Newspaper Page Text
From the MacOn Telegraph.
Brunswick and Florida Railroad—State aid Devel-
opement of Southern Georgia.
Mr. Editor:—It is well known that the anuual
meeting of the Stockholders of the Brunswick and
Florida Railroad Company was held in the city of
Brunswick cn the 3d inst. The report of the pro
ceedings has been published in several of our news
papers, and has attracted considerable notice
throughout the State. The interest which our
citizens generally manifested in this enterprise is
commensurate with its vast importance; it being
conceded on all sides that there is no work now
contemplated within onr borders, which, when
finished. will he fraught with more beneficial re
sults. Hence its speedy completion is justly look
ed upon as "a consuinirAtion devoutly to be pray
ed for.”
But apart from its intrinsic merits, this road, in
common with others, commands no little attention
from the fact of its involving the great question ot
State aid to works of Internal Improvement.—
This subject has for a longtime agitated the pub
lic mind, and ho doubt it will be brought promi
nently before the next Legislature. In anticipa
tion of the meeting of that body, it is right that
tie; arguments pro and con should he fully discus
sed throng'n the medium of the press. Therefore
with vxxir permission, Mr. Editor, I propose advo
cating in your columns, a judicious system of
State aid in general, and the claims of the Bruns
wick and Florida Kailroad in particular. This I
do from no motives but those impelling a citizen
who feels proud of his native State and takes a
livelv interest in ail that concerns her welfare.
To proceed then with my self-imposed tasl^ I
will premise that in connection with the above en
terprise three questions are particularly to be con
sidered :
1st. Is the Road needed f
2nd. Will it pay 1 • . . . . .. ,
3rd. Ought the State to aid in its construction 1
These questions the limited space of this article
w ill compel me at present to touch upon in a brief
and general manner, it is my design however m
subsequent communications to take up each topic
successively, and discuss it in ezrtrnso.
The first question as to whether the road is
needed is too clear a case to require much com
ment. Manv things combine to give to it an afiir-
inative response, It is needed to furnish to the
people of Southern Georgia a ready communication
with market, anJ to encourage emigration to the
richest portion of out territory, thereby bringing
into cultivation thousands of acres now covered
with the primeval forest, and materially adding in
the way of taxes to the rect ipts of onr State Treas
ury. It is demanded also to meet the . exigencies
of trade and travel, shortening as it will b' *® or< ;
than a thousand miles the route between the Gulf
States and the Northern sea-board, and entirely
obviating the danger and loss of time attending
the circuitous passage by the Florida peninsular.
And again, it is wanted as a connecting link in the
great chain of Railroads winch is designed eventu
ally to connect the waters c f the Atlantic and the
Pacific. These considerations, with many others
that might be enumerated, demonstrate conclu
sively that the building of this Road will supply
w hat has long been felt to be a great desideratum .
Regarding then the absolute necessity tor the
Road as almost a self-evident proposition we pro
ceed to consider whether it mil pay. 1 his question
depends essentially upon the proceeding one, for
the fact of the Road's being so urgently needed
implies the strongest evidence that when built it
will vield a good dividend on the capital invested
in it' Should lurthcr proof of this be required,
we need but poirt to the character of the country
through which the line will pass, the inexhaustible
fertility of its soil, the variety of its productions,
its valuable timber and many other sources of
wealth and prosperity. Even were the Roads not
to call into cultivation another foot ot ground
(which is a nrest improbable supposition) the lo
cal traffic and present production ot the country
along Its route would furnish it with ample em
ployment. This is independent ot any future
growth in trade, and of the quantity ci through
freight which will seek this mode of conveyance.
If to these items there be superaddeJ the- amount
of travel that w ill pass over this line, all apprehen
sions as to the Road's not proving profitable v an
ish like the darkness of error before the light of
truth; and the only fear that can reasonably exist
is that one track may not prove adequate to the
immense business which awaits it.
Having said this much to show the existing ne
cessity' for the rood, and the absolute certainty of
its becoming eminently a paying investment, let
us next enquire whether the .State ought to aid in
its construction if she should be called upon to do
so. Many arguments may be adduced in favor of
such a policy, and little or nothing can he urged
against it. It is indeed objected by some that if
the Legislature sets the precedent by aiding one,
she will have to aid all that apply; but this by no
means follows as a matter of course. Proper dis
crimination must be exercised in selecting only
those roads which deserve assistance. While we
acknowledge that a too general and indiscriminate
system of .State aid might involve the government
in financial embarrassment, we contend that its
application in a few special instances would be
attended with the most gratifying results; in the
same way that the administration of several grains
of calomel frequently works wonderful cures,
when a dose of as many ounces would prove fatal
in its effects. Thus while we do not favor the
“whole- sale plan” of State aid, we are convinced
that there are certain main lines which have a right
to legislative assistance. In this class the Bruns
wick and Florida Railroad stands pre-eminent.—
In the first place the Legislature ought to lend a
helping hand to the people of Southern Georgia in
their noble work of improvement, since they haVe
borne so long w ithout a murmur their proportion
of taxes to meet the five millions of dollars ex
pended upon a road for the benefit of the upper
part of the State. That they in their turn should
have a little help is but a simple act of justice; and
unless they obtain it, there is no doubt that many
of them will emigrate to States where they may
have equal by rich lands, and at the same time en
joy the facilities for transportation which they here
seek in vain. This they will have to do in self-de
fence; and thus by our inaction our population will
diminish instead of increase. Besides, the Bruns
wick Road asks no gift, but merely a moderate
loan with security sufficient to satisfy even Shy-
lock himself. The State is called upon to do noth
ing more than to lend her credit to the enterprise.
This she can do without the possibility of losing
a cent, or entailing additional taxes upon her citi
zens. The increase in the value of taxable prop
erty on the line of the road would of itself compen
sate her a hundred fold all that she is asked to do.
And is it not one of the prime duties of our State
government to exert herself in developing and im
proving this rich section of her territory ! It is a
talent entrusted to her which she should no longer
suffei to remain buried in a napkin.
When all these facts are taken into considera
tion, the conviction must force ifself upon every
candid mind that the State is under peculiar obli
gations to assist this enternrise. By so doing she
has everything to gain and nothing to lose. Will
she then refuse to do it 7 That she will prove so
unjust to her citizens, so blind to her interests, so
neglectful of her duty we cannot and will not be
lieve. Jwicus Appellee credat, non ego. More
anon. GEORGIAN.
From the Raleigh (N. C.) Standard.
The Anti-American Party.
We sometimes find men most strenuously claim
ing that to whicli they have the least right, hop
ing, by the strength of their demand, to make up
for their weakness of title. Upon this principle
the know-notliings have arrogated, to themselves
the name of the “American party; ’ for never be
fore has there existed in this country a party so
thoroughly anti-republican aud anti-American,
and it is no more entitled to the name of Ameri
can” tlian the devil is to the title of saint, merely
because he sometimes assumes the garb ot “an
angel of light.”
The American character is bold aad open. The
know-nothing character skulks in secret. Ameri
canism seeks the light, and courts investigation.
Know-nothingism seeks darkness, and slums in
vestigation. Americanism opens its arms to the
oppressed of all nations, and says: “Gome to this
refuge and enjoy civil and religious liberty, wor
ship God as your conscience dictates, and your re
ligious belief shall not he a test of your fitness or
unfitness for the rights and privileges of citizen
ship.” Know-nothingism assumes a threatening
attitude, and says to the down-trodden of other
lands: “Stay where you are; fester and rot in the
chains that tyrants have thrown around you; we
have liberty here, but you shall not share it with
ns.” To both foreigners and natives it says:—
“Worship God in a particular way, whether your
conscience approves it or not, or you are unfit for
all the privileges of citizenship. ' Your religious
opinions shall be the test of your fitness for of-
cc.”
The American character emblazons its princi
ples and unfurls its flag to the world. The know-
nothing character hides its principles in a dark
lantern under a culvert. Americanism sets its
light upon a hill and glories in its resplendent
beams. Know-nothingism puts its darkness un
der a bushel, and trembles and flees at the ap
proach of light. Americanism is day; know-noth-
ingism is night. Americanism speaks with a
voice that is heard to the remotest parts of the
earth, and at the sound of which tyrants quake
and the oppressed look np and feel a thrill of joy.
Know-nothingism whispers in low and tremulous
tones—such tones as despots love to hear, and at
which the heart panting for liberty sinks. The
light of Americanism illumines the world, bearing
m.every ray a hope and a consolation to strug
gling freedom. The darkness of know-nothing
ism broods with baleful wing over the aspirations
of liberty, ominous of evil to the cause of man.— ,
Americanism is progressive; know-nothingism
would wheel back the march of intellect and
plunge the world into the persecutions of the dark
ages. - ...
The “American party,” indeed! 1 hey have
not one feature in their whole creed in unison with
the Amaru an character. They are “spurious —
they arc “bogus" coin. The democratic party is
the true Amdiican party, and the only one; and
lie that swaps it for know-nothingi.nn swaps the
genuine for the counterfeit, auc. is miserably cheat-
ed. -
Mr. Preston of Kentucky.
Tile lion. W. Preston the able Clay Whig re)>-
rcsentative of the Louisville, (Ivy.,) District, in
the last Congress, lias written the following letter
to the Louisville Times. It was called out by the
urgent request of a large and intelligent constitu
ency that he would canvass the District, in oppo
sition to Hon. Humphrey Marshall, the candidate
of the Know Nothings. Showing a° it does that
the Conservative Whigs of Kentucky have taken
the same ground as their political tricuds of Geor
gia, it has surpassing interest,
Louisville, June 1,1855.
To the Editors of the Da ily Louisritlc Times:
Gentlemen : Many friends, irrespective of par
ty, knowing my views to be opposed to the or
ganization and policy of the know-nothings, nave
warmly urged me to become a candidate fm re-
election to Congress from this district. I have
stated that I would consider the proposition and
give them ah answer by the 1st of June. After
reflection upon the subject, I do not think I am
the appropriate person to make the canvass, and
therefore decline the invitation.
The old whig party by which I was elected is
disbanded. A new organizatin which proposes to
introduce questions of religious belief as criterions
for office, and to repeal the naturalization laws un
der which we have lived from the beginning of
our government, with the single exception of the
federal interregnum under Adams, when they
were extended to fourteen years, has arrayed it
self in the tie l*of politics. In addition, we find
that the new party maintains an ominious silence
in relation to the rights of the Southern States
which should fill every patriotic, heart with fear.
I have ever been, and yet am, inflexibly opposed
to such principles.
The regularly-nominated democratic ticket is
the only opponent in the field against this new
party. ' It is clear that it cannot achieve success
unless, as in Virginia, by the aid of honest and
fearless Southern Whigs, who will not be absorb
ed in secret fraternities, and who desire no ambig
uous alliance with northern know-nothings.—
Their aid has given the first check to this new
party, and annihilated its prestige of victory.—
But "with these facts before us, it cannot be con
cealed that the main body of the opponents of the
know-nothings is composed of democrats- It is
natural they should desire ther candidate not only
to he the representative of their sentiments upon
these topics, in opposition to the know-nothings,
but also to coincide with them upon the general
policy of the democratic party, and to yield acqui
escence upon the issues of the past. I do not
mean to say that this would be required as the
terms of support, but I have heard it suggested as
requisite to concentrate the full energy of opposi
tion. Indeed it has been intimated that an acqui
escence in tilt policy of the democratic adminis
tration might be necessary to give force and co
herence to the movement. Standing in the atti
tude I occupy, I could only consent to make the
race as an independent candidate, free from all
pledges whatever.
For these reasons, I am convinced that, in order
to achieve success and combine the party, it is
better for the democracy to select a candidate
from their own ranks, and intrust to him the advo
cacy of their cause. For my own part, my belief
is decided that the know nothing movement is ns
transient as its growth has been sudden. As be
tween the democracy and itself, my choice is
quickly made; but I feel that 1 best consult my
own dignity, and relieve myself from all suspicions
of unworthy motives, if, at the same, time that I
avow my determination to support the principles
of the party, I decline its honors. All that I ask
is to sustain by my vote the wise, great, and no
bly liberal principles upon which I know the re
public is founded, and by the faithful observance
of which I am profoundly conscious the social re
pose and political prosperity of the nation can
alone be secured.
Permit me to return my heartfelt thanks to
those friends, both whigs and democrats, who
have so generally offered to give me their warm
support.
I remain with respect,
W Preston.
Speech of Senator Douglas.
At the reception of the news of the Democratic
triumph in Virginia at Chicago, the Democrats
without preparation or formal announcement, as
sembled by thousands at Dearborn Park, to give
public demonstration of joy with which they nail
ed the glad tidings. One hundred guns were fir
ed in honor of the event, after which speeches
were listened to with silence and deepest atten
tion by the immense crowd. We copy from tho
Chicago Times its synopsis of Judge Douglas'
remarks:
Judge Douglass came forward upon the stand
and was greeted with the most rapturous applause.
The immense throng threw up their hats, and en
thusiastic cheers filled the air. When their enthu
siasm had partially subsided, Mr. Douglas said:
Fellow-Citizens: I kuow you did not come here
to listen to a speech. That cannon speaks in
tones more eloquent, and its language is more
grateful to your hearts and to mine than
anything which could be said here, [Cheers.]—
It tells you of a victory won by the friends of our
country over her secret enemies. It proclaims the
triumph of Democratic principles in the.Old Do
minion. [Prolonged cheers.] Theelectiou which
has resulted in this triumph in Virginia is one of
the most important State elections which have ta
ken place.
Judge Douglas proceeded in most eloquent lan
guage to speak of the principles involved, .and
which have been defeated on the one hand, aud
triumphed on the other, in the contest. He said
that of all the combinations into which men ever
entered, that which soeks to proscribe men on ac
count of their birth or religion is the most repre
hensible.
“It was the spirit of fanatacism to prescribe
where men should be born, or to proscribe them
if not bom within our country. Was it to be
proscribed on account of their foreign birth that
DeKalb, Montgomery and Steuben crossed the
ocean and joined with the revolutionary founders
of our Government in their struggle for liberty?—
Was it for this that LaFayette, to whose disinter
ested efforts we are in a great measure indebted for
the liberty we now enjoy, left his native land to
hazard his life and expend his substance in the
achievement of American Independence? [Ap
plause.] The Democratic party desire to adminis
ter their government in the spirit in which it was
founded, without reference to birth or religion.
That party stands immoveable upon the Constitu
tion given us by our revolutionary sires. Wo be
lieve that Constitution to be the supreme law of
the land. This is a Government of law. With
out law there can be no liberty. [Cheers. ]
“He again "referred to Virginia, and said it
was well that Virginia the mother, as it were, of
the Revolution, should be the great bulwark to
stop the further march of fanatacism. Virginia
has ever stood firm; and when I pay this tribute to
Virgiuia, I will say that Illinois, from the time she
was a distant county of Virginia, has never given
a popular majority against tne Democratic party.
True our opponents succeeded by aid of Know
Nothingism, Abolitionism, and fanatacism. aud all
the other isms embraced in Fusionism, in defeat
ing some of the Democratic candidates at the last
election; hut the election of John Moore showed a
Democratic majority of votes in the State."
Judge Douglas concluded by referring to the
necessity of Democrats standing by principles.—
If principles are never deserted, he said, we shall
always triumph. He spoke about ten minutes on
ly, and retired amid the deafening applause of the
multitude.
The Know-Nothing National Convention.
A few facts says the Washington Star, have al
ready become prominent in the doings of this body
now in session in Philadelphia.
First. That General Wilson, of Massachusetts,
instead of being kicked out of the conclave, neck
and heels, as was promised before the Virginia
election by onr talanted, courteous, amiable, en
tertaining, ingenious, truthful and knowing neigh
bor, is actually its ruling spirit, its lion, and the
supreme director of its action, chief among its
chiefs, aud most beloved of all its treasured ones.
He, it is. who is dictating its policy.
Second. That Mr. Kenneth Rayner, of North
Carolina, seems to bo Gen. Wilson’s bottle-holder,
seconder of his motions, aud their chief southern
advocate, Mr. R. emphatically endorses Gen. Wil
son’s proposition tliat Kuow-Nothingism shall in
scribe on its banner a repeal of the Nebraska bill,
which is the ultimatum of Know-Nothingism.
Third. Tliat the Catholic delegates from Louisi
ana, though of course disavowing any temporal al
legiance to the Pope on their oaths, have been un
ceremoniously kicked ont of the convention be
cause they are Catholics; and
Fourth. That there are on hand any quantity of
Know-Nothing quarter nags for the Presidency—
broken down politicians, pecuniary speculators in
the legislation of Congress, State Legislature, &c.
If you can paint fire with charcoal, light with
chalk, and make colors live and breathe, then you
with words give a faint idea of the excellence and
magic effects of Davis’ Vegetable Pain Killer.
From the Atlanta Iutelligenccr.
The Convention—Gov. Johnson.
We throw out our banner this morning inscribed
with the name of onr present worthy Executive,
lion. Hcrschcl V. Johnson, as the Democratic can
didate for re-election to the office of Governor
of Georgia. By the detailed proceedings of the
i /'(invention, which wc lay before our readers, it
will he observed that Gov. Johnson was nomina
ted on the first ballot, and with a degree of unan
imity almost unparalleled in thcAistory of nomin
ating Conventions in Georgia. This hearty unan
imity in a Convention so largely attended, with
the sentiments of the people of every section of
the State, from the seaboard to the mountains, so
fully represented by their chosen delegates, can be
construed in no other light than as an unmistaka
ble evidence that the present Democratic ad
ministration is generally and cordially approved,
and that the standard bearer who led the Democra
cy of Georgia so triumphantly through the last ex
citing and hotly contested Gubernatorial cam
paign, is, above all others, the man to stand forth
before the intelligent voters of Georgia, as the
champion and exponent of those principles upon
which every true Democrat, and we may add,
every man in the State opposed to the anti-repub
lican dogmas of the Know-Nothing organization,
may proudly rally, with unhesitating confidence
in a glorious victory in the contest about to com
mence.
It is eminently gratifying, also, to notice the en
tire harmony and good feeling which pervaded
the deliberations of the Convention, and the read
iness and cheerfulness with which all mere private
and personal predilictions were yielded up for the
benefit and advancement of the common cause.
With such a disposition among the friends of Dem
ocratic principles throughout the State, we need
stand in fear of no dissensions in the ranks to ob
struct the onward and triumphant march of Dem
ocracy in the coming campaign.
The platform of principles adopted by the Con
vention is of the right stamp. Without departing
a hair’s breadth from the true line of Democratic
orthodoxy, the resolutions come square up to every
issue involving questions of State or National in
terest. There is no dodging of important issues
—no ambiguity of language to mislead or mistify
the unthinking. There will, therefore, be no
difficulty in determining exactly where the Dem
ocracy of Georgia stand on pvery essential issue
that now engages, or is likely soon to engage the
attention of the people. Moreover, the platform
of principles is such as cannot fail to receive the
full and hearty endorsement, not only of every
Democrat, but of every Southern Rights man and
every friend of the Georgia Platform of 1850. In
short, the platform is one upon which every man
in Georgia, whatever may have been his past party
associations, can consistently stand, with the suie
exception of those who may persist in their ad
herence to the secret order of Know-Nothings.
For such, we confess our gratification that there is
no room for the slightest foothold on the Demo
cratic Platform.
Grand Democratic Meeting in Maeon.
Tin; canvass ojiened gloriously in Maeon on last
Wednesday night Concert Hall—the largest
room in the city—was filled to overflowing. The
meeting did not adjourn till midnight, hut, from
first to last, there were no signs of indifference or
fatigue. The utmost harmony and enthusiasm
prevailed, arc] as the accomplished orators of the
night poured forth their grand and glowing de
fence of the old Democratic cause, invoking all
true Democrats to stand firm to the dear old col
ors, and inviting all men of all parties to unite
with them in vindicating the constitutional rights
of the people—the immense audience sput forth
cheer after cheer of enthusiastic approbation which
were heard m the remotest part.sVif the city. This
spirit will be infectious The strangers who were
in onr city caught the fervor, and will spread it
it among their fellow citizens at home. Every
where throughout the state the same fires will
soon begin to glow—tires which will consume all
opposing organizations like stubble, and light the
funeral pyre of “Sam" and all Lis myrmidons.
Political N'uta.
If politic 0 bring r.ui much of the unaniiable, the
bitter and malevolent of the human character, it
occasionally illuminates with its wit and charms
with its good natnre. The following is too good
to be lost. Gov. Brown, one of the United States
Senators from Mississippi, has lately written a let
ter on the Know-Notbiugs. We have not seen it,
and cannot speak of its merits. The Concordia
Intelligencer gives the following specimens of
waggery, which it has provoked among the sover
eigns:
“How do you like Senator Brown's letter on the
Know-Nothing order, to the Port Gibson Revel-
lie?" said one political champion to another old one
of the same stripe. He answered; “I am over
whelmed with admiration at his ability-! It re
minds uie of Van Boren bayou, in the parish of
Concordia, which was called Van Buren, because
since its first discovery, a hundred and fifty years
ago, it has Itcen impossible to tell which way the wa
ter runs!"
Another old one, of a stripe a shade and a half
different, said that Gov. Brown’s letter reminded
him of Major Guion’s exclamation, when his pi
rogues first reached Fort Adams, below Natchez,
fifty-seven years ago. Major Guion was ail old
United States officer, the father of the present
Judge Guion, of Jackson, Miss. He was sent to
erect and man military posts, after the Spanish
surrender of Natchez and its dependencies.—
Reaching the site of Fort Adams, where there was
an eddy in the river, Major Guion saw the strange
sight of a part of his fleet of boats propelled
swiftly up the river and another part of them
swiftly down; and although in rapid movement,
still confined to the endless circle. “Here's the
spot forme?” said the intrepid and noble hearted
Guion. “This river suits me exactly. For once
the Creator and I perfectly agree. Here are my
lircly boats, some going up stream and some down
all within a few feet of earn other, and no possibility
of getting lost. Hurrah fur the river that runs both
trays!”
Well Spohm.— t foreign-liorn correspondent of
the Pittsburg Christian Advocate, makes the fol
lowing point:
“I have renounced, on my oath, citizenship to all
countries, and am I then to be denied in this?—
The Arabs or the Tartars might refuse io admit
me to their rights, but even their sense of honor
would forbid them to thus ensnare me. I must be
lost to every country, and every country lost to
me, save that country where the arm of man can
not saw the scales of justice. I read my Bible in
the language of Luther, and learned to be a Pro
testant; and from my Bible and Wesley I learned
to be a Methodist. No one asks me to disbe
lieve the Bible because I came from India; Protes
tantism, because Wesley was nn Englishman. No
one refuses me a membership in the church be
cause I was born a foreigner. I can join them in
praising God fur His favors, and invoking His
blessing on our country; I can commune with them
at the sacrament board; and yet, refusing me a
vote, they will cast their ballot, side by side, with
the vilest individual that ever disgraced the soil
on which he was born."
IT l.S A PACT ESTABLISHED and well known
that Ihe Arabians attained n height ill the knowledge of
medicine which earned Ihe whole world to wonder and
admire. With them ihe eeienceof chemistry had its
birth, ar.d it is, therefore, not at all strange that a peo
ple so eminent!v snecessfiil in the healing art, and so
per evermg and daring in character, should by actual
and untiring experiment, discover remedies far sur
passing in efficacy all others, for the cure ofthose dis
eases incident to them from their mode of life. The
greater part of their time being spent in hazardous and
bloody warfare with the different tribes, they were sub
ject to the most violent attacks of rheumatism, paraly is,
neuralgic pains and various inflammatory diseases, as
also the most horid wounds, sprains, bruises, tumors,
swellings, diseases of the joints, ect., ect.. All iht“90
diseases they were so surprisingly efficient in curing,
that the uninitiated looked with wonder and attributed
their skill to th>- powers of magic.
(I. G. Farrell’s Celebrated A rsbias I.fnirarnl
is a composition of balsams and oils, from rare plants pe
culiar to this country, and it was hy the use of the ar
ticles composing this great remedy tliat nut only their
physicians, but even the wild Arabs of the desert were
enabled to perform such miraculous cores. The Arab
steed is world-renowned for his beautiful symmetry of
form his unsurpassed speed and agility, and the incred
ible fatigue he is capable ol enduring Why is it ? Be
cause from the time of his birth his limbs are carefully
watched, and upon Ihe first appearance of disease the
magic lotion is applied, and suchiliings as confirm 'd
sweeny, poll-evil, fistula; ringbone, scratches, spavin,
lameness, ect ,ect., ore unknown. The same result will
follow in all cases where H. G. Farrell’s Genuine Ara
bian Liniment is used in time. Therefore delay not ill
procuring a good supply of it, for every dollar spent in
it will save you twenty, and a great deal of suffering, if
not your life.
Look opt for CounfTERFEiTS 1 —The public areeau-
tioned against another counterfeit, which has lately made
its appearance, called W B Farrell's Arabian Liniment,
the most dangerous of all I lie counterfeits, because his
having used the name of Farrell, many w ill buy it in good
faith, without the knowledge that a counterfeit exists, and
they will perhaps only discover tlieir err*# w lien the
spurious mixture ha* wrought its evil effects.
The genuine article is manuiactured only hv H G Far
rell; sole inventor and proprietor, and wholesale drug
gist, No. 17 Main street, Peoria, Illinois, to whom all ap
plications for agencies must he addressed. Be sure you
get it with the letters H G before Farrell's, thus—H G
Farrell's—and his signature on the wrapper, all oth
ers are counterfeit jl*M by E J White, Milledgevtlle,
Isaac Newell, Gordon; Harerland <Si Rtsley, Augusta;
and bjr regularly aulhoriaed agents throughout the Unit
ed Slates. PRICK 85 and 50 cents, and 91 per bottle.
utgenta IfoM in every town, village and hamlet
in the United Stales, in wtiieh one is not already estab
lished. Address H G Farrell at above, accompanied
with good reference as to character, responsibility &c 58
Democratic Platform#
Democratic principles and Democratic measures
on all leading-questions of national policy, involv
ing the subjects of fin once and taxation, and ap
propriations of money, end of constitutional
power in refuence thereto, have become the
fixed and settled poliev of the country.—
The issues therein involved, which formerly
divided Southern Democrats and Whigs, no
longer afford ground for continued separation and
conflict among them. Now, other questions of
practical and paramount importance are pressing
upon the earnest attention of Southern men, and
are of such a nature as require cordial and frater
nal concert of action among all who concur in sen
timent upon those questions.
In view of those obvious truths, and to secure
this concert of action, the Democratic party of
Georgia in Convention assembled, submit to their
fellow citizens the following platform of principles,
and cordially and earnestly invite the co-operation
of all citizens of Georgia, regardless of all party
distinctions, who desire to see them established as
the true basis of the constitutional and just actiou
the surrender of this "great security of popular gov- j °f this government.
ernment. All party associations are constantly [ 1st, Resolved, In the language of the Georgia
liable to be used by the cunning, the unprincipled | Convention of 1850, that we hold the American
and enterprising members for the promotion of! Union secondary in importance only to the rights
personal objects rather than the public interests, I and principles it was designed to perpetuate; that
and it needs no argument to prove that secrecy j past associations, present fruition, and futurepros-
greatly increases this tendency and facilitates the j pects, will bind us to it so long as it continues to
accomplishment of such unworthy ends. Secrecy ] be the safeguard of those rights and principles,
is the natural covering of fraud, the natural ally j 2d, Resolved, Tliat we hereby declare our full
of error and the enemy of truth. The patriots who i and unqualified adhesion to the following resolu-
framed our constitution gave it a fatal blow, bv j tion of the Georgia Convention of 1850, and our
provisions which secure the freedom of speech and ! unalterable determination to maintain it in its lct-
Letter from the Hod. Robert Toombs on Know
Nothingism.
Boston, Mass., June 6th, 1855
DEAR Sir: More than three weeks ago, :r, com
pliance with my promise, I wrote t-> you, giving
my opinions of the new political organization,
commonly known a° “Know Nothings,” or tho
American party. I did not learn until I reached
Augusta, on my wav here, that you had not re
ceived it. If it should yet come to hand, I wish
you to publish it, as it was much fuller r.ud more
carefully prepared exposition of my opinions than
this letter can he. I shall embark to-day- for Liv
erpool. and, for want of time, must confine myself
to a very brief statement, rather than an argument
on the subject.
My first objection to the New Party is one inde
pendent of its principles. I am opposed to it be
cause it is a secret political society. Society has a
right to kuow the men, and the principles, and the
policy of the men, who seek to direct its affairs
and control its destiny. Publicity is the life-blood
of a representative Republic. Without it, public
liberty must soon perish, and no necessity, short
of that which would justify revolution, can justify
provisious winch secure
the liberty of the press.
I This objection to the New Party derives ad-
I ditioual force from the obligation which is said to
be imposed upon the applicant for admission, that
j he will carry- out its decrees whether his judge-
j inent approves them or not. If this be true, it is a
1 surrender of the dearest rights of freemen, and is
a crime against society.
j My next objection to the American party is that
I it proposes, in some way to invade the rights of
| consciance, or to call men in question for the free
exercise thereof. I am opposed to ail religions
tests of every sort and for every purpose. Our
constitution protects us against the putting of
such tests upon the statute book, but the princi
ple is founded on truth and justice, and ought to
be the rule of the individual action, as well as of
the public conduct of every citizen. Centuries of
unavailing persecution taught our fathers the fol
ly, as well as the wickedness of attempting to con
trol men’s conscience by penal statutes, or civil
disabilities; they, therefore, put the stinc of disa
bility into the temptation to disgrace our statute
hook with this sort of legislation. We will defeat
their noble objects, in part at least, by enacting a
different rule in the exercise of our political rights.
It is charged that the Roman Catholic policy is
cruel, intolerant and despotic. The charge is not
wholly unfounded. If it he true, it is greatly to
he condemned and deplored, and, above all tilings,
we should avoid imitating their vices, and thereby
justly subjecting ourselves to this great condem
nation. We can neither conquer or eradicate the
vices of Romanism, whatever they may bo, by im
itating them, or by persecution. The world lias
tried these remedies for centuries past, and tried
i them in vain. Let us rather oppose her cruelty
| with kindness, her intolerance with free tolera
tion, (in substance as well as form) her despotism
I with freedom, and then we may reasonably look
I for different and better results. The moment that
I the simple, yet sublime truth, got itself acknowl
edged by our government, that the citizen is re-
| sponsible to the State for liis civil conduct, but to
I God only for his religious faith, the unholy bonds
: which unite the church to the State were broken,
j persecution for conscience sake became impossi
ble here, and religious toleration entered upon its
1 career of universal dominion. Its first great tri-
1 unxph was to strike the fetters from the conscien
ces of Irish Roman Catholics. It has began a
similar good work for the 1 rotestants in Spain
and Sardinia, and for the Greek in Turkey, aud it
will go on “conquering and to conquer," until the
Demon of persecution—blind, deaf and stupid—
•sliail have no more abiding place up .:i the face of
the earth.
The Naturalization laws are greatly complained
of by the American 1’arty. I think them founded
on just principles, and are, in the main, wise aud
good laws. To naturalize an intelligent loreigner
of good moral character, and attached to free gov
ernment, aud the principles of onr constitution,
and who has resided among us long enough to test
these qualifications, is a great benefit to the state
as well as to the individual who receives the high
privilege. These are the conditions and safe
guards which our laws seek to throw around the
right of citizenship. These laws are, no doubt,
frequently violated; they are, doubtless, imperfect,
and do not fully effect the objects intended by
them. Let all proper additions and amendments,
necessary to carry out these objects, be made, and
then let the law be faithfully administered, and
these tilings can be done without the aid of secret
societies
There is another objection to this party, which
should put it under the ban of Southern opinion.
We have had a great struggle for the last six
years, upon an intensely- exciting sectional issue
This issue has been settled by the wisdom of the
representatives of the people. This issue found
its solution in the legislation of 1850 and 1854.—
The peace and safety of the Republic demand that
this legislation should not only be undisturbed,
but vigorously upheld by the nation. The Ameri
can Party, in the north, whenever it has had pow
er, has shown the most vigorous hostility to this
legislation. The Know Nothings of Massachu
setts have attempted to nullify it, and have shown
a total disregard of their public oaths, anil there
fore, are wholly incapable of giving any pledge,
open or secret, that a man of honesty ought to ac
cept. Political association with these men is mor
al complicity with their crimes.
The true policy of the South is to unite; to lay-
aside all party divisions. Whigs. Democrats and
Know Nothings should come together, and com
bine for their common safety. If we are wise
enough to do this, to present one unbroken column
of fifteen States united for the preservation of
their own rights, the constitutution and the Union,
and to uphold and support that noble band of pa
triots. at the North, who have stood for the consti
tution and the rights against the tempest of fanati
cism folly and treason which has assailed them,
we shall succeed. We shall then have conquered
a peace which will be enduring, and by means
which will not invite further aggression.
1 am, very- respectfully,
Your ob’t servant,
R. TOOMBS.
Col. T. Lomax,
Editor Times Sc Sentinel,
Columbus, Georgia.
Wise Demonstration.
In the philosophy of Plato, he asserts that the
deeds of the. great should be honored by, and
made known to our young men, that by them they
may he stimulated to a sublimer virtue. So the
students of the University of Georgia, almost u-
nanimousiv jou last Saturday night formed a
grand torch-light procession, headed hy- cheering
music to celebrate the election of Henry A. Wise,
as Governor of Virginia. They marched through
some of tho principal streets, and accompanied by
a number of citizens, went to Gov. Cobb’s resi
dence, who upon being called for, gave them an
able and eloquent address of near an hour’s length
which was received with repeated and enthusiastic
shouts of applause. He came out boldly against
Know Nothingism; suffice it to say, the speech was
worthy of so distinguished a Georgian.
The procession being re-formed marched to the
house of Dr. Hill, of the Banner, who, on being
called for ‘made his sign’ to show as Y’oung A-
raerica said, he was on the side of t'God and Lib
erty.”
The company then went to tho house of the
‘Junior’ of the Banner, who, in thanking them for
the honor of the call, said as to speechmaking, he
was in the same fix that Mrs. Dombey was on a cer
tain memorable occasion, couldn’t make an effort.'
The procession called on Wm. G. Deloney.
Esq., who gave them a short and spicy speech,
giving honor to the Democracy and Republican
Whigs of Virginia, who had stopped the fanatical
Northern current. All of which was received
with great enthusiasm aud applause.
The crowd then halted at the College Chapel,
and listened to some addresses of great excellence
and talent, from Messrs, Wash, Clark, Drake,
Akingtok, and STANLEY, of the University; when
the party dispersed in peace and good order, leav
ing the few sympathisers of Sam disconsolate.—
He could not be comforted.
“For the children of Ashur are loud in their wail.
As their Idols are broken in the Temple of Baal.”
Athens Banner.
Shocking Brutality.—A lieutanant of
the Philadelphia police, on Thursday
night last, was informed of a shameful
piece of cruelty to a child, and, repairing
to the spot indicated, found a little girl,
[only a poor white child] whose father and
mother were in the Alms-house, and who
was bound to her employer, tied around
the neck with a rope which was stretched
tightly to the ceiling of sufficient length
to prevent her setting down or moving.—
The rope had been placed aronnd her neck
in order to keep her awake to attend a
cradle, and was fixed so that if she had
fallen asleep she would have been
strangled. She was taken by the polliee-
man to a station house.
ter and spirit.
4th Resolution—Georgia Platform.
That the State of Georgia, in the judgment of
this Convention, will and ought to resist, even (ns
a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which
binds her to the Union, any action of Congress
upon the subject of Slavery in the District of Col
umbia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction of
Congress, incompatible with the safety, domestic
tranquility, the rights and honor of the slave hold
ing States, or any act suppressing the slave trade
between the slaveholding States: or any refusal to
admit as a State any territory- hereafter applying,
because of the existence of slavery therein; or any
act prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the
territories of Utah and New Mexico; or any act
repealing or materially modifying the laws in
force for the recovery of fugitive slaves.
3d. Resolved, That we approve and endorse
the action of our last Congress in the passage of
the Nebraska-Kansas act, and the principles
therein established ; and in conformity with these
principles, the people of Kansas have the right,
when the number of their population justifies it, to
form a Republican State Constitution with or
without slavery as they- may determine, and be
admitted into the Union upon an equal looting
with the other States, aud that her rejection by
Congress, on account of slavery, would be a just
cause for the disruption of all the ties tliat bind
the State of Georgia to the Union.
4th. Resolved, That we adopt as our own,
the following Resolution passed unanimously by
the l ist Legislature of Georgia.
“Resolved hy the General Assembly of the State of
Georgia That opposition to the principles of the
Nebraska Bill, in relation to the subject of slavery,
is regarded by the people of Georgia, as hostility
to the people of the South, and that all persons
who partake in such opposition are unfit to be re
cognized as component parts of any- party or or
ganization not hostile to the South.”
Tith. Resolved, That in accordance with the
above Resolution, whilst we are willing to act in
party association with all sound and reliable men
in every section of the Union, we are not willing
to affiliate with any party- that shall not recog
nize, approve and carry out the principles and
provisions of the Nebraska Kansas act,—and that
the Democratic Farty of Georgia will cut off all
party connection with every man and party at the
North or elsewhere, that does not come up fully
and fairly to this line of action.
tith. Resolved, That the National Democracy of
the North, who have patriotically fought for the
Kansas and Nebraska Acts and the maintenance
of the Fugitive Slave Law, against the combined
forces of Know Nothingism and Abolitionism,
which seek their repeal, and who stand pledged to
support the admission of Kansas into the Union as
a Slave State, should she ask it, merit the heart
felt sympathies, thanks and encouragement of
Southern men in their patriotic position.
1th. Resolved, That in the National Democratic
party of the North alone, have been found those
patriotic men who have thus stood by the rights
of the South, aud judging the future by the jiast,
that party is the only organization at the North
that now exists or can be formed, with whieh the
South can consistently co-operate.
Sth. Resolved, That we sympathize with the
friends of the slavery cause, in Kansas, in their
manly efforts to maintain their rights and the
rights and interests of the Southern people, and
that we rejoice at their recent victories over the
paid adventurers aud jcsiutical herds of northern
abolitionism. That the deep interest felt and ta
ken by the people of Missouri in the settlement of
Kansas and the decision of the slavery question in
it, is both natural and proper, and that it is tlieir
right anil duty to extend to their Southern breth
ren in that Territory every legitimate and honor
able sympathy and support.
Sth. Resolved, That we arc uncompromisingly
opposed to the political organization commonly
called the Know-Nothing Order, or American Par
ty, having no sympathy w ith their secresy, their
oaths, their unconstitutional designs, their reli
gious intolerance, their political proscription, and
their abolition associations at the North.
9th. Resolved, That we hail with delight the late
signal triumph in Virginia of the Democratic Par
ty. and of the patriotic Whigs, who co-operated in
acboiving that result over the Know-Nothing or
ganization, as conclusive evidence, that in the
great practical questions involved in tliat contest,
Southern men may honorably- and successfully
combine, without regard to past political distinc
tions. to save the constitution from desecration,
and the South from being prostrated before the
power of Northern fanaticism and misrule.
10th. Resolved, That political necessity and the
euibarassnieuts constantly arising front our com
mercial relations with Spain, alike dictate the pol
icy of the annexation of Cuba to this country, a I
the earliest period, compatible with our national
honor and treaty obligations.
11th. Resolved, That the democratic and nation
al principles declared and set forth in tlie inaugural
address and annual messages of President Pierce,
meet our cordial approval, and that he is entitled
to the thanks of the country, for his enforcement
of those principles, in the signature and approval
of the Nebraska-Kansas bill, his faithful execution
of the Fugitive Slave law, his various vetoes, and
other measures of administrative policy in con
formity- to those principles.
Resolved, Tliat in view of the action of tlui
Legislatures of Massachusetts and Vermont, and
the threatened action of other Northern States,
virtually repealing the fugitive slave law, and
denying to the citizens of the South their consti
tutional rights, we recommend to our next Legis-
ture the adoption of such retaliatory measures as
tlieir w isdom may suggest, and shall be in con- i
formity with constitutional obligations. I
Hon. Johu H. Lumpkin.
It is with no ordinary feelings of pleasure that
we are permitted to hoist the name of John If.
Lumpkin as the democratic candidate for Congress
in this district. Judge Lumpkin has served the
district six years in our national Legislature,
with the entire approbation of his constituents,
has served us four years as Judge of this Circuit,
and no man's political opinions are better under
stood. His election at this time (although we
know it is against his will) is peculiarly fortunate
for the success of our party. We now feel that
the Democracy of this district need fear nothing
from any party, no matter at what hour of the
night they meet. Our victory is certain and our
triumph will be glorious.—Cassrille Standard.
The Virginia Election—Wise’s majority compared
with the majorities for Congressmen,
The official count can alone determine the ex
act majority of Wise over his Kuow Nothing op
ponents. It can not rise much above or fall much
below ten thousand. The returns from the Con
gressional Districts make it more and more appar
ent that he has fallen considerably behind the
Democratic vote. In the second Congressional
District the majority- for Milson if508—for Wise
425. In the third, Caskie’s majority is 488, Wise’s
15. In the fourth, Goode lias a majority of 2,006,
Wise of 1,552. In the fifth, where Iiocock’s ma
jority is 1,703; Wise has only 852. The sixth
gives to Powell a majority- of 793„ to Wise 316.—
In the District which elects Faulkner by 229
votes. Wise falls 124 behind Flournoy. The ac
counts from most of the other Districts show sim
ilar results. The Richmond Examiner thinks the
democratic majority, tested by the Congressional
vote, is nearly 20,1)00 in the State.
There is no doubt that the ultra and bitter
Whiggery of Mr. Wise in years which have past,
his burning denunciation of Gen. Jackson and ma
ny of his leading supporters in the ancient domin
ion lost him numerous votes among the _ old line
democracy of that State. At the same time it is
probable that the glowing eloquence with which
he every where argued against the Know-Noth
ings, tended largely to swell the poll of the other
Democratic candidates
State Uights, and United States’ Rights.
“ * Tis the Star Spangled Banner, oh, long may it wave,
OVrthe Land of the Free, ami the Home of the Krave.
Tuesday Morning, June 19,1855,
FOR GOVERNOR,
HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN COUNTY.
■v F'OR CONGRESS,
3rd District, JAS. M. SMITH, of ITpson countv.
6th “ HOWELL COBB, of Clarke
“Hsn it rains!”
The orders for our campaign paper have poured
in upon us during the past week. Let onr friends
everywhere keep up tlieir efforts to place right be
fore the people, and our just cause will be thor
oughly triumphant. Keep up the shower a little
longer, friends.
Judge Ilirnin Warner nominated for
Congress.
The Democratic Convention of the 4th Con
gressional District, which assembled at Newnan
on the 12th inst, after fourhallotings, made choice
of Hon. Hiram Warner, by acclamation. The
Convention was very full, and the proceedings
entirely harmonious. The Convention adopted
the platform of the Democratic State Convention.
The nomination of such a man at such a time,
as Judge Warner, is peculiarly fortunate. He is
known to the people of Georgia; well known as a
gentleman of the first ability, and bearing the
most unexceptionable character. He is a man
for the times, and the Democracy- of the 4th Dis
trict may justly feel honored by having such a
representative on the floor of Congress. He will
be an honor to the district, an honor to the Demo
cratic party- and the State he represents. We con.
sider his election a fired fart.
nr. Tonmbat’ Letter ngninNl Kuan-
Nothinginm.
We have published in another place a letter
from Mr. Toombs against the Know-Nothings.
The first letter which he wrote to the Editor of the
Columbus Times, on the same subject, never was
received; this Mr. Toombs says was much fuller
and more carefully written. The letter which we
publish is very decided and explicit in its objec
tions to the Secret Order, and condemns both their
principles and practices. Mr. Toombs recom
mends a union of all parties at the South, but gives
no countenance to the sectional movement in Col
umbus. He expressly recommends us “to unite for
the preservation of our own rights, the Constitution
and the Union, and to uphold and support that noble
band of patriots at the North, who Imre stood for the
Constitution and our own rights against the tempest
of fanaticism, folly and treason which has assailed
them.” If we do this, says Mr. Toombs, we shall
succeed. The patriots at the North, of whom Mr.
Toombs speaks, are all Democrats, and the only-
way we can uphold and support them, is by uphold
ing and supporting the National Democratic
Party.
Who is “Judge Odyl”?
We see that one of the Delegates in the Phila
delphia Convention from Georgia is reported as
“Judge Odyl.” Who is Judge Odyl f Is he a
delegate from Scandinavia, or a Georgia gentleman
figuring under one of Sant’s incognitos ?
Good.
An exchange paper, speaking of “Sam’s”
whereabouts in Virginia, says, the last time he
was seen, he was praying for “a lodge in some
vast wilderness.”
The Richmond Whig.
We did not intend to charge the editor of the
Richmond Whig with publishing, that the
Know-Nothings in Virginia based their calcula
tions of Flournoy’s election on statistical facts,
for the purpose of wilful deception. We an
nounced that the Know Nothing press about
Richmond and Washington boasted that the de
feat of the Democracy was just as certain as that
the sun would rise and set, and these assertions
were put forth not as matters of opinion, but as
matter of fact, as they- had 72,000 members of the
order in Virginia. We made no specific charge
against the Whig, but said, either that some of the
order had voted against them or lying had been
practiced.
“Tomfoolery.”
Since the defeat in Virginia the leading organ*
of the Know-Nothings, such as the N. Y. Herald,
etc., have discovered that the secret feature of the
K.N’s, their grips, pass-words, signs &c. &c.,
are all “tomfoolery" and should be done away
with. This is not at all surprising.
The humbug has been disclosed—the “F'ejee
Mermaid” Kuow Nothingism, turns out to be
nothing more than an ingenious union of a Whig
head, an abolition body and an “Ameriran” tail.
The political Barnums are now engaged in expos
ing their own humbug, and “tomfoolery” is the
word written on the foreheads of the innocent
dupes. If any Democrats iu Georgia still hug
this monster to their hearts, they are to be pitied.
A grosser imposition was never palmed off upon
any people than this Know Nothing humbug.—
When will Democrats learn to beware of the toils
of their enemy.
sgrr s*4 th* ^
“Monthem Union Movement.”
This phrase, interpreted by the lights before ns,
means, a Union of Know-Nothings and Whigs,
for tho purpose of entrapping Southern Rights
Democrats. The leaders of this Columbus move
ment are boss Know-Nothings, who see, from the
had odor now resting ou the Know-Nothing party,
that Know-Nothingism must be publicly- ignored,
and a new name substituted for the dark lantern
boys. These leaders have no idea of quitting
their dark dens. Oh, no. They wear a mask in the
day time,which they throw off when the dark lantern
begins to burn. Such men as Thos. Ragland, Esq.,
who had no word in his paper for Southern Rights
men, bettter than disuuionist, fire-eater, &c., &.C.,
talk about leading a movement for Southern
union ! We cau’t help thinking of our lamented
friend Colquitt’s story of the wood-chuck and the
skHnk.
The HnowaNothingn and the Presidency.
In the decline of the Roman Empire, after all
her Catos aud Brutuses were laid in their graves,
and she had become a mighty mass of corruption,
and was fast verging to ruin, a band of mercenaries
about the city, called the Pretoriau Band, offered
the Empire to the highest bidder; and thus several
men who had no other qualifications for the office,
except money, were raised, by the Pretorians, to
the Imperial dignity", because they liad more mon
ey than they knew what to do with, and were wil
ling to shell out. The prominent candidate of the
Know-Nothings for the Presidency, according to
the correspondents of the New York papers, is one
George Law, whom the Herald says was once an
Ostler, is now a Stockjobber, and by some fortu
nate turn of the wheel of fortune, is now very rich,
“and has more money than he knows what to do
with, aud is willing to shell out.” These, accord
ing to the Herald, are the qualifications of the
most prominent candidate among the Know-Noth
ings for the Presidency; and the Herald says, if
they fail in every other compromise, a junction of
all sections can be made upon Live-Oak George.
With our brother of the Atlanta Intelligencer, we
say “if this is Know-Nothing conservatism, Heaven
help us from such."
Tfcr Jssraal 0c Me
•erotic Platf*rus.
e did not expect that the sound nnd patriotic
resolutions of the Democratic Convention would
suit the Editor of the Jonrnal & Messenger. ;i 3
had determined, before the Convention met, tio-'to
be .suited with any thing that should be done tlier e °
He went so far as to ridicule and denounce the
platform that should be laid down, in an article
written before the Convention met. Under such
circumstances, it was not possible for the Conven
tion to erect a platform that would satisfy him
We shall notice a few of his objections, not with
any hope of answering them to his satisfaction
but to show our readers what objections our oppo.
nent° are able to make to our platform, and to the
claims of our party. First, lie objects to tho idea
of preserving the National Democratic party. It
is much easier for a Southern man to object to tho
National Democratic party, than to give am-
Sound reasons for such an objection. The records
of the Nation prove beyond controversy that, to
that party the South is indebted for the mainte
nance of her Constitutional rights in the Union
To that party, the South is indebted for the pa.,'
sage of the Kansas-Nebrnska net. Without the
assistance of Northern Democrats, the South is in
a hopeless minority in Congress. There is not one
man to be found from the North, in either branch of
our National Legislature, that 3tood by the South in
the Kansas struggle, but what belonged to the Dem
ocratic party. Why then, should the Editor of the
Journal & Messenger object to the preservation
of the National Democratic party.’ It is the oniv
party to which we can look for help to put down
fanaticism, and we have never looked to them in
vain.
Another objection our contemporary makes to
our resolutions is, that “it is a strange mixture of
Southern Rights and Democracy.” This is „
strange objection coming from a man that professes
an earnest desire to see the South uuited to sus
tain Southern Rights. If every man at the South
were united in such an effort, they could not sus-
tain the Rights of the South in the Union without
help from the North and West; and we have
learned by experience, that the only hope we have
in these sections, is the Democratic partv. No
man then, who loves the South, should complain
of a mixture of Southern Rights and Democracy in
our resolutions. It is the only mixture that can
form a compound strong enough to protect the Con
stitutional rights of the South in the Union. Does
our contemporary wish to form a pure sectional
party now, when there is no necessity for such a
party, after having objected to such a party when
the necessity was more urgent ? There are sever
al other objections to our resolutions in the same
paper, which we may notice hereafter, all going to
prove the fact that there are some men in Georgia
who are determined to oppose the Democratic par
ty, right or wrong. It makes no difference how
pure and unexceptionable may be our principles j
they are determined to oppose them, because they
are a mixture of Southern Rights and Democracy.
Many of these men have tried the Know-Nothing
sensation, until they begin to find out that it will
not take at the South, aud they are now looking
out for anew name to give to a conglomeration of
all sorts of isins, which shf.ll be formed of men that
agree in nothing but their opposition to Democra
cy. We believe, however, that there are many pa
triotic Whigs that cannot be forced into this new
conglomeration.
Where is the diffrrrner?
We have read the proceedings of several meet
ings around Muscogee county, to find out, if pos
sible, what the so-called Columbus Southern Union
movement was after. We find this to be the promi
nent idea: they propose a Union of Southern men.
opposed to all men and ail parties at the North,
that do not recognize the Constitutional rights of
the South. This is just the position of the Dem
ocratic Party of Georgia. There is this difference:
the Columbus movement, or rather its movers,
have no confidence in any party or men at the
North. The Democratic party has confidence in a
very large section of the Democracy of the North.
The proceedings of the last Congress attest the
soundness of a large section of the Northern Dem
ocracy. They stood by the South, aud throngh
the long and tedious winter nights, labored, with
out a moment’s rest, with Southern men, to secure
the passage of the Nebraska-Kansas bill; and had
it not been for the introduction of the Trojan horse
of Know-Nothingism into the ranks of the North-
era Democracy, a majority of the next Congress
would have been sound as a dollar on all constitu
tional questions. “Sam,” with his “grips” and
"pass-words,” “signs” and mysterious ceremonies,
entrapped the young and ardent spirits of the
Northern Democracy, whose inexperienced judg
ments at once yielded to the solicitations of the
black Goddess; and by this abstraction of strength,
the Northern Democracy were left in a minority.
But as sure as the sun now courses through the
heavens, so sure will the National Democracy of
the North gain the ascendency. The work is now
progressing. If Southern men will give encour
agement, aid and comfort to the bold spirits now-
breasting the fiery flood, all will yet be well. W*
know it will.
What 4*m it TImnf
Previous to the late meeting of the Cobb and
Johnson Democracy in this city, we heard through
tlieir presses, glowing accounts of democratic har
mony and enthusiasm. Well, the Convention
met, after the most persevering drumming, when
it was found that forty counties sent up no dele
gates, and many others were represented by only
one. No wonder that the spoils dynasty try to
hide their terror by noisy meetings and wholesale
abuse of their opponents. There is a reason for
the absence of delegates from nearly one half o!
the States. Can Sam tell what it means? Per
haps they are holding back for the people’s Con
vention. So mote it be.
The above excruciating groan we find in the
last Southern Recorder. Our neighbor, it is evi
dent, hears with little fortitude the “coming
events” foreshadowed by tiie late unusually large
and able Convention. But as the Recorder seems
in so much trouble on account of the size of the late
Democratic Convention, let us compare it with
the great Convention which nominated Mr. Jen
kins for Governor. Iu that Convention there
were 137 delegates and proxies. There wcrefifin
two counties represented by delegates nnd prox
ies. Mr. Orme of the Recorder represented one
county in part, Mr. Knowles another, and two
citizens of Milledgcvillc represented two counties.
This was the great Convention that nominated
Mr. Jenkins! Now compare it with the conven
tion of the 5tli June inst. There were serevty
four counties represented by one hundred and seven
ty four delegates. Wc had in our pocket, letters
which would have entitled two more counties to s
representation, but we felt satisfied that the dele
gates present were numerous enough and able
enough to discharge the duties incumbent on
them without our humble assistance. It the Re
corder is unhappy on account of the size of the
late Democratic Convention, it is a manifestation
of disinterested benevolence which its own con
science will no doubt amply reward.
The opposition.
The Savannah Republican sneers at the re-nom
ination of Gov. Johnson. Its objections may b«
summed up in this brief sentence, it won t do —
Why won’t it do? We can answer for the Re
publican. It won’t do, because Gov. Johnson is
a Democrat, an uncompromising opponent o
Know-Nothingism. There are few men iu t ,eor
gia whose candor is worthy of respect, who w»
deny that Gov. Johnson lias made a very good
Governor. He has administered the affiuis ot
State judiciously and successfully. Then
do we see such a scornful response from the
vannah Republican? Tliat paper took the inib»-
tive two years ago in bitter abuse of Judge Jo ^
son. It renews its attacks in a spirit of illiberal
commentary on his re-nomination, which for
shadows the character of the war it will wage ^
the Democratic nominee. We expect no ot
mode of warfare from the Republican and its
laborers; we confide in the good sense of the p*
pie of Georgia to administer the :—
to the malignant political enemies of our can
date