The federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1830-1861, June 26, 1855, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextBOCGHTO*,NISBET&BARKIS, Publishers and Proprietors. H. If. BOll'HTOS, j jO*. H. WSBET. j TE RMS. THE FEDERAL UZTXOIT, j. publish/<1 U'eckiy, in the Darien Bank Building, V 32 00 per Annum, payable in advance, 50 if n®* paid within three months, and j*3 qq it not paid before the end of ihe year. * KATES OF ADVERTI8M6, Per square of Ureter. lines. Om 1 insertion $1 OH, and Fifty Ceuta for each sub sequent continuance. Ttiosc sent without a specification of the number of insertions, will be published till forbid, and pliars^ii accordinply. liiisinc.ss or Professional Cards, per year, where thev Jo not exceed one square - - - $10 00 i I,Itrul contract trill hr wade irith those trho wish to Adrcrtise by the year, occupying a specified space. LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS, fi.des of I-and and Negroes, by Administrators, F.xic.utor.s or Guardians, are required by law to be held ou the First Tuesday in the mouth, between the hours of Id in the forenoon and 3 in the after noon, at the Court House in the County in which the property is situated. Notice of these sides must be given in a public gazette 40 days previous to the day of sale. *" Vutxcs for the sale of personal property must be given in like manner II) days previous to sale day. h Notices to the debtors and creditors of an estate must also be published 40 days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Laud or Negroes, must he published for two months. Citations for letters of Administration, Guardian ship, Ac., must be published 30 days—for dismis sion from Administration, monthly sir months—for dismisdon front Guardianship, 40 days. Kules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for four months—tor establishing lost papers, for the full space, of three months—for com pelling tides from Executors or Administrators, wh-rc bund has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, at the following RATES: Citations on letters of Administration. &c. $2 75 “ “ dismissory from AdnirV.n. 4 50 “ “ “ Guardianship 3 00 Leave to sell Land or Negroes 4 00 Notice to debtors and creditors 3 00 .Sali ii of persponai property, ten days, 1 sqr. 1 50 Sale of land or negroes by Executors, &c. 5 00 Estravs. two weeks 1 50 Fora man advertising liis wife (in advance) 5 (X) Letters on business must be Post Paid to entitle them to attention. VOLUME XXVI.] MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY. JUNE 26, 1855. [NUMBER 4. BUSINESS CAKDS. Practice of Medicine and Surgery. DR. CHARLES H. HALL, Proffers liis services to the citizens of Milledgc- ville and vicinity. Office on Hancock Street, first door East of the Masonic Hall, where lie can he found at all times, unless professionally employed. April 3uth, 1855. 4c—tf. TliOS. s. WAYNE. R. AI.EX. WAYNE. THOS. S. WAYNE & SON, General fommfesioo & Forwarding It 1R IIA1V S, SAVANNAH, GA. All business intrusted to their care will meet witli prompt, attention. 38 ly A. S. HART RIDGE, Factor and General Commission Merchant, No. 9S, But Ktrcet, Sntnnnah, Cro. REFERENCES. Geo. W. Anderson, Ex-President Planters F,au!», Savannah; C. F. Mills, Esq.. President Marine Rank, I. C. Plant, Agent of Marine Bank at Macon; C. H. Wrioiit, Esq., Milledgeville; W. HoniiF.s, Agent of Planters Hank at Sandersville; R. II. 1). Sorrell, Agent of Planters Hank at Americus. February 20, 1855 38—6m. JOHN F. SHINE, A T TO R NE Y AT LA W, MARIO*. GA. Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to his care. 32 lv THOS. T. LONG, A TTORNEY AT L A W, BRUNSWICK, GA. U JILL practice in the Courts of Glynn, Wayne, Camden, McIntosh, Liberty and Chatham, of the Eastern Circuit; Charlton, Lowndes, Clinch, Ware and Appling, of the Southern; also, Duval county, Florida. 51 ]v 4JIIAS. E NISBET, A TTO II NE Y AT LA TV, Cuthberi, Ga. April 3d, 1854. 44 HENRY If END KICK, A T TO R N E Y AT LA TV, JACKSON, BUTTS Co., GA. CIIAS. G. CAMPBELL, AT TO R NE Y A T L A W, MILLEDGEVILLE, GA. T,\>ILL attend promptly to all business entrust- * ' ea to ids care. Particular attention paid to collecting. Milledgeville, Feb. 22, 1853.38 tf J. «. CAMP, ATTORNEY AT LAW, CAMPHELLTON, GA. BACON! BACON!! 400,000 LBS., CHOICE BACON, For j>aic at our House in CimUanooiia, Trim. CHANDLER Sc CO. Chattanooga, April 24, 1855. 47 3m. If otice to Landholders. »pHE I ndersijnied will attend to the selling or X examining .and giving information of LANDS b'i- n g iu any of the Counties of S. W. Georgia ou reasonable terms. A. P. GREER, Albany, Geo. References—H. Hora, Hon. Lott Warren, R. H. Clark, Albany, Ga., J. C. Stephen, Newton, Ga. November 22, 1853. 25—tf. OS, S. D. BRANTLEY & CO. Wholesale and Retail DriiitgiMs Corner Broughton and TV/tit a leer sheets. SAVANNAH, ga. U T OPLD respectfully call the attention ofthe cit- 1 izena of Savannah, Physicians and Planters, to thnr en> naive and carefully selected Stock of French hrugy, Chemicals and Medicines. PHYSICIANS “ipp led with the purest French, English, and American Chemical,, Surgical. Dissecting, and Amputating Instru- ®eni«, l.nrwets, Forceps, Capping Instruments, Medical Bag", Ac. PLANTERS With Faints, Oil, DyeStuffs, Garden Seed. Medicine Chests. bi C , Country Merchants and Planters supplied will, gen- u ' r ie 1)ru-, at as low rates as can he liad in any city O'tmh Every aritcle sold, warranted pure, fresh and genuine. S. LL BRANTLEY, THOS. S. POWELL August 8, 1854. 10 ly MONEY MUST COME! "V"' >TES and Accounts will not pay Hank Note*, v therefore all persons owing us and failing to P, a 7. "ill be sued in the Justice’s and Inferior Courts without further delav. CHOICE & MEGRATH. '■“hruary lOtfc, 1855. 37—tf. pure oils of COGNIAC, WINEand RUM, M ::h directions. For Sale by CARNES A BASKBL. 18 & 20 PLATT STREET, May 29,1855. 52—3m. New York. REDDING HOUSE, MACON, GEORGIA. REDDING, B. F. DENSE, Proprietor. Superintendent. Macon, August 21, 1854. 12 ly RHODES* Certain cure for Chills and Fever, Jl ST Received, <tud for Sale by E. J WHITE From the Columbus Times Jfc. Sentinel. Interesting Correspondence. MAJ. JOHN H. HOWARD TO GOV. H. V. JOHNSON. Montgomery, Ala., June 1st, 1855. Dear Governor:—I sent you, a dav or two ago, from Columbus, Ga., the proceed ings of some patriotic and true men, which I hope you have duly considered and prop erly appreciated. AYliile attending a case in Court here, I snatch an hour to support the policy of the resolutions referred to.— Under the settled conviction that the dis visions of the South into mere partizan warfare, will forever render her weak and imbecile and continue her an easy and un resisting prey to Northern aggression, I am an advocate warmly for the union of the people of the State upon one platform —Although these have been my opinions for some years past I do not claim the pa ternity of the resolutions offered in a Dein ocratic meeting a few days past at Coiunt bus, and rejected by the imprudent exclu siveness of Judge Iverson's party policy; they are neither John A. Jones’ nor mine, but the spontaneous effusion of a people fatigued with party and its delusive promises of good, no matter how successful in numerical force. As long as opposing parties are tolera ted and encouraged at the South, just so long will we be scoffed at by the North for our impotence, and humiliated iu our own estimation front a knowledge of our weak ness; but let us throw off these shackles and we are at once placed in an attitude to command respect. No time ever, in my recollection, has been so propitious as the present to cure this canker upon our poli tics. The Whig party is rather below pat- in its expectations of attaining to and maintaining a State ascendancy, and more over, somewhat convinced that their poli cy. for a few years past, has not been very well calculated to advance or even to pro tect the interests of the South, they are well inclined to meet us: while the Democ racy, true to the Constitution, and beating up constantly for auxiliaries in the great work, evince openly a good temper in in viting all to come forward and join them in the defence of the constitutional rights of the Country. The feeling predicated up on a sound judgement of the necessity of the thing, is good and warm among all classes of Democrats, Whigs and Know Nothings, except a few exclusives of all parties, who, from personal selfishness, will insist upon the propriety of their sepa rate organizations. But notwithstanding this good feeling certainly prevails, still Wliigs and Know Nothings will not come into the Democratic parly in such num bers as will amount to a disruption and breaking up of their own parties; they must have an opportunity, by going into a gen eral Convention, to make their own decla rations of faith, and saying this is tny plat form; for if Sterne’s recording angel were to come down from Heaven, and give us a platform of principles, the spirit of an op posing party would blot it out forever. I care not how wise, how pure, how patriot ic the Democratic platform of principles may he, opposing parties will reject the principles by their opposition to the men who are chosen as the standard hearers to carry out those principles. How is this evil to he avoided l Simply by the repre sentatives of the Democracy who meet on the 5th inst., consulting the known preju dices and weakness of our nature and invi ting a Convention of all parties and the whole people to meet in July or August to nominate a Governor and make a declara tion of principles free from the trammels of instruction or dictation of any party or of any set of exclusive politicians. Whigs and Know Nothings, like all other parties, to he content with, and support the truth, must have an agency or hand in making a declaration of that truth; they must have it iu tlieir power from practical co-opera tion to say, “here are our principles,” “we the people of Georgia promulgated them in General Convention.” But so long as thev are announced as the principles of the Democratic Party, though the princi ples may not he opposed, yet the Party will be, and the strength of the State set at naught and destroyed by the continued divisions of the people. Had I your offi cial position, and personal influence, at this juncture. 1 flatter myself I could, and would, do a great deal, to conciliate and reconcile old party elements. 1 think, with the good disposition which prevails, tliat it is in the power of a few active and sensible men of the Democratic Party to bring the people together, at least, fora tinted and although they will again split into jtarties as new and important ques tions may arise, yet they most probably would he united and Ann upon the ques tion of Northern inroads upon Southern Itights, not only in relation to slavery, hut upon all the latitudinarian practices, viola tive of the Constitution, of which we have so long and justly complained without the slightest influence upon irresponsible ma jorities. The proposition “to be one peo ple." is so pretty, and lair, and virtuous and statesmanlike, that it satisfies the judgment as well as delights the imagina tion. If it can he effected, it will he the happiest era of the age, as it will bear up on its glorious pinions more weight and in fluence than all the written Constitutions we have ever framed. And how glorious and honorable to the Democratic Party to make the motion in her Convention and point the way to bring the »8tate to its senses and unite the people in their own defence. How magnanimous and truly praiseworthy to yield her party supremacy to a power far more potential and effective for public good and public tranquility of the State ! There is eestacy in the con templation of its happy results. All this is in the scope and power of a few men, because it is wise t and ju*>i aiul politic. It is approved by reason and sound sense, and more than all, desired by the people, who always have a right to govern. AV ho that is patriotic can object to this ? Certainly not the Democracy, for they are now using the press, and tlieir orators and statesmen, to invoke the people to join them. The Democracy is now busily electioneering for, and soliciting recruits to advance the interest of the people, and especially to protect the South and its institutions.— The Whigs now maintain the same prin ciples. Why, then, keep up that jealous distance between the parties? There is no sound philosophy or patriotism in such policy; it is misguided and erratic. Oh! But the Know Nothings! Who are they? I answer they at* not Bears, bnt Pea-pie too. Men of intelligence and worth, hav ing the same interest in the country as oth er people. They are composed of Whigs and Democrats, and very clear, in my judgment, of the imputations cast upon them by Mr. Stephens, who should have remembered liis own association with Northern Whiggery might have subjected him with equal plausibility to the same charge ofbeing found in bad company. It is absurd and ridiculous to charge them with any connection or sympathy with the Northern Abolition Party. Upon that question I w ould as soon rely upon them as upon your Excellency, and from your known active exertions iu defence of South ern institutions, that, I would say, is put ting the case for their loyalty to the South in a strong point of view. 1 have no con nection with them, I assure you, hut I have lately discovered, by their open avowals, many men as pure, patriotic, and talented as our country affords; they have secrets, I dare say, and so have all parties; they are but a party upon the same organ ic rule of other parties, to stick together and promote each other in order to carry out tlieir principles. I object to their re ligious proscription. I would fight for the free exercise of religious opinions, whether Catholic or Protestant. But I believe this is a mere hoax to unite w ith them the Pro testant Clergy; but in regard to discourag ing foreign immigration, I am decully with them. I care not w’ho knows my opinions. I hold these propositions to be undeniable: First, That this Country, States and Territories, belong to us; and by “us,” I mean the naturalized, as well as native citizens: Second, That the same reasons which induced the naturalization laws, at the time of their passage, do not now exist. We then wanted strength; w e are now strong enough to defend ourselves against any expected combination of the world : Third, It is our right to take care of ourselves, and we are not tinder the slightest obligation to afford an asylum to the. rest of the world: and Fourth, It is bad policy to pass laws which would have the effect of prematurely filling up the country; our population is dense enough; we want what remains unoccupied for our own children. And it is the interest and duty of both naturalized and native citi zens to put a stop to further immigration. 1 would not take from a naturalized citizen a tittle of his privileges, and will support him for office, according to comparative qualifications; at least, his foreign birth, shall never, with me, be an objection.— But the true policy of the country is to put an end to further immigration, and I am willing to meet any man upon that ques tion; the contrary opinion cannot he de fended, and would not he attempted, hut for the policy of Parties, to cater for votes. The Know Nothings of Muscogee, under the beautiful proposition of becoming one people, will go into the Convention and support you or any other candidate the people will put forward. 1 speak advi sedly. By such a Convention, you ought, and would he chosen, because harmony is the spirit and soul of the movement, and no objection could, or would he urged against you. Mr., 1 understand, savs that he could not extend to you his support, under any circumstances, what ever. I think he would he found, with all his influence, a solitary exception. The very act of going into Convention dissolves the Know Nothings as a party, and ipso facto merges them, as it does all others, in to the great mass of the people. Though in groat haste, I may have written too much, hut 1 have said nothing wrong, as my whole aim is to unite the people; by dissipating tlieir mere party prejudices; if this can be done by a patriotic course ot the Democratic Convention, 1 shall indeed be happy: the people, 1 am sure, desire this union of political and social action; and the responsibility of rejecting their wishes rests not upon the Democratic par ti*, hut upon those gentlemen at Milledge- villc who, pro forma, represent a portion ot the party. I am truly and friendly. Yours, &c., J. H. Howard. P. S. Please show this to my friends, Pringle and Clark, as I have an adjourned difficulty with these gentlemen, in regard to the propriety of my position. And al so to any of our friends you please, saving those men who may be too proud or vain to think. J. H. H. Governor II. V. Johnson to Maj. John H. Howard. Executive Chamber, ) Milledgeville, Geo., June 11th. ) Maj. John H. Howard, Columbus, Geo. Dear Sir:-I received your favor, en closing me a copy ot the proceedings of the Meeting at Temperance Hall on the 26th of May, in which you beg me “not to op pose this movement.” I also received your communication of the 1st inst., writ ten at Montgomery, Ala., supporting, by an elaborate argument, the policy fore shadowed in the resolutions adopted, by the meeting referred to. My nomination, and acceptance of the candidacy for the of fice of Governor, by the late Democratic Convention, apprise you more forcibly than I could express, in words, of my utter and entire dissent from the line of policy which you urge. Not desiring to be conspicuous, I should not have obtruded my views upon the public, hut my great respect for you •would not permit me to he silent, and jus tice to myself, in view of the position 1 oc cupy before the people of Georgia, requires that I should be fully understood, in order that I may not seem captiously to oppose a movement so specious, and emanating from a source so respectable. Without arrogance, I believe I am as true a Southern Bights man as any you can find—as firmly attached to Southern interests—as prompt to unite in their en ergetic vindication and support. I fully evinced all this in the contest of 1850, which grew out of the acts of Congress, known as the “Compromise Measures.”— Upon that issue I acted with the Southern Rights party. In common with them, I was in favor of a temporary severance of party alliance with the North—temporari ly, until that issue should be settled. For this purpose, I desired to see all the slave holding States constitute “one people and one party,” and that they should meet in Southern Convention, not to dissolve the Union, but to adopt a platform upon which Southern Bights might be maintained and the Union preserved. I preferred this course to seperate action by the State, be- cause I believed that its moral effect upon I the North would be potent for the accom- l plishment of our patriotic purposes. But ' the people of this State, by an overwhelm- ■ ing majority, adjudged otherwise. They decided that Georgia should act for her self, take her own position and lay down ' her own platform. In sovereign Conven- ' tion, she gave expression to her final deter mination in the bold, fearless and solemn | language of the 4th Resolution, to wit: 1 That the Sate of Georgia, in the judgment of this convention, will and ought to resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to the Union, any action of Congress upon tiie subject of Slavery in the District of Columbia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with the safety, do mestic tranquality, the rights and honor of the slaveholding States; or any act suppressing the slave trade between the slaveholding States; or any refusal to admit as a State any territory here after applying, because of the existence of slavery therein; or any act prohibiting the introduction j of slaves iuto the territories of Utah and New Mexico; or any act repealing or materially modi fying the laws iu force for the recovery offugitve slaves. When Georgia had thus authoritatively decided to acquiesce in the Compromise Measures—to act for herself, irrespective of onr sister Southern States, by announ cing solemnly the futute conditions on which she would remain in the Union, I regarded the question which gave rise to the formation of tlx? Southern Bights and Union parties as settled, and that, conse quently, the necessity for their continu ance as political organizations ceased. I was satisfied with the platform, and if a Southern Convention had been held, I could not have asked it to take higher and stronger ground. I would have been bet ter pleased with the same platform adop ted by such a body, for the reason only, of its greater moral weight, with the North ern portion of our Confederacy. The Southern Rights and Union par ties of 1S50 and ’51 being thus disbanded by the cessation of the causes which brought them into being, it became a question with us all—Whigs and Democrats—whither should we go? The Democrats of Geor gia, myself included, seeing that among the Northern Democracy were sound men—ready to stand by the South—ready to stand by the Fugitive Slave law and consider the passage of the “Compromise Measures” as a final settlement of the slavery agitation—determined to he re presented in the, then, approaching Balti more Convention, to support its nominees and abide its action, provided they would come squarely up to our position. That bodj* did so. They determined to stand by the Compromise Measures; to enforce the Fugitive Slave law, and resist its re peal or modification. They nominated General Fierce, and with him as our lead er, and those principles inscribed upon our banner, the National Democratic par ty was thoroughly re-organized and marched to victory. Now I respectfully ask, lias not General Fierce faithfully car ried out the principles of that Baltimore platform? Has he not enforced the exe cution of the Fugitive Slave Law? Has he not given evidence of great firmness and soundness of constitutional construc tion, in liis able and admirable vetoes? Aye more—in the last Congress when one great principle of the Compromise meas ures, that new States should be admitted into the Union, with or without slavery, as their people might determine for them selves, came to be practically applied on the passage of the Kansas Nebraska hill, did not a large portion of Northern and Western Democratic members faithfully redeem their pledges? Did they not aid the South in repealing the Missouri re striction, under which she had writhed for thirty years, as degrading to her equality and violative of the Constitution? If these things be true, why should Georgia dis solve her alliance with the sound Demo crats of the North? What have they done since we marched with them to victory in the late Fresidential election, to forfeit our confidence? I know tliat all Northern Democrats are not, necessarily, sound up on the slavery question—many of them are rotten to the heart’s centre. But I do believe that the sound men among them govern the Democratic party North, so as to prevent a permanent course of policy by that party hostile to the rights and in terests of the South. They arc at least the exponents of a powerful substratum of patriotism and constitutional conservatism among the masses of the people of the North, which will crop out in times of peril and stand like a wall of granite against the tide of fanaticism. Therefore, I think, we are hound in good faith to stand by them so long as they are true to the pledges to which I have alluded. Let us preserve the brotherhood of party alli ance between the North and the South while it affords a hope for the maintain- anee of our rights in the Union. But the preamble to your resolutions asserts “that the gallant band of patriots within those States who are friends to the South and faithful to the constitutiou, and whom we remember with gratitude, have been routed, disbanded and almost anni hilated,” and therefore, the Temperance Hall meeting solemnly resolve “to repu diate all fellowship with the present na tional political organizations.” It is even true that these, our friends, have fallen. But how and at whose hands? Fallen in their strife for us—for repealing the Mis souri restriction—for standing by the principle that the people of new States shall determine for themselves the ques tion of slavery, and be admitted into the Upion accordingly—for abiding the Fugi tive Slave law—fallen at the hands of the enemies of the South, banded together in infernal alliance under the sable' flag of Know Nothingism, which, at the North, is but another name for Frecsoil and Aboli tionism. Is it for such a reason as this, we should abandon them? Southern chi valry revolts at the proposition. South ern gratitude jvill not permit it to he en tertained. Ours are not the people to leave the wounded and dying on the field when they have received the blows for fighting by their side. They will rather administer to them—succor, aid and en courage them, that we may have their ser vices in the next and rapidly approaching struggle. In the next Congress there will be a score of members from the free States, who stood by the South on the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and if Kansas applies with a pro-slavery Constitution, these men will vote for her admission. But will they do it, if they find that the South has ent off all party alliance with them? Is it to he expected? and snppose Kansas, with such a Constitution, should be reject ed, as she probably will, and an appeal should be made to the non slaveholding States to return members to the following Congress who will vote for her admission, what hope should we then have of a suc cessful appeal, if we shall have dissolved our party alliance with them? Absolute ly none. If the Smith sectionalizes her self, the North will take a similar posi tion; and being in the minority, we must either submit to dishonor and degradation, or dissolve the Union. There is no avoid ing one of these alternatives, and, there fore, I am for standing bv onr Northern friends, for the present, as the best course to maintain our rights in the Union. In 1S50, as before remarked, I was an ardent hut humble member of the South ern Rights party. It was a sectional or ganization,'from the very nature of the circumstances and questions which brought it into being. I belonged to that party, because the compromise measures, in my judgment, were of such a character, as to demand firm and united action on the part of the Southern States. We had present ed to us a practical, tangible, exciting and solemn issue, involving the interests of our domestic institutions. The two par ties that then sprung up, grew naturally from the character of the question ‘to be decided. But is there any issue now?— Has Congress committed any overt act hostile to the slavery interest? So far from this being true, the measures of the last Congress evince more justice to the South than has been awarded to her for many years; and what is more important, those measures were sustained by a large number of Northern and Western Demo cratic members. What then is to be gain ed by sectional organization? Show me the necessity for it, and I shall advocate it with earnest zeal. The “Columbus Movement,” as it is called, is put forward under the specious suggestion for us to he “one people and one party.” This indeed sounds beauti fully. It smacks of a political millenium. But, however, desirable, we cannot be “one people and one party’ 4 until we shall all think alike. In a government like ours, where freedom of thought and debate is tolerated, diversity of sentiment must needs exist. Now, right or wrong, experience shows this to be true. In 1832, it was considered that patriotism should prompt us to he “one people and one par ty” on the Tariff question. In 1850, manv of us thought we should he “one people and one party” on the Compromise question. On each of these occasions there was a great exciting issue, deeply affecting the rights and interests of the South. But how egregiously were we divided! you have no such issue now —indeed, no present pending issue. Then, if we could not be “one people and one party” in 1832 and 1850, when there were great subjects of excitement, is it not utopian to expect it now, in the absence of any condensing element in the popular mind? In action, the masses of freemen are harmonious; in discussion, rarely ever. We shall differ in Georgia, and be ar ranged into party organizations until the time for action shall come. • Then we shall be “one people and one party.” Let the 4th Resolution of the Georgia Conventioii of 1850, he trampled under foot by Con gress and then our people with one ac cord, without the suggestion of preliminary mootings, will rush together, like the gathering elements of the brewing tem pest. Looking at all the circumstances, I can but regard the “Columbus Movement” as very singular. Congress has been ad journed ever since the 4th of March, the Northern and Western eloctions have transpired several weeks ago; no very re cent development hostile to Southern Rights has occurred, and yet not a sylla ble is suggested, as to the formation of a Southern party, until two of the most prominent leaders of the Whig party, in Georgia, have thrown bomb shells into the ranks of Know Nothingism, and the Demo cratic party of Georgia has been aroused and organized, and are about to meet in Convention. How is this? Why has this patriotism slumbered so long? Why wait until the position of certain Whig leaders was known? Why wait until just on the eve of the Democratic Convention? Was it to be supposed that the Democratic par ty of Georgia, with its seventy-four coun ties, represented by one hundred and seventy-five delegates, assembled in Mil ledgeville, ready for action, flushed with ardent hopes of success, in a patriotic cause, would disband, go home and re pudiate their organization, at the bidding of the Temperance Hall meeting? How could it reasonably be expected, that such a request would be complied with? So far from making us “one people and one par ty,” nothing has ever occurred in our State, so calculated to divide and distract public sentiment. If the known patriotism and character of those who lead in this “movement” did not raise a presumption against such a mo tive, I would conclude, that schism, and heart burning and angry strife, were the effects they desired to produce. For these, to the minds of the dispassionate, will be its legitimate fruits. In the spirit of sober, but earnest appeal, I would warn the peo ple against it. It is fraught with mischief, and mischief only. I consider the people of Georgia pledg ed to the provisions of the 4th Resolution of the Georgia Platform. It speaks the sovereign voice of the State, and we owe it the homage of allegiance. The Democratic Party of Georgia re-united with their National Democratic brethren in the Baltimore Convention upon the un derstanding, that they would, on their part, adhere to the principles ofthe Com promise. They have done so; and so long as they continue to do so, we are, in honor, hound to stand by them—certainly hound to stand by them until it shall be demon strated, that our alliance with them is unavailing for the protection of our rights under the Constitution. Therefore, to re solve ourselves into a sectional organiza tion, in advance of any ofthe contingen cies enumerated in that 4th Besolution, is virtual disloyalty to it, and a practical repudiation of the terms on which the Georgia Democracy went into the Balti more Convention. To do either, is incom patible with good faith and sound policy. In a popular govemmennt like ours, two parties will always exist, based sever ally upon a strict and latitudinons con struction of the Federal Constitution.— Call them by what names you will, this great touchstone will indicate their identi ty. Such parties, in this country, are coe- aval with the formation of onr political system. The one is the Democratic or Republican, and the other is the Whig or Federal party. Their struggle for su premacy has been continued, with earnest zeal, throughout our entire history. The Democratic party has generally been in the ascendancy. It has originated nearly all the great measures which have shaped the policy ofthe government. Indeed, it has always, with two or three exceptions, been emphatically the party of the ad ministration, and, guided by the rale of strict construction, has regulated the Tar iff, opposed a system of Internal Improve ments, supplanted a National Bank, con ducted ,our wars with foreigu powers, and enlarged our borders by territorial acquisi tions. It is ancient, fixed and unchang ing. Its principles find a response in the deep inteutions of the popular mind. It is the party of progress, because it gives the largest freedom to individual enterprise, lustry and capital, that is compatible with the general weal. Hence, whoever oppose it, under whatsoever party name they may he associated, oppose the Demo cratic party. I respectfully ask you, whether it is desirable for this party to be overthrown? Is it judicious to encourage and strengthen the opposition to it? Look ing at the great fundamental principles on which it rests—the principles of popular rights and popular sovereignty,—would not its annihilation be a public calamity? Strike out its history from our national an nals; erase its measures from our State and Federal legislative records, and what would you have left? Scarcely anything to awaken the pride of an American, or com mand the respect of foreign powers. Yet by the 4th Resolution of the “Columbus Movement,” you distinctly seek to annul this great national party. Is this wise? Is not the experiment fraught with incal culable danger? I subscribe cordially to the sentiment of the 3d Besolution, adopted by the “Tem perance Hall meeting,” that “the time has arrived when our fellow citizens should cease from their dissensions, and forget the differences which have separated them; and that a common danger and a common enemy should unite us for our common defence and safety.” So thought the late Democratic Convention, and for the purpose of effecting this object, as nearly as possible, they did not bring into prominence, the characteristic measures and principles of the Democratic party, as issues in the present canvass. But, con sidering them as having “become the fixed and settled policy of the country,” they declare that they “no longer afford grounds for continued separation and conflict,” be tween Southern Whigs and Democrats. Hence, leaving them, as it were, in the background, they asked “the co-operation of all citizens of Georgia, regardless of all party distinctions” upon the “questions of paramount importance,” which are forced upon us, by recent political developments, and which involve our “common defence and safety.” Now, if you and the friends of the Columbus movement approve of that platform, why not stand upon it? If sound, why should any man oppose it, or oppose those who advocate it? I put the ques tion to every calm, dispassionate man in Georgia. Shall pride of opinion, shall party prejudice, shall even personal dis like to men stand between patriotic duty and our Country’s good? I mean no disparagement, by any of my remarks, to the patriotism and sound ness of Southern “Know Nothings.” I am inexorably opposed to tlie Order, op posed to its secrecy and to its principles of religious and political proscription. I would not insinuate, however, that South ern gentlemen, because they belong to that party, are, therefore, unworthy of confi dence, in reference to the great questions which are now pressing upon us for action and decision. Bat I do think that the “Columbus movement” would have ap peared more plausible, and certainly not less modest, if it had not ventured to put forward a platform. If it had been made immediately after northern Know Noth- ingtsm had achieved these victories, so hostile to Southern rights, and had simply made a call for all the friends of the South in Georgia, without distinction of party, to meet and organize as, “one peo ple and one party,” for the maintainance of the Constitution, it would have seemed appropriate even if not responded to. The agents of that “movement,’ took no alarm, however, while “Know Nothingism” was catting its triumphant march through and over the friends of the South; but it was after its hosts became dismayed, in this State, by the open denunciations of the Whig leaders. Not only this, but they lay down their platform to suit themselves, and ask all Georgia to rally to that, and to do so, with unanimity. But it mav be asked, is not the platform very good?— Grant it. So is the platform of the late Democratic Convention, just as good—I think far better. Certainly, then, it is qnite as reasonable, for our Columbus friends to come to ours, as for all the State to go to theirs. It is easier for Mahomet to go to the mountain, than for the moun tain to go Mahomet. But why promul gate a platform at all, if they wanted to lay aside all former causes of difference, and bring about fraternal union among the people of the State? Did they not know that it would engender discussion? and that discussion would engender schism? and that schism would defeat the milleni um? In response, therefore, to their call, I earnestly invite you and all the friends of the “Columbus movement,” and all con stitutional men, without distinction of par ty, to rally to our platform. It is emi nently Southern—eminently national; and if it he impracticable for us all to stand upon it, as “one people and one party,” let us endeavor to approximate it, as nearly as possible. I have the honor to remain, Your ob’t serv’t and friend. HEBSCHEL Y. JOHNSON. The “ten thousand Irishmen” who de feated the know nothings in Virginia, un fortunately for the veracity of the Wash ington American Organ, are dispensed of by the census, which shows there are hot 7000 foreign born persons in Virginia— men women and children. Letter fan the Eoi. 1. B. iMgitreet, Keew-Rothiigim. We find in the last number of the Nash ville Union and American, a letter on this absorbing question, from this distinguished native Georgian, now President of the University of Mississippi. The name of Augustus B. Longstreet is endeared to the people of Georgia by many ties in the nis- tory of the past. It is a name which we were taught to revere in early youth as synonomous with all that was bold and fearless in the character of the advocate, with all that was parental and dignified in the sage instructor, and with all that was pure and honest and upright in the minister of the gospel. The old men of Georgia have been accustomed to love him as a brother, the young men, scattered through out the State, who, from his lips, have heard the lessons of wisdom, continue to revere him as a father. There is no man in Georgia who will dare stand up and say that A. B. Longstreet speaks from impure motives. The indignant frowns of an non est people would paralyse the sacriligions effort. Judge Longstreet has been forced from his retirement to come oat and speak upon this question; bnt having come out, he has met the issue with that boldness and honesty which characterizes the man. He speaks to the people in the voice of warning wisdom, and tells them to beware of an organization, which mast lead to reli gions intolerance and persecution. ' The circumstances which led to the pub lication of this letter, arose from an attack made upon the Judge by the Memphis Eagle If Enquirer, charging him with preaching anti-Know-Nothing doctrines. After alluding to the Editors of that pa per who have assailed him as the head of the Mississippi University, he proceeds to condemn the order in the terms to be found in the extracts below. Let every Georgian read them carefully and ponder over them well, whether he be Know-Nothing or anti- Know-Nothing.—Const. Sf Rep. “In July last I had just heard of a new organization in the country—secret in its movements, and going under the name of Know-Nothings. Its principles, I under stood to be, opposition to Catholics and Foreigners, to be planned in the dark, strengthened by oaths and manifested at the ballot box. It filled me with alarm. I saw in it the elements of rapid expan sion and awful explosion, I exhibited them to the class that graduated in that month, and forewarned them to have noth ing to do with it. Had I been inspired, I could hardly have foreshadowed its histo ry more accurately than I did. Of my pre diction nothing remains to be fulfilled, bnt the outpouring of more blood. My fore cast in relation to it, ought to ensure res pect for my judgment in and about Oxford at least; but it is that very forecast, which is raising a buzz of discontent against me in this vicinity now. This is the sin which brought out against me tlie recondite Pres ses which I have named above. It is called “dabbling in politics," hut its true name is “ Unpalatable *tVuth.” This is the sin for which I am soon, perchance, to be sacrificed. They that stoned the Prophets of old, are yet alive, and why should I ex- S ect a better fate than theirs? Well, I o not know that a better use could be made of my old carcass, than the offering of it up on the altar of this American Baal. An incense might arise from it that would do more to purify the Church and the State from this modern abomination, than any thing which can eminate from my poor frost-covered brain. The public has now the sum total of my political sins, public and new some l so. I am committed against i oppose it for ever—not in the class room, bnt every where else—not as a partisan, bnt as a Christian This the patrons of the University should know. For all the hon ors and emoluments of earth, I could not be induced to assume a position of neutral ity in regard to it If all experience he not a falsehood, and all history a fable, it will throw this country into ceaseless convul sions, if it be not crashed, and that speedily. In my view, every man who has a scru ple’s influence, should rise against it—now —immediately, ere it he forever to late. Indeed, it allows no neutrality. With all its professed Americanism, it assumes an absolute dictatorship. It will allow no man to. question its purity or its policy. It gathers within its pale, men of dignity, tal ent and piety, preachers and teachers, and with them, the most depraved, abandoned, desperate, God-defying sinners upon the earth; binds them by oaths in the bonds of fellowship, and sets them all at work in politics, and nothing but politics. I find a Christian brother among them—I read to him II Cor. Vi. 14 and on, and I implore him to come out from such connections; and it addresses me in tones of despotic authority in this wise: “Sir, my name is Politics—yon are a Clergyman, and Cler gymen shonld have nothing to do with Pol itics. 1 " '‘Right,” cries my brother, “old man, you’ll ruin yourself if you meddle with politics!” I say to him “your oaths are against the laws of God and your Church.” “Sir,” it responds, “do you thus denounce the pious of my order—have you no respect for the Church or your place ?” I denounce the sinners of the band and the Saints reprove me. I re prove the Saints and the sinners denounce me! The Saint shields the sinner, and the sinner the saint. If such a combina tion is not enough to make the Church and State both shudder, I know not what would. On me the new Order bears with intol erable pressure. It rises before me like the ghost of Banquo, at my every step in the pathway of duty. I am a preacher: If I preach upon the sanctity of oaths, it regards itself insulted, and attacks me accordingly. If I preach to the Christians to come out from the wicked, it insults me for assailing Know- Nothings. I if preach that the love of Christ is not bounded by State lines, it charges me with attacking the article of its creed against foreigners. J am a teacher: If I teach that unlaw ful promises are not binding; I shall be charged with justifying the exposure of Know-Nothing secrets. If I set the les son to my pupils wherein J. B. S%y says that every accession of a man to a country is an accession of treasure; I am to be pub lished to the world as indoctrinating my pu pils in anti-Know-Nothing politics. As I am ever to he gored by this young mad bull, I had as well take it by the horns at once. Let the order keep its hands off me, the .Church, and the Constitution, and I will never disturb it.” “A word to the good people of Mississip pi and I have done. Yon nave a Univer sity of which you may justly feet proud. For harmony and kindly feeling among the Faculty, for good order, good morals, gentlemanly demeanor, study and progress among the students, and for ardent atitaeh- ment between preceptors and pupils, you

Georgia Historic Newspapers

The federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1830-1861, June 26, 1855, Image 1