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fiOUGHTON, NISBET& BARNES,
Publishers sad Proprietors.
D. K. BOUCHTON, ? Editor..
JOB. 1*. »
terms.
jgB FBSflhAL UNION,
/, publish'd Weekly, in the Darien Bank Building,
At t2 00 per Annum, payable in advance,
50 if not paid within three mouths, and
03 00 if not paid before the end of the year.
9 BATES OF ABVEBTISISe,
Per square of ticelre lines.
One insertion fl 00, and Fifty Cents for each sub
sequent continuance.
Those sent without a specification of the numlicr
of insertions, will be 2>ulilished till forbid, and
charged accordingly.
Business or Professional Cards, per year, where
tJicv do not exceed one square - . - $30 00
J lilrntl contract trill l>e marie villi those vlio vish to
Adrrrtise by the year, occupying a specified space.
LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS.
Sales of Land and Negroes, by Administrators,
Executors or Guardians, are required by law to be
xpjj on the First’Tiicsdav in the month, between
the hours of 10 in the forenoon and it in the after
noon, at the Court House in the County in which
the property is situated.
Xolice of these sales must be given in a public
B.i/ 'tte 4' 1 days previous to the day of sale.
\oticcs fer tile sale of personal property must be
riven in like manner 10 days previous to" sale day.
^ Notice- to the debtors and creditors of an estate
mu «t also be published 40 days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court
of Ordinary for leave to sell Land orXegToes, must
U- published for two months.
Illations for letters of Administration, Guardiar.-
f ];ijo Ac., must be published 30 days—for dismis
sion from Administration, monthly six months—for
dismission bom Guardianship, 40 days.
Kules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be pub-
lbdietl monthly forfour months—for establishing lost
papert, far the full space of three. ino.Jhs—for com
pelling titles from Executors or Administrators,
where bond lias been given by the deceased, the
lull space of three months.
Publications will always be continued according
to these, tiie legal requirements, unless otherwise
ordered, at the following
R A T E S:
Citations on letters of Administration, Ac. $2 75
>• “ dismissory from Admr’on. 4 50
“ “ “ Guardianship 3 00
Leave to sell Land or Negroes 4 00
Notice to debtors and creditors 3 00
of persponal property, ten days, 1 sqr. 1 50
Sai ■ of land or negroes by Executors, &c. 5 00
Kstravs. two weeks 1 50
For a man advertising bis wife (in advance) 5 00
Letters on business must be Post Pail to entitle
them to attention.
business ca kds.
Practice of Medicine and Surgery.
DP*. CHARLES H. BAIL,
Proffers his services to the citizens of Milledge-
ville and vicinity.
Office on Hancock Street, first door East of the
Masonic Hall, where lie can be found at all times,
unless professionally employed.
April 30th, 1855. 48—tf.
K. ALEX. WAYNE.
TIlOiS. S. WAYNE & SON,
General Commission & Forwarding
ItEliilBf
SAVANNAH, GA.
IW AH business intrusted to their enre will
meet with prompt attention. 38 ly
*9
A. S. HARTBZDGB,
Factor and General Commission Merchant,
,\o. 98, Bay Street, Savannah, CSco.
REFERENCES.
Geo. W. Anderson, Ex-President Planters
Bank, Savannah; C. F. Mills, Esq., President
Marine Bank, I. C. PLANT, Agent of Marine Bank
at Macon; C. II. WRIGHT, Esq., Milledgeville; W.
Hodges, Agent of Planters Bank at Sandersville;
IUL D. Sorrell, Agent of Planters Bank at
Amcrieus. *
February 20, 1855 38—Cm.
JOHN F. SHINE,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
MARION, GA.
Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to
hiscare. 32 ly
TilOS. T. LONG,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
BRUNSWICK, GA.
IT 7 ILL practice in the Courts of Glynn, Wayne,
m Camden, McIntosh, Liberty and Chatham,
ol the Eastern Circuit; Charlton, Lowndes, Clinch,
Ware and Appling, of the Southern; also, Duval
countv. Florida. 51 Iv
CIIAS. E NISBET.
ATTORNEY AT LA W,
Cuthbert, Ga.
April 3d, 1854. 44
HENRY HENDRICK,
A TTORNE Y AT L A W,
JACKSON, BUTTS Co., GA.
CIIAS. G. CAMPBELL.,
A T T O R NE Y AT LA W,
MILLEDGEVILLE, GA.
’\\'l ILL attend promptly to all business entrust-
t f ail to his care. Particular attention paid
to collecting.
Milledgeville, Feb. 22, 1853. 38 tf
J. B. CAMP,
ATT O R NE Y AT LAW,
CAMPBELLTON, GA.
BACON! BACON!!
400,000 LBS., CHOICE BACON,
for Nate at our House in Challanoonti, Tenu.
CHANDLER A CO.
Chattanooga, April 24, 1855. 47 3m.
T Notice to Landholders.
HE Undersigned will attend to the selling or
• summing and giving information of LANDS
in any of the Counties of S. W. Georgia on
reasonable'terms. A. P. GREER,
Albany, Geo.
Refkrences—H. Iiora, Hon. Lott Warren, R.
H. ( lark, Albany, Ga., J. C. Stephen, Newton, Ga.
November 22, 1853. 25—tf.
. 03. S. 0. BRANTLEY & CO.
Wholesale and Retail Druggists
Comer Broughton and Whitaker streets.
SAVANNAH, GA.
IP Ol LD respectfully call (he attention ofthecil-
*v izen, of Savannah, Physicians nnd Planters, »o
lli' ir eit. ii s jv e and carefully selected Slock of French
ortigj, Chemicals and Medicines.
PHYSICIANS
ied with the purest French, English, and American
1 t’l-inirals, Sttrgieul. Dissecting, and Amputating Ir.stru-
J Pni *. Unccts, Forceps, Cupping Instruments, Medical
hie
PLANTERS
"ith Paints, Oil, Dye Sniffs, Garden Seed. Medicine
1 Ac.
country Merchants and Planters supplied with gen-
*J in ” Drugs at as low rates as can lie had in any city
tvery nritcle sold, warranted pure, fresh and genuine.
S. D. BRANTLEY,
THOS. S. POWELL
Angiin 8, 1854. 10 ly
MONEY MUST COME!
\ (>TES and AccotinU wi’l not pay Bank Notes,
*■ ’ therefore all persons owing us and failing to
i‘\v, will be sued in the Justice’s aud Inferior
L"trt 3 without further delav.
,, CHOICE & MEGRATH.
relmiary lOtli, 1 J 55. 37—tf.
pure oils of
COGNIAC. WINE and RUM,
^f’.i directions. For Sale bv
CASHES dt HASEBL.
18 & 20 PLATT STREET,
Mav 29, 1855. 52—3m. New York.
ML!*
REDD1K6 HOUSE,
M A CON, GEORGIA.
REDDING, B. F. DENSE,
Superintendent.
12 Iv
,. Proprietor.
-'ta-on, Aug Us f 21, 1854.
BBOBBS’
Certain cure for Chills and Fever,
Jr '' T Received, and for Sale by E. J. WHITE.
VOLUME XXVI.]
LETTER FROM THE
Bon. Charles J. McDonald.
The following correspondence will ex
plain itself.—
Macon, May 18, 1855.
My Dear Sir;—I understand from very
good authority, that some of the truthful
disciples of “Sain” are making use of your
name in the lower counties of the State, for
the purpose of entrapping unwary Demo
crats into their secret order. It is round
ly asserted in certain sections, not merely
that you favor the new movement, but
that you have actually become a member
of a Know Nothing Council; and how
ever absurd such statements may seem to
those who really know your position, they
nevertheless have their desired effect up
on the credulous and unsuspecting.—
Among many of your old Democratic
friends who have been accustomed to
look to you for advice in periods of doubt
and perplexity, these rumors must exert
a considerable influence,- and for the pur
pose of undeceiving those who may have
credited them, I have thought'that an
authoritative denial, accompanied by an ex
position of your real views, would be noth
ing more than is due to yourself under the
circumstances. 1 have therefore address
ed you this note, requesting permission to
publish your reply.
I remain, Dear Sir.
Yerv truly yours
P. TRACY.
Hon. J. Chas. McDonald.
Marietta, May 23d, 1855.
P. Tracy, Esq,
]\l>/ Dear Sir :—Your letter announ
cing the unjustifiable liberty taken with
my name by some person not named by
you, in connection with the order of Know
Nothings, has just been received by me.
You remark that “it is roundly asserted in
some sections, that I not only favor the
new movement, but that I have actually
become a member of the order.” There
is not the slightest foundation for either
statement. So far from that, I disapprove
the movement and regret exceedingly
(what I believe) that a great many good
men of both political parties, have connec
ted themselves with an association, which,
in my opinion, is essentially wrong, and
adverse to the genius and spirit of our Re
publican Institutions, and who, I trust,
will become convinced of the mis-step
they have made, and retrace it. To be
more explicit in regard to myself, I will
add, that I never belonged, and do not
belong to the order, society or association
of Know Nothing nor to any other secret
society whatever.
It would be the greatest misfortune that
could befall us as a people to substitute
secret and private arrangements in affairs
of Government, for the free and open dis
cussion of measures, which has happily
prevailed in this country, since the declara
tion of American Independence.
If the hypothesis on which our Govern
ments, State and Federal, are establish
ed, he true, that man is capable, of sclf-
goremment, it follows that he will act in
telligently in selecting the means of pro
moting his individual and social happiness.
Our constitutions, State and Federal,
prove that our ancestors have done all
that the wisdom and forecast of man could
accomplish to provide for the happiness
and prosperity of themselves and their
posterity. It was a day light work. It
was not done in a corner. All the light
that human reason and intelligence could
shed upon it, illuminated every step of its
progress to consummation. Hearts full ot
patriotism and devoid of corrupt yearn
ings after office audits emoluments were
in it. If the work is not perfect, it is not
because the artificers engaged in it were
not faithful, honest and skilful. AV hen
they were about to complete it, they look
ed upon it, and like truly great men diffi
dent of themselves and knowing that ex
perience in the operation of their system
might develope defects which had not
been detected by them, and that in the
distant future, new exigencies might arise,
which would render a change indispensa-
lilv necessary to the safety and happiness
of the millions of people destined to enjoy
its blessings, provided for the making of
that change. The mode in which amend
ments are proposed to be made, proves
that the framers of the Constitution never
contemplated that their descendants should
take counsel together on them in secret
cliques ; but that supposed defects would
be pointed out, alterations proposed, and
that the whole matter should be fully aud
frankly discussed by the people, and by
their Representatives in their Legislative
Assemblies, that all the light that truth,
reason and argument could shed upon it.
might be brought into requisition, and that
v hat was right should be done, upon the
friendly consultation of intelligent minds
having no object hut the public good.
The people of the South ought to look
well to it before they countenance, by
their approval or example, secret combina
tions to defeat either the constitution or
laws. Their rights depend upon a fair
exposition of the Constitution and an
honest support of it. What right is more
clearly defined in the Constitution than
that of the Southern slave owner, to have
his fugitive slave, found in a free State,
delivered up? None whatever. Congress
has enacted a law to enforce it. The law to
enforce it cannot impose a higher moral obli
gation on the citizen than the Constitution
which requires it. Both Constitution and
law have been opposed even to blood-shed
and murder, and the execution of the iaw
and Constitution has been forcibly pre
vented.
There is no stronger guaranty to he found
in the Constitution in favor of the slave
holder's right of property, than there is in
favor of the Roman Catholic’s rights of
conscience. Both are protected. May it
not be well asked of the anti-Catliolic
slave-holder who resorts to secret confed
eracies and combinations to defeat the con
stitutional rights of the Catholic as a free
and privilged citizen of this Union, ifhe
can complain of the abolitionist who re
sorts to the same means to defeat the Con
stitution and law, by which he has a right
to demand the restoration of his stolen or
absconding property? Can he complain of
even open and forcible resistance? Moral
guilt is complete with the combination to
defeat; physical resistance enables the law
to punish the act and facilitates the proof.
The objects and purposes of the “secret
order” are not fully known. But public
rumor savs, Mid the elections which have
MILLEDGEVILLE. GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JUNE 12, 185.5.
[NUMBER 2.
taken place establish as one of ther objects,
the exclusion from office of professors of
Roman Catholic religion. If so, it is an
nulling, in practice, one of the most valua
ble provisions of the Constitution, a pro
vision which protects alike, the Catholic
and the Protestant. The original Con
stitution as submitted to and ratified by
the people, declares, that “no religious
test shall he required for any office or
or public trust under the United States.”
The very first amendment of the Consti
tution proves the high appreciation placed
by the people on religious liberty, for they
required a stronger protection of the rights
of conscience, and added that Congress
shall make no law respecting an establish
ment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof. Hence it will be seen
that so far as the Government brought in
to existence by theadoption of the Feder
al Constitution is concerned, the freedom,
of religious faith was left inviolate and
made inviolable. As citizens of the United
States, wo owe obedience to the Constitu
tion and Constitutional laws of the United
States, and the "private citizen is as much
bound morally to support all constitution
al requirements, as the official citizen is,
to enforce them by Legislative enact
ments and ministerial effort. As long as
they exist, they should he respected,
obeyed, and supported. There should he
no combination, open or secret, to defeat
them. If they are wrong or defective
they should be expunged or changed, and
made to conform to the public interests.
Disbelief, then, in the Roman Catholic
religion does not warrant an assault upon
she Roman Catholic believer, any more,
than, for the same reason, assaults maybe
made on the political rights of citizens of
the Protestant faith. The constitutional
rights of both ought to he respected and
sustained.
If it he said that the assault is on the reli
gion, aud not on the political rights of the
Roman Catholic, and that the defeat of po
litical right is only a means of subduing
the religion let it he remembered that the
hypocrite alone who has a higher regard
for office than for any religion or religious
faith, will he gained by it. If the order
wish to convince of religious error they
must not expect to do it by persecution of
any sort—they must excite no resentments
and beget no hatreds.
It may he urged that the Constitution cf
the United States prohibits the Federal
Government alone from interfering with
the religious liberty of the citizen, and that
it contains no inhibition to the States
against the establishment of religion, and
that the States may establish a religion.
It will scarcely he avowed that one of
the objects of the society, is to alter the
Constitution of the State, and establish a
religion in Georgia. Such an opinion will
scarcely he entertained by any one. But
the carrying into effect the alledged pur
pose of excluding a citizen from office on
account of his religious faith, is opposed to
the long established policy of this State,
sustained by stringent constitutional pro
visions.
The people of this State shewed the
high estimate placed by them on religious
liberty, by declaring in their Constitution
that “no person in this State, shall, upon
any pretence, he deprived of the inestima
ble privilege of worshipping God in a man
ner agreeable to his own conscience,” and
further declaring that “no religious socie
ty shall ever be established in this State in
preference to another, nor shall any person
lie denied the enjoyment of any civil right
merely on account of his religious princi
ple.” Are these great cardinal principles
of religious freedom to he practically ex
punged from the Constitution ? Is an ex
ception against the Roman Catholics to be
interpolated in fact or in practice ? Is
any pure patriot of this land, attached to
the Constitution, cordially devoted to the
civil and religious priviliges which it se
cures to every citizen, ready to spend his
time and offer up his life in their support
and defence, to be disfranchised because
of his religious faith—because he is a Ro
man Catholic ? If a despotism over the
heart and conscience is to be established,
I hope and trust it will find no advocates
in Georgia, and gain no foothold here; hut
that in a dark contest against religious
freedom, every Georgian, of whatever po
litical party, will he found on the side of
the sound old principles of the Constitution
and liberty.
It is said that another principle or object
of the association, is the exclusion of for
eigners who are admitted to citizenship,
from office; that the naturalization laws as
they exist are wrong and unwise, and
should he expunged or changed.
If this be so, where the necessity of or
ganizing a secret party, or any distinct
party for their amendment or abrogation ?
AVliy not submit the subject to the people,
and leave them to decide upon a fair ex
amination of the question in the usual way,
whether foreigners coming into, and adopt
ing this as their country, renouncing alle
giance to all other governments, and per
forming all the duties as citizens, shall be
denied indiscriminately the ordinary rights
and priviliges of citizenship ? whether, if
there be such denial, it should he absolute
and unconstitutional; whether the time of
probation to entitle a foreigner to citizen
ship shall he prolonged; whether the privi
lege shall he allowed to any who do not
produce testimonials of good character in
the country from which they emigrated;
how such testimonials are to be authenti
cated to prevent imposition 1 Cannot this
he better clone by openly discussing the
subject, than by secret arrangements and
combinations? Is a secret combination to
he gotten up on every proposed new meas
ure of the Government, and the light of in
vestigation to he shut out from the public
mind ? Is the freedom of speech and of
the press to be voluntarily abandoned by
the people? Patriotic men should look to
the tendency of this novel organization to
degrade us from the condition of an en
lightened people, sustaining our institutions
and our laws by the power of truth, reason
and argument, to a nation of cahallers for
office and spoils.
If any part of the Constitution is sup
posed to be wrong, or if new exigencies
arising in the progress of society shall ren
der amendments or additions thereto ex
pedient and proper, there can be no objec
tion to submitting the matter to the pub
lic. They have not become incapable of
independent decision. Nor do I think it
fair to presume, by calling them to act un
der cover of darkness, that they have be
come craven, that they are afraid of pow
er and wealth. The power of the poor
tnan is as great at the ballot box as that of
his wealthy neighbor.
If it be not intended to introduce a new
order of things, and refer all measures of
Government to secret societies to decide
what shall be done with the people, there
can be no good reason wherefore the ex
pediency and policy of our naturalization
laws should be made an exception and con
trolled by a covert movement. We admit
the right of expatriation. When a man
expatriates himself he abjures allegiance
to the sovereignty to which he belonged
and forfeits Ills right to look to it for pro
tection. If he connects himself with
another Government with the consent of
that Government and pledges his allegi
ance to it, he is entitled to its protection,
for himself his family and his property.—
If, in the new Country of which he be
comes a member, the private citizen is en
titled to certain privileges, and among
them, a voice in the choice of his rulers,
why should it be denied to him ? There
is but one argument against it and that the
may not be sufficiently acquainted with
the nature of our Government and institu
tions to enable him to make a judicious se
lection. The answer to this is : the law r
prescribes for him a term of pupilage,
within which lie may inform himself in
these things.
It appears to have been the policy of
onr State government, at a very early pe
riod, to admit foreigners to all the rights
of citizenship. Before the adoption of the
Federal Constitution, a residence of twelve
months within the State, and proofs of
good character and attachment to the
State government, by the certificate of the
grand jury, entitled a foreigner to take
the oath of allegiance to the State, and he
was declared by Statute to be “entitled
to all the rights, liberties and immunities
of free citizens.” He was nevertheless in
capable of holding office and of voting for
members of the General Assembly, for the
term of seven years and until by special
act of the legislature he was enabled to do
so. On the adoption of the Federal con
stitution and the enactment of a law under
it for the naturalization of foreigners, our
State law became inoperative and void.
The act of Congress took its place. As
the term of time requisite to indoctrinate
them in the true principles of our Govern
ment must necessarily be a mat ter of opin
ion and judgment with those who have the
authority to fix it, the discretion followed
the power and both were vested in Con
gress. Congress has fixed five years as
the term of pupilage, within which it was
supposed they might acquaint themselves
with those tilings. If in the judgment of
the people the term of probation ought to
be extended; if the naturalization laws are
otherwise defective, let it be shown and
they can be amended; but the right of a
foreigner to expatriate himself from his
government can never he disavowed in
this country; and we can never claim from
him the support of his head, and his heart,
his purse and his amis, and deny him the
right and privilege of citizenship. If the
terms on which these rights are to be gran
ted are fixed by the law, and he conforms
to them, they form the government’s com
pact with him, and it cannot he violated
either by government or citizen without a
breach of faith. The standard of merit and
qualification for office ought to be as much
regarded in a foreign born as in a native
citizen and should be as highly apprecia
ted in selections of men for office; and the
accident of foreign birth ought not to be
visited on him as a crime.
But, sir, a graver objection to this insti
tution, so far as the South is concerned, is
to be found in its connection, with open
and avowed abolitionists at the North,
men infatuated by the spirit of fanaticism,
enemies of the constitution, imbued with
an unmitigated hatred of Southern people
and their institutions of slavery, and ready
to resort to any device or intrigue to des
troy it, with a remorseless disregard of the
horrid consequences that may ensue. What
faith is to be expected from such men ? If
they profess to their Southern brethren of
this fraternity that they will abandon their
opposition to slavery, do they not come
with guile in their hearts and falsehood on
their lips ? A heavy responsibility will
rest on Southern men, if they form an al
liance and treaty offensive and defensive,
with men on empty professions, in hostility
with their history and conduct in the en
tire past. Such an alliance will give an in
sidious enemy strength and enable him to
accomplish his nefarious designs on our con
stitutional rights. It is to be hoped that
they will pause before they take the final
step and seal the bargain. Who belong to
the Know-Nothing organization at the
North ? The great body of the Whig par-
tv and unsound Democrats, wdio have been
Abolitionists and Free-Soilers, men that
Southern Democrats have denounced on
account of their Free-Soil and anti-Slavery
principles; men there belong to it who have
said that they intend to destroy Slavery
by Abolitionizing the South, men belong
to it there who have said and voted that
Congress has jurisdiction over the subject
of slavery, and that they will not stay their
hand until it is abolished; men belong to it
there who have declared in their public
and private assemblies and in their Legis
lative bodies, that the fugitive slave law
shall not be executed amongst them; men
belong to it there who deny the right to
establish slavery, and who hold all regula
tions concerning it void; men belong to it
there, who lay down principles, which
seem, upon a superficial examination, to
have little or no bearing upon the institu
tion of slavery, hut which, in their event
ual operation, will destroy it. They hold,
in the first place, that in Territory con
quered from a foreign country where sla
very is prohibited, the political regulation
of the conquered (denying a condition)
shall become a law to the conqueror, (who
by the laws of his country may own slaves)
to divest him of this species of Lis proper
ty. They deny the power of Congress to
protect this kind of property from aggres
sion and wrong, and havc’refused that pro
tection,'thus drawing a distinction against
it, and to that extent putting the owner
out of the protection of his Government.
Men belong to it there, who aim at the ulti
mate destruction of slavery, by the admis
sion of free States to a number sufficient to
effect an amendment of the Federal consti
tution, and give Congress jurisdiction over
the subject. Men belong to it there, of
every variety of opinion adverse to the in
stitution of slavery, but all of whom agree
in two tilings: first, that slavery ought to be
abolished, and secondly, that it shall be
abolished. Surely Southern men will well
consider theffe things; and if they have as
sociated themselves with this order for the
purpose of accomplishing objects which
they believed to he beneficial to the coun
try, finding the grave error into which they
have fallen, will they not separate them
selves from it ?
The secresy of the movement is wrong
and contrary to the spirit and genius of our
government. *ay not every citizen ask,
if there be no eovert design against my
person, toy character, my property, my
citrfl or religious rights, why consultations
with darkness and secresy ? There is no
precedent for it for good in any free gov
ernment. The independence of this coun
try was not declared in secret; it was pro
claimed in open day. The reasons for sep
arating from the Crown of Great Britain
were plainly, publicly and fearlessly given.
The terrors of the power of England were
not sufficient to intimidate and deter our
noble fathers from the open and public de-
nuuciation. The Constitution of the Uni
ted States was not a midnight production,
and the Constitution of the several States
were formed upon open and public discus
sion. They all acknowledge and proclaim
the principles of human rights and liberty,
and are intended to secure them. They
are written as with a pencil of light, and
surely they cannot he destroyed but by
works of darkness. Why should any por
tion of the people of the South engage in
machinations to defeat a single blessing se
cured by the Constitution ? Why should
we not rally and unite together at the South
to save the Constitution ? The grave ob
jections, urged but a short time past to a
sectional party, have given way, and the
public mind has now become pretty well
satisfied that if a sectional party is gotten
up in one part of the LTiion to destroy the
Constitution, another sectional party may
be gotten up to uphold and support it.
But a party organized on principle, and
departing in any of its tenets and practices
from the Constitution, hut adhering to it,
in all its parts, with fidelity and truth, will
not be long a sectional party. Patriotic
men will rally to it from all quarters.
Sound men of the North and the South, of
the East and the West, will stand together
on the broad and strong platform of the
Constitution. It is the glorious old plat
form of the Democratic party, emphatical
ly the party of the Constitution. It is a
platform which needs no amendment to
suit dainty tastes or scrupulous convenien
ces. All who can relish the Constitution
and conscientiously approve its provisions,
can stand upon it without fear and without
reproach—it is not a platform constructed
of rickety materials to hold political men
of no particular opinions, ready to fall to
pieces on the slightest shock. Why then
cannot all meet together aud act together
on this great platform. It is not wrong if
the Constitution is right.
The circumstances under which I have
written have prevented me from answering
your inquiry and treating the subject in a
satisfactory manner. I trust, however,
that when published, it will correct the re
ports which have been circulated. I sin
cerely hope that the jumble into which
tilings have got will he but ephemeral, and
that all heads at the South will meet to
gether in open council, with hearts full of
patriotism, and resolve on Constitutional
measures of safety which all sections ought
to approve.
I have the honor to be very repectfully,
your friend and ob’t serv’t,
chas. j. McDonald.
Latest from Grand Enrupiinn of Versnvius.
A letter dated Naples, May 10, gives a
thrilling account of the progress of the erup-*
tion of Vesuvius, of which we have already
had accounts, and which was absorbing
general attention, the king, ministers, peo
ple and all being on the spot. The lava
has advanced ten miles from its course, and
is doing immense damage. The letter
says:
“Just at the base of it a lake of lire has
been formed, which looks like a red sea in
an undulatory state. In the very centre
of this has opened another crater, which
is throwing out red hot stones. On the
morning of the 7th, the crater at the very
summit firqfl, as it were, two heavy can
nonades; and sending forth lightning,
flames and stones, broke up altogether.
In the middle of the cone, ten craters have
been formed, and from these the lava pours
forth like a river, and runs off the side of
the Cavallo as far as the Minatore. Here
four other craters have been formed, which
throw up bitumen iu the manner of the
pyramids, and resemble gigantic exhibi-
bitions of fire works. The whole of the
summit of the crater is, therefore, like a
sponge, and must inevitably fall in. The
thin crust trembles under your feet. You
may seethe stones dance with the tremu
lous movement. The part immediately
round the crater looks like the sides of a
heated copper boiler. Such isatrue state
ment of what is going on at the summit.
There are reports of an opening towards
Pompeii, which is not unlikely, and of an
other toward Russia, but I have not been
up for some days, as the danger is now
very great.”
The writer, after an absence of two days,
revisited, after night, the vicinity of the
eruption, and thus describes what he saw:
“Where I walked on Sunday night was
now a sea of fire. The side road by which
I had come down into the main stream from
Pollena and Mussa di Somme was now full
of blackened coke. The houses on the
borders of the village had fallen; in one
thirty poor people lived. A small chapel
was swallowed up, a gentleman’s villa, and
a sad extent of vineyard and garden ground.
On the other side of the great lava bed, an
other stream breached of to San Sebastia-
no. The fire had began to enter the buri
al ground of the little town, but was diverted
from its course by a wall. On the opposite
side of the stream were the King and all
the royal family. The banks on either
side were thronged witli curious and anx
ious multitudes, whose faces were lighted
up with the blaze of hundreds of torches,
and with the more resplendent flame of
the rapidly descending lava. Since the
morning it had moved a mile. It was like
a vast river of glowing coke. As it moved
on, the tens of thousands of lumps rolled
and tumbled one over the other, crackling
and grinding and grating; and when from
the very face of it a large lump fell off, the
appearance was that of an iron furnace
when the iron is being drawn.
“To make the resemblence more com
plete, at such times men darted forward
with long poles taken from the neighboring
vineyards, and pulled ont great masses of
lava in which they imbedded money for
sale. What struck me at first, and still
strikes me as the moat majestic feature in
the whole scene, is the slow, silent, irresis
tible motion of that fiery fioott Active
almighty power wfthent an effort } Sweep
ing over every thing before it, nvereomn^
every obstacle, growing np against inter
vening walls or houses, ana devonsiflg
them bodily, and then marchtagon in
same silent, unrelenting, tsnHUs
ner as before. There was a spot be
my feet where a wall of mason work
been built to break the violence of the
ter flood; to this spot all eyes were direc
ted. The fiery river would fall over it in
an hour; as yet it was distant from it sev
enty yards, perhaps. Gradually it rose in
height, and swelled out its vast portions,
and then vast masses fell off and rolled for
ward; then it swelled again as fresh matter
came pressing down behind, and so it
broke, and on it rolled again and again till
it had arrived at the very edge. There
was a general buzz and murmur of voices.
The royal family stood opposite me, inter
mingled with the crowd, looking on with
intense anxiety. At last it broke, not hur
riedly, still with a certain show of majesty.
‘At first a few small lumps fell aown;
then poured over a pure liquid of metal,
like thick treacle clinging sometimes mass
to mass, from its glutinous character, and
last of all tumbled over gigantic lumps of
scoriae. Then on it moved once more on
its silent, regular course, swelling up and
spreading over the vineyards on either
side; and now there was a rush for the road
which traverses this lava bed. Houses
and the bridge border the road, the car
riages had all been ordered off, and the
bridge was being broken down—we were
cut off completely. We Itad therefore to
retrace our steps, and make a long circuit
througli the open country, and over walls
came round to the top of the bridge—‘run,’
said the sentinels, “or you will be too late.’
We crossed the narrow parapet which was
still remaining, and soon afterwards down
went the whole fabric. In this way, it is
hoped that the lava will be diverted from
the townships of St. Sebastiano, Massa di
Somme and Pollena, which stand on either
side and have as yet only suffered partial
ly. Cercolo, through which, however, the
stream is rolling, will be sacraficed. The
expectation is that the lava, should the
eruption continue, will flow down to the
Ponte Maddaioni and enter the sea. So
grand and so destructive an eruption has
not been known for many years, and even
now we cannot tell how or when it will ter
minate. The mountain is literally seamed
with lava, and many fear a violent explo
sion as the final scene of the tragedy.”
THE SOLDIER’S TOW.
A TREE TALE
One beautiful Indian Summer day, in
the autumn of 1S44, a stranger appeared
in the streets of Hanover, N. H., whose
garb bespoke the utmost proverty and des
titution. As he staggered along he was
surrounded by a crowd of villiage boys who
amused tliemseles by insulting him with
course jests and personal indignities. He
bore their abuse with exemplary patience,
and begged them to wait till he felt a little
better, and he would sing them a fine song.
His voice was thick with unnatural excess,
and he "was too weak to protect himself
from the rude jostlings of the crowd, yet
he smiled on the tormentors, and exhibited
no other sense of liis helpless and forlorn
condition than a look of grief and shame,
which despite his efforts and smiles,
would occasionally overspread his counten
ance.
Late in the afternoon, the writer, then a
student, passed him in company with a
friend, when our attention was arrested by
a voice of unusual power and beauty, sing
ing the favorite national air of France;
La Dari sienna. As he proceeded a great
number of students from the college gath
ered around him, and at the conclusion an
involuntary expression of delight broke
from the entire mass. He was enthusias
tically encored and afterward the Marseil
laise called for. The same rich, clear
voice, rang out that wild melody in the very
words, which are wont to arouse the spirit
of the French soldier to frenzy. The ad
miration of the poor inebriate’s auditory
was now raised to the highest pitch. De
spite his tattered and filthy garments, his
squalid beard, and brimless hat, now that
the fume of liquor had subsided his form
appeared symmetrical and manly, and his
face glowing with the sentiments of the
patriotic song, and flushed with excitement
at the unexpected praise he was winning,
assumed an expression of intelligence and
joy that beautifully set off his really fine
features. “What and who is this stran
ger?’, was the universal inquiry.
“His singing is incomparable, and
his English and French are faultless.”
“Yes,” said he, dropping his eyes, “I
can give yon German, or Spanish, or Ital
ian, as welt, or Latin and Greek either,” he
added carelessly.
In reply to the many questions that were
showered upon him with the coin he so much
needed, he at length said, in a sad tone and
slowly endeavoring to push his way
through the crowd:
“Gentlemen, I am a poor vagabond, en
tirely unworthy your kind sympathy.—
Leave me to rags and wretchedness, to go
on my way.”
Our curiosity w r as too much excited to
allow this, and amid loud cheers, we es
corted him to a room, where he was fur
nished w'ith water and good clothes, and
the barber’s art put in requisition, and af
ter an incredibly short time, he reappeared
upon the college steps, smiling and bowing
gracefully, a man of as fine appearance
and noble bearing as eyes ever beheld.—
The delight of the crowd at this transfor
mation was intense, and repeated shouts
rent the air: “Give us La Parisicnne!”
echoed from all sides, and as soon as si
lence could be obtained again that clear,
rich voice uttered these inspiring words:
“Peuple Froncais. peuple de brares,
La Liberte rourre sc bras."
He was then conducted to the spacious
chapel, and there he held an audience of
one thousand persons spell-hound for two
hours by one of the most inteserting auto
biographies that it was ever our lot to
hear. Born in Paris, of wealthy parents,
he had in early life been throughly educa
ted a the university of Wittemburg, and
received the Master’s drgree. He soon af-
-sasBBsmmmsassamsmmKaaasmsss
ter joined the fortunes of Napoleon, and
with the rank of lieutenant, her was with
him during all Ml campaigns in Egypt, in
Italy, in Austria, fat Russia, and at Water
loo.
His account of scenes in these battles,
and his description of places and cities
were expressed in choice and graphic
term8, and on being compared with history,
were found to correspond in every partic
ular. He related many nnwriten and cu
rious incidents in the life of Napoleon v
w hich had come under my observation, and
finally closed with a touching account of his
own career after the battle of Waterloo.—’
In the terible route that followed that
memorable event, his detachment was cha
sed by a body of Prussian hussars, and be
coming scattered in the night, he wandered
for three days and nights in the woods
and bjr (laces without food or drink.
Tfcatotase being at lenfpjh gavin over,
the post Frenchman sat aown wmfy and
sick with his wounds, and ready to die by
the road ride. A humane Dutch girl, dis
covering him in this stituation, brought
him refreshments and cordials, and among ’
the latter a flask ofiwandy. “Here,” said
old soldier, “was the beginning of my
a. That snaal of mercy, with the best
of motives, brought me in that flask, a dead
ly foe, which was to prove more potent for
evil to me than all the burning toils ofthe
Egyptian campaign, or the intolerable
frosts and mows of the Russian—m4fie fe
tal than cannon of 73 battles—mhehr
kindled in me a thirst more insatiable than
that which forced me to open my vein* on
timAaaert sands of the East. Till that
day I had never tasted strong drink. I had
uttered a vow in my youth to abstain from
it, and to that vow I owed my life. For not
one of all my comrades who indulged in the
use of it, survived the horrors of the Egypt
ian Campaign.
“But as I lay in anguish, longing for
death, and momentarily expecting his ap
proach, a sweet face appeared to me, wear
ing an expression of deep pity and sympa
thy for my sufferings, aMff 1 could hut ac
cept without inquiry whatever she gave.—
She gently raised my head and wiped with
her handkerchief the dampness of my brow,
and administered the cordial to my lips.—
It relcived me; I looked around, my cour
age, my love of life returned. I poured
forth my gratitude in burning words, and
called down the blessings of Heaven. Ig
norant of what it was that so suddenly in
spired me, as soon as my spirts flagged, I
called for more. I drank again and again;
for three weeks her loved voice soothed me,
and her kind hand administered to my
wants.
As soon as my strength was sufficiently
recovered, fearing, that some enemy might
still he larking near, I bade her adieu,
with thanks and tears, sought the sea-ride,
and embarked as a common sailor on the
first vessel that offered, and have followed
the sea ever since. My fatal thirst has
ever accompanied and cursed me, in port
and on deck this foe has debased me, and
kept me from all chance of promotion.—
Oh, how often have I, in the depth of my
heart, wished I had died on the field of
Waterloo, or breathed ont my life in the
arms of my gentle gggeserver. Six weeks
ago I was wrecked in the packet ship
Clyde off the coast of new Brunswick. I
have wandered on foot throngh Canada,
and New Hamshire, singing for a few pen
nies, or begging for bread, till f. met your
sympathy to-day. How do these college
walls, and this noble baud of students recall
to recollection the scenes of former
years.”
The emotion of the stranger for a mo
ment overcame his voice, and when he re
sumed the tears were still coursing each
other down his cheeks. “I know not why
God should direct my steps hither; bat,
gentlemen, this shall be the beginning of a
new life in me, and here in His presence,
and that of these witnesses, I swear as I
hope to meet yon in Heaven, never to taste
a drop of alcohol in any form again.”—
Prolonged and deafening cheers followed
these words, and I noticed many a moist
eye. A collection was immediately made,
and more than fifty dollars was put in his
hands. As he ascended to the coach
to take his departure, he turned to the
excited mnltitnde that surrounded him,
and said “It is bnt justice that yon
shuld know my name. I am Lieutenant
Lannes, a nephew of the great Marshal
Lannes. May God bless you all—fare
well!” As these youths thoughtfully re
turned to their accustomed pursuits, not
a few resolved in their deepest souls
that temperance and virtue should ever
mark their character, and that the soldier’s
vow should he theirs.
Western if Atlantic Rail Road-.—We
published, last week, the Report of James
F. Cooper, Superintendent of the Western
& Atlantic Rail Road. The report was
confined exclusively to the burning of Eto
wah Bridge, and other matters consequent
upon that disaster. It is a full, and we be
lieve, a fair statement of all the circumstan
ces connected with the erection of the new
bridge, transportation of freight and pas
sengers, during the time of its re-construc
tion, accompanied with such remarks as
these several matters suggested to the
mind of the author of the report. From
the details given by the Superintendent, it
appears that the utmost diligence and en
ergy has been practiced by him, in repair
ing the damages the road sustained by this
accident, and averting the disasters which
threatened the general interest of this
f reat public work. Many things, which
ad been subjects of complaint with some
of the friends, as well as of the enemies of
the present administration of onr State
government, are explained to the satisfac
tion of every reasonable man, and Col.
Cooper is entitled to much praise for the
vigor and perseverance with which the
work of repairs has been prosecuted; as well
as the safety and promptness with which
freight and passengers have been transpor
ted over the road, under such adverse cir
cumstances. We trust that the people of
Georgia will carefully examine this re
port, and do ample justice to the worthy
officer, who has labored faithfully and hon
estly, to protect the interest of thi9 great
State enterprise.—Empire State.
Valuable Medical Discovery,—A few
davs since an Irishman upon one of onr
wharves was obliged to suspend work in
consequence of being sorely afflicted with
an ulcerated sore throat. His employers,
pitying his sufferings, sent him ajar of nice
current jelly; and to their great surprise
he resumed his labors on the following
morning, with his throat and head com
pletely enveloped in bandages highly dis
colored. Upon being questioned as to his
health and peculiar appearance, Pat re
plied—
“That was a bewtiful medicine ye gave
me, and did me a power of good. I made
it all into a nice Poultice and put it on
the outside of my throat, and it’s far better
than all yer doctor’s stuff.”—Boston Tran
script.
