept p a rty views, look upon it, after what its au-
by express law , and, I,.. . 1 .1,A «nJ tku
thor has already said and written, with the
"Secondly. That slavery is abolished in the territo- u,u ‘ >'<*» aireauy a
ries lately acquired Irom Mexico, by Mexican laws.” profoundest pity; seeing, as they do, that-
".Mr. Berrien takes up the facts on which Mr. Steph- General Taylor has abandoned the position
ens relied.” (continues ihe Mercury,)“and completely n f p ersona l independence, and “surrender-
'-It is not true, as the history of every State of the integrity into the hands of a knot of
Union proves, that slavery can be introduced into a available partisans hanging about him, all
country only by previous, express law.” respect formerly entertained for the man,
"It is not true that slavery was abolished in Califor- ; 3 1 0 st.—Pennsylvanian.
nia or New Mexico.’ . \ 3
"Mr. Marsh, from Vermont, a thorough Whig and _
an able man in the House of Representatives, took That eminent whig John M. BottS asks a
this view nfthe Mexican laws in relation to Slavery. pertinent question, namely, “If Gen Taylor
t„Lffi?n?re^ is M h? Philadelphia Conven-
f act s.” “It is only necessary, after reading his speech, tion, who is! there are,some whigs
to read Mr. Berrien’s. The difference is between who have soul enough to feel the galling in-
small, special pleading, and enlarged, comprehensive su | ts t | lat Q. en , Taylor puts Upon them aud
statesmanship; between blustering affectation, of pat- J r r
xiotism, and the tiling itself.”
Sept. 16, 1848
LACON.
their principles.
From the New York Express.
LETTER FROM MR. CLAY.
When we first heard of the intended so
called Clay movement in this city, we ad
dressed a private letter to Mr. Clay, not ex
pecting in return any answer which we
| Official returns of the election in Missou-
j ri make the Democratic majority for Gov-
! ernor 15,000. On the Congress ticket
j nearly 19,000.
COTTON MARKET.
p« c; ,„ 5 in return | 5S
could put in print but we have received the preceding year of564,959 Bales; the exports to
an answer in which we are authorized to foreign ports exceed those oflastyear 617,048 Bales,
say as follows : ! and lde shipments to Northern ports were 683,52S
J » a o.l 1aM : Bales. The stock on hand and on shipboard, is less
“Ashlakd, Sept. Sth, 1848. lba „ a[ lbe lilne !ast year by 40 j, 4 Ba , e ,
I Tho sales io Charleston last week were 5,250 and
the recepts 4, 960 Bales. Prices ranged from 5cts to ,
“ James Brooks, Esq—
am utterly opposed to the me of my name as a can- 1
didate for the Presidency.
“I have given, and shall give no countenance or
encouragement to any movement to bring my name,
ns a candidate for that office, (the Presidency) before
the public.
"My warm regards to your brother.
"I am truly your friend,
"and obedient servant,
“H. CLAY.’
at these quotations
In Savannah the market was active.
UNITED STATES ARSENAL.
Fayetteville, North Carolina, I
March 2,1847. 5
Dr. Fowls—
Dear Sir: Having used several bottles of Wistar’s
Balsam of Wild Cherry in my family, for the com
plaints for which it is recommended, with decided
beneficial effect, 1 cheerfully advise my friends, and
all others who may need a medicine of that kind, to
try it.
G. A. SCHWARZMAN.
N. B. We do notask the public to rely solely up-
I. O. O. F.—The Savannah Georgian of
Thutsday says :
We are pleased to learn that our fellow-
citizen. Robert H. Griffin, Esq., was on
Tuesday elected M. W. G. Sire of the on recommendations produced from States far dis-
Grand Lodoe of the United States, by the f ant ’ wllerc recoil cannot be known; but, hav-
, r j c .1 i o n v ... ing testimony from every State inthe Union, we refer
Grand Lodge of the I. O. O. F. now in a |j wbo baye any doubt about tbe e flj cacy 0 f this
session at Baltimore. It is an honor confer- j highly popular and useful medicine, to their own
red by a lar<*e and respectable body of del- J neighbors who have the article.
e oates from every section of the Union. beware of counterfeit, and im.tations-Syrups,
, ... , J , , . . - and all other preparations of Wild Cherry. Remetn-
which will be appreciated by the recipient, ber, they only imitate in name, without possessing the
and by all who must recognise his devotion virtues. Buy none but the genuine and original
to the interest of Odd Fellowship. DR. WISTAR’S BALSAM OF WILD
CHERRY.
None genuine unless signed I. BUTTS on the
wrapper.
For Sale, By
The August Elections— The popular vote.
The August elections—which were nev
er more auspicious in the number of repre- OTIg CHILES, only Agent for Milledgeville; Bru-
sentalives in Congress, and the United no & Virgins, Macon; T. M. Turner, &.Co., Sa-
States Senators which they have secured to i vannali; J. H. Burnett, Sparta—and by dealers in
the demociacy—present a glorious pros- j Medicines generally in Ga.
pect in the popular vote.—See how the I
vote stands. When did it stand so before : 1
Missouri,
Illinois,
Indiana,
Arkansas,
Iowa,
Dem. maj.
12,000
10.22S
7.000
6.000
1,300
Whi;
N. Carolina,
Kentucky,
mat.
800
36,528
Democratic popular majority, 27,307.
[Albany Argus.
^ ^ ^ ^ ^
Puzzling questions for Ihe Southern
Whigs—A Challenge.
Has Gen. Taylor expressed any opinion as to the
Constitutional pouter of Congress to pass the Wilmot
Proviso 1 Ha, he expressed any determination or
opinion that will hind him to veto the Wilmot Proviso,
should it be passed by Congress. If so, inhere art
they to be found1
We put these questions in a spirit of candor, for
the purpose of arriving at truth. We cult upon
Southern Whigs to answer them. WE PLEDGE
OURSELVES TO ANSWER SIMILAR QUES
TIONS RELATIVE TO GEN. CASS. Come
up to the scratch, gentlemen, or acknowledge that
YOU DARE NOT! We give fair notice that we
shall not accept for answer, that Gen. Taylor is
pledged by his Allison letter to veto acts of Congress
in violation of tho Constitution—UNLESS it is also
asserted at the same time that GEN. TAYLOR
maintains that the Wilmot Proviso is LNCONSII-
TUTIONAL. We are for close quarters—we are
for a fi»ht. rioht to the point—we are in the field—
TAKE IT Ul* WHO DARE !!!
Will our exchanges do us the favor to promnlgate
this challenge,—Athens Banner.
Obituary.
Diku—On the 19th iust., at the residence of Col.
D. C. Campbell, at Midway, near this city, in the
. i 72d year of her age, Mrs. Ann E. Geddes, relict of
the late Robert Geddes Esq., of Charleston. She
was a native of South Carolina and for the greater
9 221 part of her life, a resident of Charleston. Naturally
’ i retiring in her disposition, her associations were limi-
| ted to her own family circle and a few intimate friends
| by whom she was loved with (more than ordinary af
fection. For nearly thirty years a member of the
Presbyterian Church, she lived the life of a Christian
j and welcomed death wilh a Christian’s resignation and
i a Christian’s hopes. "Blessed are the dead who die
; in the Lord, for they rest from their labors and their
works do follow them.’’
THE VERMONT ELECTION.
As evidence that the Whig vote at this
election is no indication of the Taylor
strength, we copy the following from the
Burlington Free Soil Courier:
“In bis address at Westford last week,
the Hon. George P. Marsh told the people
that he did not feel absolutely committed to
Ware Sheriff's Sale.
W ILL be sold before the Conrt house door iu thn
Town of Wareshoro’, Ware county, on ths
first Tuesday in November next, within the usual
hours of sale, the following property, to-wil:
Thirty-five head ofCattle, more or less, levied on
as the property of Jsbez Dowling, to satisfy a fi fa is- i
sued from Lowdnes Inferior Court in favor of Austin
Smith vs. Mark Addison and Jabez Dowling,
Property pointed ont by the plaintiff.
One lot of land in the 8th district containing 490
acres; levied on as the property of James C. King,
to satisfy sundry fi fas. issued from a justices Court
in the 451st district, G. M., of said county—James
Fullud and others vs. James C. King.
490 acres No. 170, in the 5th district of said coun
ty; levied on to satisfy a fi fa. from a justices Court
iu the45lsl district, G. M., of said county, in favor
of John Newborn vs. Mark Addison. Levy made
and relumed to me by a constable.
BURRELL SWEAT, Sb ff.
October 21, 1848. 15
Telfair Sheriff’s Sale.
W ILL be sold before the Court House door in
the town of Jacksonville, Telfair County,
within.the legal hours of sale, on the first Tuesday in
NOVEMBER next, the following property to-wit:
One lot of Land No. 168, in the Sth Diet, of said
county, and its appurtenances; levied on as the prop
erty of Charles J.Sbelton.io satisfy afi fa from a Jus
tices’ Court of tbe 338th Diet., G. M.. in favor of
W. S. Moore, vs. C- J- Shelton and John Miratuy.
Levy made and returned to me by a constable.
JN(* LARKEY, Sb’ff.
August 22d, 1648. 15
-■-MW 8TORS.
T HE undersigned have opened an entire NEW
STOCK of FANCY and STAPLE dry
Goods, together with a great variety of other goods,
comprising the following articles:
Setin du Chene, Fif’d Poult de Soie, Camefiev
Silks; *
Plain Blk. and Watered Satins;
Plain Plaid and Black Alapaccat;
Coloured and Mourning Ginehams;
300 ps. Fancy Prints. Ported;
Vizettes, Capes, and Collar,;
Swiss and Jaconet Inserting! and Edgings:
Plaid, Finland, Cashmere, aod Broche shawls;
Plain and Bordered Linen Cambric H’k’fa.
Jaconet. Swiss, and Book Muslins;
Plain and fig’d. Bobinett Edgings and Insertiligs;
Cloths, Casimercs and Vestings;
Kentucky Jesns and Plaid Linseys:
Brown and Bleached Sheetings and Shirtingst
Kersey, Dnffil. and Rose Blankets;
Gingham and Silk umbrellas’,
Bebees N. Y. fashionable blk. Beaver Hats:
Fur, Silk, and Wool Hats;
Men and Bov’s Cloth and Glazed Caps:
Youth’s and Children’s do.
Men’s Fine Calf sewed and Kip pegg’d- Boots;
Men’s and Boy’s “ “ “ Shoes;
Ladies’ and Misses’ Gaiter and Kid Shoes and
Slippers;
Misses' and Children’s Morocco Shoes;
Pocket Knives:
Table cutlery by the doz., and in full sets:
Razors and Razor Straps;
Shaving Boxes and Broshes;
Leghorn and Straw Bonnets;
Blk Leghorn and Straw do.
Bombazine and Alapacea do.
Larcenett Satin Caps and Bonnet Ribbons;
A large variety of Perfumery, Toilet Soaps, ScC.
Also, many articles too tedious to mention,
which they offer on the most reasonable and accom
modating terms. Next door to Childs’ Jewelry
Store. ROBINSON *. WINDSOR.
September 26th, 1848. 16 tf
GOODS;
flDHJT S2BAU®1S
H AS received, and is constantly now receiving,«
very large aud carefully selected Stock of Fall
and Winter Goods, both
Staple and Faucy 9
which he is offering at his old Stand, at very low pri
ces, adopted to the times. From tlie mass, he would
mention
Chatnelion Silks and Alpaccas.
Plain, black, figured and col'd do.
Brocades—Silk and Worsted—a rich article.
Rich Silk Striped Madonnas.
Plaid Aquilla Lustres, and plain Lamartine Stripes.
French work Capes, Collars, &c.
Merrimac and other prints—great variety.
Shirtings, Sheetings, aod plain and striped Home
spuns, of all qualities and prices.
Cloths, Casimeres, Faucy Vestings, and gentle
men’s Goods generally.
Blankets, Kerseys, Lindseys, Osnaburgs, See., for
Negro Clothing, and Negro Shees and Hats.
Boots A Shoes,
For Ladies, Gentlemen and Children.
Crockery.
A large assortment, and cheap.
Saddles, Bridles, Ac.
With as general aud varied an assortment as is ev
er brought to this market.
07 He invites calls Irom the Ladies and the com
munity generally, whom he is determined to please.
Milledgeville. Sept, 26,1848. 16. tf
“Tew GROCERIES]
CHEAPER THAN EVER!
T HE Subscribers are now receiving their FALL
STOCK of choice Family Groceries,
Hardware, Crockery, Bagging and
; Bale Rope, consisting of
Prime St Croix, Porto Rico, Muscovado, Steam
Refined, Crushed end Loaf Sugars.
Old Government Java, Mocha, and Rio Coffee.
Sperm, Adamantine, and Tallow Caudles.
Goshen Cheese, in Boxes.
Preserves and Jelleys.
Fresh Lobster and Salmon.
. Mackerel—iu half and whole barrels.
' Wines and Liquors, ofsuperior quality.
1 Hardware, Cutlery, Carpenters Tools.
Cross Cut and Mill Saws.
: Nails—assorted sizes.
Window Glass.
White Lead.
Linseed. Lamp, Train and Neats FoostOil.
Superior Molasses and Sugar House Syrup.
Cider Vinegar, io hr.lfand whole barrels.
Crockery and Glass Ware—a large assortment.
Gunny and Kentucky Bagging.
Bale Rope and Twine.
Superior Tobacco aud Segars.
Extra Family Soap.
Raisins, of superiorquality, Scc.&c.
With many other articles usually kept in FaMilt
Groceries, which are offered at a small advance on
coat. BEECHER & HORNE,
Masonic Hall.
Milledgeville, Sept. 26, 1848. 16 tf
Admiaistrator’s Sale.
W ILL be sold in Hillsboro’, Jasper county, on
Friday tbe 10th November next, a portion of
the perishable property of John G. Morris, late of
said county dec’d., consisting of several valuable har
ness horses gentle aud well broke—also, one fine Ca
nadian pony, gentle, rides well and perhaps can out
pace any pony in Georgia—also, one buggy and har
ness and one well broke mule, besides other articles
too tedious to mention. Terms, twelve montbscred-
it with note and approved security.
BAILEY BELL, Adm’r.
with the will annexed.
September 16th, 1848. 16
Notice.
A LL persons indebted lo the estate of John G.
Morris, late of Jaspei county, dec’d., will
please call and settle the same, and those having de-
mands against said Estate will present them in terms
of the law for payment.
BAUKY BELL, Adro r.
with tbe will annexed.
September 18th, 1848. 16
Administrator's Sale.
W ILL be sold, at the Court House door, at Ea*
tonton, on the first Tuesday in December
next,a portion of the lands, belonging to the estate
of Henry Hunter, late of Putnam county, deceased,
to-wit:
A lot ofland, known as the Dickey place, contain
ing 2021 acres, more or less; the Bishop Place,
containing 122£ acres, more or less; and the Stanford
Place, containing 90 acres, more or less. Terms
of sale, twelve months credit, with good personal
security. REUBEN JORDAN, Jr., Adm’r.
September I5lh, 1848. 16
Executor’s Sale.
VTTII.L be sold at Jackson, Butts Co., on the first
W Tuesday in November next, a negro man
I named Alleck, about 35 years of age.
Sold pursuant to the last will and testament of
: Elizabeth Harrell, dec’d., to carry out the objects of
; said will:
Terms made known on the day of sale.
JOHN McMICHAEL. Executor.
September 22, 1848. 16
Georgia, Butts county.
W HEREAS Rbbert W. Lee applies to me for
letters of administration on the estate ofNan-
cy Lee late ofsaid county deceased these are there-
fore to cite aud admonish all and singular the kindred
and creditors of said deceased to be and appear at my
office within the time prescribed by law to show
cause (if any they have) why said letters should not
be granted.
Given under my hand at office, 19th September
1848.
16 JOHN McCORD, c. c. o.
Georgia. Butts conmy.
W HEREAS Mary Harrison Executrix on tka
estate of Benjamin Harrison late of said conn-
deceased applies to me for letters of dismission on
the estate of Benjamin Harrison late of said eoanty
deceased; these are therefore to cite andadmonish all
and singular the kindredand creditors of said deceased
to appear at my office within the time preecribed by
law, to show cause if any they have why said let
ters of dismission should not be granted.
Given ondermy hand at office 19th Sept. 1848.
16 JOHN McCORD, c. c. o.
HEAD-aUARTERS, GF.ORGIaTT'
Milledgeville, Sept. 14th 1848. j
To the Colonels, or Commandant* of Regi
ments comprising 2d Brigade, ith Divis
ion, G. M.
VRVHERCA3, a vacancy baa occurred in tho
''f'J 2d Brigade. 4th Division, G. M., by tho
resignation of Brig. Gen. D. M. Barns.
Now, inorder that the said vacancy may be filled,
and io pursuance of law, I have thought proper to
iasne this my Proclamation, hereby ordering yon tho
said Colonels, or Commandants of Regiments, to
cause an election to be held on Tuesday, the 21st day
of November neat, at the several place# of holding
elections for members ol the General Assembly, giv
ing due notice thereof for tbe election of a Brigadier
General, to fill the vacancy aforesaid. Aod I do
further order that the returns of said election be made
to Head Quarters in the time prescribed by law,
By order of tbe Commander in-Cbief.
JOHN T. SMITH,
35— lOt Aid-de-Camp. .
JOB PBIA I ING
Executed at this Office,
