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bt*y fearlessly challenge a comparison with
any other institution in the world. For its
age, it has not its equal in point of patron
age and rank in the United States. In
these respects, it stands at the head of 103
out of 118 Colleges irt the United States;
and of those above it, a large majority are
over forty years older than itself, and three
over one hundred years older. And this
rank' it has attained through more adverse
fortunes than probably ever beset an In
stitution before. Fear not that it will ever
be a school of politics. Your sons gradu
ate in politics before they come to the
University.
It is now in its palmiest days, and this
yon see is one of the objects of Know-Noth
ing vandalism. It has, already, I fear,
thrown a fire-brand into its peaceful halls.
I appeal to you to come to the rescue. Itise
up as one man against it, when it invades
the sanctuary of literature, instead of re
quiring vour Professors to kneel in its pres
ence. f am sure there are yet more than
ten thousand Christians in and about the
State who hare not yet bowed the knee to
Baal. I call them to its help! Honest
yeomanry, and fanners of the land, who
always mean right; and, when not de
ceived, will always do right, come ye to
its succor! Honest, well-meaning Know-
Nothings, who in a thoughtless moment
have been drawn into the order, come out
of it, and rally to the support of your Uni
versity. I regret having been constrained
to an attitude which may perchance injure
the University for a time; but be the fault
on the bead of Know-Nothings, not mine.
Look at their fruits already scattered
through the land, and surely you will ap
prove of ray opposition to it. If you do
not, you children will, “fey their fruits
shall ye know them.” What are they ?
Most desperate and dangerous agitation—
Churches rending assunder—pastors and
flocks at variance—Christians losing all
confidence in each other—Saints and sin
ners in close embrace—Preachers of the
same Church getting but half congrega
tions and half support—one looking on ap
provingly, while another is abused—
Teachers tottering—their pupils in mid
night cliques—friendship severing—rage
taking the place of love—father against son
—brother against brother. These things
now are; and they proclaim, trumpet-
tongued, what is coming if the monster be
not crushed at once. And all for what ?
In honest truth, to get in the outs, and get
out the ins. This is the true object of the
order. Well, it must take its course till
reason resumes her seat.
Nations, like men, run mad at times, and
nothing but time and blood-letting can cure
them. Still while there is hope, all good
men should strive to relieve them. My
course is taken—carefully, thoughtfully
taken. I am no Catholic. Put Methodism
and Romanism on the field of fair argu
ment, and I will stake my all upon the is
sue; hut I am not such a coward as to flee
the field of honorable warfare, for savage
ambush fighting; or such a fool as to be
lieve that a man’s religion is to be reformed
by harassing his p<#son. Nor am I quite
so blind as not to see, that when the work
of crashing Churches is begun in the coun
try, it is not going to stop with the over
throw of one. All Protestantism almost will
be against me—two thirds of my own
Church (I judge) will be against me—the
Trustees will he alarmed for the interests
of the College—my colleagues of the Fac
ulty will be uneasy—my best friends will
be pained; but I have an abiding confidence
that nothing will be lost by my course in
the end. It will be madness in men to
withdraw their 6ons from the able teaching
of my colleagues, for my fault—to attack
the College to injure me; but these are days
of madness, and this is the way which ob
noxious Professors are commonly attacked.
Be it so. I have done my duty, and I
leave the consequences with God. And
here I sign my name to what I deem the
best legacy that I could leave to my chil
dren; a record proof that neither place, nor
policy, nor temporal interest, nor friend
ship, nor Church, nor threatening storms
from every quarter, could move their fath
er for an instant from principle, nor awe
him into silence when the cause of God
and his country required him to speak.
Augustus B, Longstreet.
What Constitutes a Good Judge.
In the first place, a good judge should
be profoundly learned in all the learning
of the law, and he must know how to use
that learning. Will any one stand up
here to deny that? In this day, boastful,
glorious for its advancing, popular, profes
sional, scientific, and all education, will
any disgrace himself by doubting the ne
cessity of deep and continued studies, and
varied and thorough attainments to the
bench? He is to know, not merely the
law which you make, and the legislature
makes, not constitutional and statute
alone, but that other, ampler, that bound
less jurisprudence, the common law, which
the successive generations of the State
have silently built up, that old code of
freedom which we brought with us in the
Mayflower and Arabella, which in the
progress of centuries we ameliorated and
enriched, and adapted wisely to the neces
sities of a busy, prosperous, and wealthy
community—that he must know. And
where to find it? In volumes which you
must count by hundreds—by thousands ;
filling libraries ; exacting long labors ; the
labors of a lifetime ; abstracted from busi
ness—from politics ; but assisted by tak
ing part in an active judicial administra
tion ; such labors as produced the wisdom
and won the fame of Parsons, and Mar
shall, and Kent, and Story, and Holt, and
Mansfield. If your system of appoint
ment and tenure does not present a mo
tive, a help for such labors and such learn
ing, if it discourages, if it disparages them,
then in so far a failure.
In the next place, he must be a man,
not merely upright ; nor merely honest
and well intentioned—this of course—but
a man who will not respect persons in
judgment. And does not every one here
agree to this also? Dismissing for a mo
ment, all theories about the mode of ap
pointing him, or the time for which he
shall hold office, sure I am, we all demand,
that as far as human virtue, assisted by
the best contrivance of human wisdom,
can attain to it, he shall not respect per
sons in judgment. He shall know nothing
about the parties ; everything about the
case. He shall do everything for justice ;
nothing for himself; nothing for his friend;
nothing for his patron; nothing for his
sovereign. If, on one side is the execu
tive power, and the legislature, and the
people—the sources of his honors, the
givers of his daily bread—and on the other
an individual nameless and odious, his eye
is to see neither, great nor small ; attend
ing only to the “trepidations of the bal
ance.” If a law is passed by a unanimous
legislature, clamored for by a general
voice of the public, and a cause is before
. on which the whole com-munity
is on one side, and an individual nameless
M. odious on the other, and he believes
it is to be against the Constitution, he
nraat so declare it—or there is no jndge.
Athens comes here to demand that the cup
of hemlock be put to the lips of the wisest
men ; and he believes that he has cor
rupted the youth, nor omitted to worship
the gods of the city, nor introduced new
divinities of his own, he must deliver him,
although the thunder light on the Unterri*
fied brow.““/?tf/ks Choate.
Platform and Principles of the Know-Xothing
Organization,
I.—The acknowledgement of that Almighty Be
ing, who rules over the Universe,—who presides
over the Councils of Nations,—who conducts the
affairs of men, and who, in every step by which we
have advanced to the character of an independent
nation, has distinguished us by some token of
Providential agency.
II-—The cultivation and development of a sen
timent of profoundly intense American feeling; of
passionate attachment to our country; its history
and its institutions; of admiration for the purer
days of our National existence; of veneration for
the heroism that precipitated our Revolution, and
of emulation of the virtue, wisdom, and patriotism
that framed our Constitution and first successfully
applied its Provisions.
III.—The maintenance of the Union of these
object of patriotic
1st. Opposition to all attempts to weaken or
subvert it.
2d. Uncompromising antagonism to every prin
ciple of policy that endangers it.
ltd. The advocacy of an equitable adjustment of
all political differences which threaten its integrity
or perpetuity.
4th. The suppression of all tendencies to politi
cal division, founded on “geographical discrimina
tion, or on the belief that there is a real difference
of interests and views” between the various sec
tions of the Union.
5th. The full recognition of the rights of the sev
eral States, as expressed and reserved in the Con
stitution: and a careful avoidauce, by the General
Government, of nil interference with their rights
by legislative or executive action.
IV. —Obedience to the Constitution of these
United States, as the supreme law of the land, sa
credly obligatory upon all its parts and members:
and steadfast resistance to the spirit of innovation
upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.
Avowing that in all doubtful or disputed points, it
may only he legally ascertained and expounded by
the Judicial power of the United States.
And as a eorrollary to the above:
1. A habit of reverential obedience to the law-6,
whether National, State, or Municipal, until they
are either repealed or declared unconstitutional by
the proper authority.
2. A tender and sacred regard for those acts of
statesmanship, which are to be contra-distinguish
ed from acts of ordinary legislation, by the fact of
their being of the nature of compacts and agree
ments: and so, to be considered a fixed and settled
national policy.
V. —A radical revision and modification .of the
laws regulating immigration, and the settlement
of immigrants. Offering to the honest immigrant,
who, from the love of liberty or hatred of oppres
sion, seeks an asylum in the United States, a
friendly reception and protection. But unqual
ifiedly condemning the transmission to our shores,
of felons and paupers.
VI. —The essential modification of the Naturali
zation Laws.
The repeal by the Legislatures of the respective
States, of all State laws allowing foreigners not
naturalized to vote.
The repeal, without retroactive operation, of all
acts of Congress, making grants of land to unnat
uralized foreigners, and allowing them to vote in
the Territories.
VII. —Hostility to the corrupt means by which
the leaders of party have hitherto forced upon us
our rulers and our political creeds.
Implacable enmity against the prevalent demor
alizing system of rewards for political subservien
cy, and of punishments for political indepen
dence.
Disgust for the w ild hunt after office which char
acterizes the age.
These on the one hand. On the other:—
Imitation of the practice of the purer days of the
Republic; and admiration of the maxim that “office
should seek the man, and not man the office,” and
of the rule, that the just mode of ascertaining fit
ness for office is the capability, the faithfulness,
and honesty of the memnbent or candidate.
VIII. —Resistance to the aggressive policy and
corrupting tendencies of the Reman Catholic
Church in our county, by the advancement to all
political stations—executive,legislative, judicial or
diplomatic—of those only who do net hold civil al
legiance, directly or indirectly, to any foreign
power whether civil or ecclesiastical, and who are
Americans by birth, education and training:—thus
fulfilling the maxim, “Americans only shall
govern America.”
The protection of all citizens in the legal and
proper exercises -of their civil and religious rights
and privileges; the maintenance of the right of
every man to the full, unrestrained and peaceful
enjoyment of his own religious opinions and w or
ship, and a jealous resistance of all attempts by
any sect, denomination or chureh .to obtain an as
cendancy over any other in the State, by means of
any special privileges or exemption, by au political
combination of its members, or by a division of
their civil allegiance with any foreign power, po
tentate or ecclesiastic.
IX—The reformation or the character of our
National Legislature, by elevating to that digni
fied and responsible position men of higher quali
fications, purer morals, and more unselfish patri
otism.
X.—The restriction of executive patronage—es
peeially in the matter of appointments to office—so
far as it may be permitted by the Constitution, and
consistent with the public good.
XL—-The education of the youth of our country
in schools provided by the State; which schools
shall be common to all, without distinction of creed
or party, and free from any influence or direction
of a denominational or partiean character.
And, inasmuch as Christianity by the constitu
tions of nearly all the States; by the decisions of
the most eminent judicial authorities; and by the
consent of the people of America, is considered an
element of our political system; and as the Holy
Bible is at once the source of Christianity, and the
depository and fountain of all civil and religious
freedom, we oppose every attempt to exclude it
from the schools thus established in the States.
XII.—The American party having arisen upon
the rains and in despite of the opposittion of the
whig and Democratic parties, cannot be held in
any manner responsible for the obnoxious acts or
violated pledges of either And the systematic ag
itation of the Slavery question by these parties
having-’elevated sectional hostility into a positive
element of political power, and brought our insti
tutions into peril, it has, therefore, become the im
perative duty of the American party to interpose
for the purpose of giving peace to the country and
perpetuity to the Union. And as experience has
shown it impossible to reconcile opinions so ex
treme as those wliich separate the disputants, and
as there CAn be no dishonor in submitting to the
iaws, the National Council has deemed it the best
guarantee of common justice and of future peace,
to abide by and maintain the existing laws upon
the subject of slavery, as a final and conclnsive
settlement of that subject in spirit and in sub
stance
And regard ing it the highest duty to avow theiT
opinions upon a subject so important in distinct
and unequivocal terms, it is hereby declared as
the sense of this National Council, that Congress
possesses no power, under the Constitution, to
legislate upon the subject of Slavery in the States
where it does or may exist, or to exclude any
State from admission into the Union because Us
Constitution does or does not recognise the insti
tution of Slavery as apart of its social system; and
expressly pretermitting any expression of opinion
upon the power of Congress to establish or pro
hibit Slavery in any Territory, it is the sense of
the National Council that Congress ought not to
legislate upon the subject of Slavery within th<
Territories of the United States, and that any in
terfereuce by Congress with Slavery as it exists
in the District of Columbia, would be a violation
of the spirit and intention of the compact by which
the State of Maryland ceded the District to the
United States, and a breach ot the National faith.
XIII— The policy of the Government of the Uni
ted States, in its relations with foreign govern
ments, is to exact justice from the strongest, and
do justice to the weakest: restraining, by all pow
er of the government, all its citizens from inter
ference with the internal concerns of nations with
whom we are at peace.
XIV— This National Council declares that all
the principles of the Order shall be henceforward
everywhere openly avowed; and that each member
shall be at liberty to make known the existence of
the Order, and the fact that he himself is a mem
ber; and it recommends that there be no conceal
ment, of tho places of meeting of subordinate
councils.
E. B. BARTLETT, of Kentucky,
President of National Council.
C. D. Deshler, of New Jersey,
Corresponding Secretary.
James M. Stephens, of Maryland,
Recording Secretary.
Railroad in Italy.—The railway from
Genoa to Lake Maggiore, will be completed
by the end of June, when Genoa will be in
direct communication with Switzerland and
Germany.
State flights, and United. States' Rights.
u * Tis the Star Spangled Banner, oh, long may it wave,
OVrthe Land of the Free, and the Horae of the Brave.**
Tuesday Morning, June 26,1855.
FOR GOVERNOR,
HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN COUNTY.
FOR CONGRESS,
1st District, JAS. L. SEWARD, of Thomas.
3rd “ JAS. M. SMITH, of Upson.
4th “ HIRAM WARNER, of Merriwitber.
5th “ JXO. H. LUMPKIN, of Floyd.
6th “ HOWELL COBB, of Ckrke.
Platform and Principles af the Know
Nothing Organization.
Our readers this week will find a long string of
proverbs, maxims, trueisms, and falseisms, rules,
regulations, admonitions, and advice, tied together;
which tlie Southern Recorder says is the platform
put forth by the Grand Council of Know-Nothings
lately assembled at Philadelphia. We have pub
lished this curious document as a part of the po
litical history of the times, and to let our readers
see what the concentrated wisdom of Know-Noth
ings was able to produce. We think it will
occur to every man who reads this platform, that
the builders have well earned their name. If the
party had never been christened until now, they
would have received the name of Know-Nothings
by universal consent. In the first place they set
out with a pompous acknowledgement of an Al-
MIGUTY Being. We believe that no other politi
cal convention in tins country has ever deemed
such a declaration necessary. Living in a Chris
tian country, where the Bible is universally ac
knowledged as a rule of moral conduct, it has al
ways been taken for granted that our politicians
were not heathen. Why then should the members
of this convention think it necessary, as a primary
step., to purify themselves of the suspicion that
they were heathens or infidels? Was this purga
tion thought necessary on account of their mid
night orgies, their horrid oaths, their persecution
of one branch of the Christian church, or on ac
count of their association with the Boston infidels?
Whatever may have been the cause, these Know-
Nothings thought it necessary to make a public
declaration of their belief in God. Their second
maxim is all right and proper, and as far as they
are concerned, it was necessary; because many of
them have been strongly suspected of the cultiva
tion of an intense British feeling during the war of
1812, and a Mexican feeling during the Mexican
war; a larger development of American feeling
will not do them any harm. The Union sentiment
contained in the third paragraph, may turn out to
be a little too strong tor some contingences that
may happen. Many wise men believe the union
•“secondary in importance to the rights and prin‘
cipiesit was destined to perpetuate;” however, we
will leave the friends of this 3rd paragraph, to the
tender mercies of the actors in the Columbus sec
tional movement; who have a prior right and
obligation to demolish every section of this Union
plank. The 4th plank of the platform is right,
and comes in good time, as the Know-Nothings
were strongly suspected of acting in defiance of
ihe letter and spirit of the constitution; at the South,
by conspiring to defraud whole classes of our citi
zens of their civil and religious privileges, granted
to them by the Constitution; and at the North, in
addition to this, they have refused to execute the
fugitive slave law. made in pursuance of an express
provision of the Constitution. The 5th and 6th
paragraphs are unnecessary, as the laws already
enacted, if enforced, are sufficient to piotect the
country against all danger from immigrants. We
heartily agree with the sentiments of the seventh
paragraph, and we suggest that if the order will
purge their own members from these demoralizing
practices, the whole country will be greatly bene-
fitted; in fact this alone would probably effect a
cure of the whole evil. We object to the first
part of the 8th resolution for several reasons. 1st,
Because it is in direct opposition to the latter
clause of the same paragraph, and because it as
sumes as a fact, that the Roman Catholic church
in this country is aggressive, which haR not been
proven. 3dlj, We believe that many of our citi
zens who have been born, trained, and educated
in other lands, may be well qualified for some sta
tions; and it would be folly for us to deprive the
country of the benefit of their services on account
of the accident of the place of their birth or educa
tion; and we object to it because it is repugnant to
the constitution, and contrary to the genius and
principles of American institutions. To the
9th and 10th paragraphs we have no objection.—
We have no objections to schools provided by the
State, as set forth in the 11th paragraph, but we
contend that every denomination of Christians
have a right to establish schools of their own,
and we trust they will do so, in defiance of the
pronunciamentos of the Know-Nothing Grand
Council: every individual, or association of
individuals, have a perfect legal right to establish
schools of their own, and use such books in them
as they please, without asking permission of any
council of Know -Nothings. We have no objection
to any principle set forth in the 12th resolution,
but as these were passed by only 80 votes out of
the whole convention, they do not set forth the
sentiments of the Know-Nothing party; so far
from this, those 53 members who withdrew from
the council, and those 59 that voted against theso
resolutions, represented three fourths of the
strength of the organization. The 14th resolution
is a deception, it professes to do away with the se-
eresy of the order, when in fact it does no such
thing; it permits the members to acknowledge that
they are members if they choose, but it does not
permit those that are not initiated to enter their
meetings and witness what they are doing. Thev
ean publish as much of their principles as they
please, and keep the balance dark, so that every
objection on account of secresy, will remain as
strong as before. Our readers will perceive that
all the vain boasting about a national Know-Noth
ing platform is a pitiful Humbug; nothing of the
kind has been manufactured; this dish of skimmed
milk, which the Recorder calls a national platform
of principles, was the work of a minority of
the party, representing the Southern States
where the order has but little strength. The rep
resentatives of every State where the Know-Noth
ings had a majority, either withdrew or voted
against it, and even this was not suffered to pass
until it was as blue as milk three times skimmed.
A Patriotic Letter.
We invite the attention of our readers, particular
ly such as have be_a or now are favorable to the
Whig party, to the manly letter of Dr. Taliaferro
Jones, which we publish to-day. Dr. Jones is
convinced that Whig principles are effete, and the
Whig party dead; and in answer to the question,
where shall I go?” he hesitates not to answer,
with that party whose principles are approved by
the country, and who avow their determination to
support and defend those Northern Democrats
who have manifested their devotion to the Union,
by a steadfast and consistent adherence to the
great instrument, upon the proper construction of
which, it can alone be preserved in its pristine
purity. We cheerfnlly extend the hand of fellow
ship to all such patriotic Whigs as Dr Jones, and
cordially welcome them as confederates in the
great work of maintaining the Constitution as it is.
•• ■ •wllszsl Parly mteannmry la aecare
flaaihwa U ai«a I
The great cause, indeed we may say the only
cause which can ever call for the formation of a
Southern Party, founded on Geographical lines, is
that of Northern interference with the Constitu
tional guarantees in reference to the institution of
Slavery as it exists in the South. Is there such
an interference at this time ? Is there any legis
lation in the National Councils now threatening
the Constitutional rights of Southern men; or has
there been any such legislation since the
adoption of the Compromise Measures of 1850?
We reply without any fear of contradiction, there
is not, there has not been since the year 1850;
why then, are Southern men asked to go iuto a
sectional party at this time ? To avenge what
wrong, or to remedy what infraction of Southern
rights by Congress, are the people of Georgia now
invited to dissolve all connection with National
parties ? It will be answered, perhaps, by the ad
vocates of a sectional party, “to avenge no present
wrong, but to provide against wrongs that may
be hereafter committed." To such we reply, it
is time enough to assume a sectional attitude when
the occasion justifies it. To throw the South iuto
a sectional attitude now, when, more than at any
other period in the history of the Union, the co-op
eration of national men is needed to preserve the
Union, and with it the rights of the South, is to
reject their aid, and force them to accept the alter
native of an unconditional surrender to the aboli
tion army at their doors, or a sacrifice of all polit
ical preferment now and forever. To desert such
men as Douglas, Dickinson, Pierce, Buchanan,
Cass, Dallas, Shields, Bright, Marcy, Dodge, Tou-
cy, Richardson, and hundreds as able and fearless
in their defence of the Constitutional rights of the
South, would be the basest ingratitude, and entitle
the man or men who counselled such desertion, to
the lasting scorn and contempt of patriots every
where.
But where is the danger now so imminent as to
demand of Southern men to dissolve all political
association with National parties? Is it to be
found in the voluntary offering, in the last Con
gress, by a Northern Democratic Senator, of a re
peal of the degrading barrier wliich interposed be
tween the Southern man and his Constitutional
rights? Is it because the South has been fur
nished with an ally, a sister State above the old
Missouri Compromise line ?—is it for this conces
sion on the part of Northern Democrats, that
Southern men would spurn their association, and
plunge the South into a sectional attitude, a posi
tion against which the Father of his Country so
earnestly remonstrated? Southern men, Geor
gians, there is no necessity for a Sectional Party
at this time. The meeting of the next Congress is
six months off, and there is no certainty that it will,
when it assembles, render a sectional party at the
South necessary to sustain Southern equality in
or out of the Union. The Senate of the United
States is too conservative and national to allow
any unconstitutional measure to pass through it,
and even with the co-operation of the National
Nebraska Democrats, in the House of Representa
tives, secured to us, it would be impossible for that
body to pass a measure unjust to the South, over
the President’s veto. Duty, policy, consistency,
honor, all require that the National Democrats
who stood up so manfully for the rights of the
South, in the last Congress, should be sustained
by Southern men. Can they be sustained if we
assume a sectional attitude ? Never. We should
have as little respect for the Northern Democrats
who submitted to such an indignity, as we would
have for the Southern man who betrayed bis own
section by a base alliance with its enemies. The
true policy of the Soutli is to wait and watch. Let
the test bo applied; let the metal pass iuto the cru
cible, and go through the fiery ordeal before it
is pronounced spurious.
Hr. Jtnkins’ Ltltrr.
We find in the last Southern Recorder a letter
from Mr C. J. Jenkins, addressed to some individ
ual who sought his views upon what “we old Union
men ought now to do.” We refer the reader to the
letter published in this paper, for Mr. Jenkins'
reply to the above interrogatory.
Mr. Jenkins opens his letter by a brief refer
ence to the repeated solicitations offered him “to
join the new organization.” To these teasing and
troublesome solicitations, Mr. Jenkins says, “after
serious consideration, and with the most thorough
conviction of duty, I positively declined to do.’
Here we have a distinct disavowal of the
Know-Nothing party, its principles and its practi
ces. The Know-Nothing who now accepts Mr.
Jenkins as a leader, accepts him with the most
positive assurance that he is opposed to the new
party, and declines to have anything to do with it,
as a distinct party organization. But Mr. Jen
kins is not unwilling to accept the support of the
Know-Nothings, if they will withdraw their pre
tensions, and co-operate with the Columbus South
ern movement. That is to say. Mr. Jenkins will
not accept a nomination from the Know-Nothing
party per se, but, if the Know-Nothings will stand
back, give precedence to the Columbus sectional
movement, and follow in support of its candidate
for Governor, then Mr. Jenkins, as we understand
him, is ready to accept a nomination, and make his
politest bow for the honor of its leadership. Such
is the conclusion which every reasonable mind
would arrive at on perusing the letter of Mr. Jen
kins.
But a word or two in regard to Mr. Jenkins’ en
dorsement of the Muscogee Sectional movement.
Mr. Jenkins favors the Columbus movement be
cause, as he says, “it looks to the united action of
conservative men every where, North, South, East
and West, to put down a crusade against a particular
section of the Union—not a sectional party, but a j
party co-extensive with the Union, to crush section
al encroachment. It is a proposition full of patri
otism ” Not a -‘Sectional Party!" Why, Mr.
Jenkins you were never more mistaken in your
life. What will Maj. Howard and General Be-
thune say when they read your letter, interpreting
their bantling as “a party eo-extensive with the
Union, to crush -‘sectional encroachment?” Is this
the invitation to which you were invited by the
builders of the sectional platform at Temperance
Hail? We think the leading spirits of tke Colum
bus movement will have no thanks for Mr.
Jenkins or for his interpretation of their Plat
form. 1
We must confess that our opinion of Mr.
Jenkins as an independent politician, has been
lowered by a perusal of this artful letter.—
At the same time he makes great profes
sions of indifference, nay, down-right repugnance
to a nomination, he puts in a bid for the leadership
of the Columbus movement, too palpable not to be
seen by the most careless reader of his letter. We
look upon this letter of Mr. Jenkins as a most adroit
movement of the Webster wing of the Whig par
ty of Georgia, to check-mate the Scott Whigs. It
is well known that the Know-Nothings in Georgia
are composed of two Scott Whigs were there is one
Webster Whig. Indeed, Messrs Stephens, Toombs,
Jenkins and others of the Webster wing of the
Whig party, are strongly opposed to the Know-
Nothings. The Webster wing of the Late Whig
party are unwilling to follow the Scott W higs into
the ranks of Know-Notliingism, hence the effort of
Mr. Jenkins to lead off his forces in support of the
Columbus movement. Mr. Jenkins will not be
dictated to by the Scott Whigs, but is ready and
willing enough to use the Scott Whigs to prop up
a platform on which he can stand, and of which
he can be the champion.
The OMrgizD«lt|alUz I* W*»h-
iag Crarcaliaz.
Much curiosity has been exhibited to know who
had been selected to represent the Know Nothings
of Georgia in the Philadelphia Convention. The
National Intelligencer of the I6th inst reveals the
secret. It appears that, Poe, Cone, Hill, Davis,
Leitner, Head and Word are the names of the
Georgia delegation. Poe we know, and Cone we
know, andjwe have heard of Hill, Word and Davis.
But who in the name of darkness are Leitner, and
Head?
Gratifying.
It must be gratifying to the builders of the
admirable Platform of the Democratic party of
Georgia, to find little or no opposition to it from the
ranks of our opponents. There is not, there can
not be any good and substantial reasons given
why the PEOPLE of Georgia should not sustain
the Democratic platform. It is a Nation al Union
platform—a platform essentially Southern, yet,
eminently national. The Editors of the Southern
Recorder object to it, because it does not say in
substance, “Millard Fillmore is entitled to the
confidence and support of the South.” Now, we
are willing to do justice to every political act of
Milliard Fillmore's life: and if he is ready to give
us his hand on the 4th resolution of the Georgia
Platform, we will take it with great pleasure, and
give him all the confidence and respect that we
would give any other Northern man, Whig or
Democrat, who came up to this standard. The
fact that our neighbor picks out Mr. Fillmore as
a man worthy to rank with the constitutional de
fenders of Southern Rights, shows how barren the
field is among his late Whig associates of the
North. One or two prominent Whigs at tho North
have deseraed the good opinion of the South.—
Let them have it. But the Recorder will not de
ny that the great reliance of the South, in all peril
ous times, has been on Northern Democrats.—
There are isolated instances of Northern Whigs
coming up to a National Standard, but they are
too few to rely upon. The Recorder, then, is cap
tious when it objects to the Democratic Platform
on account of a resolution which declares, “that
in the National Democratic party at the North
alone, have been found those patriotic men who
have stood by the rights of the South.” If we ex
cept Mr. Fillmore’s willingness to execute the
Fugitive Slave Law, we find nothing in his ad
ministration worthy of particular approval. Pres
ident Pierce has thoroughly executed the Fugitive
Slave Law—he has done more—he affixed his sig
nature to an act virtually repealing the objection
able Missouri Compromise line—an act which we
have good and substantial reasons for believing
Mr. Fillmore would not have approved. President
Pierce has given two vetoes during his adminis
tration, that ought to entitle his administration to
the cordial support of every constitutional man in
the country. But, in the face of everything high
and enobling and national in Mr. Pierce’s ad
ministration, the Recorder makes war up6n it. If
oar neighbor can find nothing more objectionable
in the Democratic platform, than the point we have
just alluded to, certainly the unprejudiced reader
of the Recorder will think twice before endorsing
the Editors fiat repudiation of it. We are not pre
pared to believe that all of the old Union readers of
the Recorder can be led, by Editorial dictation, to
denounce so excellent and so reliable a man as
President Pierce; or be drawn by leading s'trings
into a sectional position, directly antagonistic to
their position four years ago.
One word to the Recorder. We are highly grat
ified to perceive that you have such slight objec
tions to our worthy Democratic platform. We did
not expect toplea.se you by that work. Had an an
gel dictated, and a Solomon’s head executed the
plan, yet, if the word Democrat or Democratic was
to be found in it, the Southern Recorder would
not have been satisfied. We are both surprised
and gratified to see our political opponents finding
so very little fault with the Democratic platform-
For how much of this seeming forbearance and
co-operation we are indebted to the wisdom and
forcaste of its builders, we will not at present in
quire.
Ealitelr UzzerfMiarr.
Every position taken by the friends of the Sec
tional movement in Columbus, shows more clear
ly the cloven foot of Know-Notliingism, which is
at the bottom of the whole eoncern. At a meeting
held in Columbus, on the 16th inst., to appoint
delegates, the following resolution was introduced
by Robert E. Dixon, Esq., which, on motion of
James Johnson, Esq., was unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That this meeting do most cordially
approve and endorse the course of the Committee
of the meeting of 26th Maj', in its subsequent ac
tion, requesting the Know-Nothing Convention
about to assemble, not to make a nomination for
Governor.
This resolution was intended to let the Know-
Nothings down gently from the lofty position
they had assumed a few weeks back. After their
great pow wow in Macon, it was well understood
that they dare not make a separate and distinct
nomination for Governor. Such a movement
would only have exposed their weakness, and now,
after their break down in Philadelphia, such a
movement would be madness; and the Columbus
movement is nothing more than a benefit given to
several of the actors in the Know-Nothing farce.
We say the Know-Nothings dare not make a nom
ination for Governor, for fear of exposing their
weakness.
f. P. Kale.
This rank freesoiler has been elected by the New
Hampshire Legislature to the United States Sen
ate. The Democratic press are denouncing the
Know- Nothings for it. Why do they not also
state that he is a Democrat.—Son. Recorder
19fi inst.
Beg vour pardon Mr. Recorder, John P. Hale,
is not a Democrat. He was kicked out of the
Democratic party many years ago, for his ultra
Free-Soil opinions. He is elected to the United
States Senate by the Know-Nothing party of New
Hampshire. To prove that he is not a 'Democrat,
and could not have been elected as such, let us
bring up the Southern Recorder as a witness. In
the Southern Recorder of the 3d of April last, we
find these remarks, being a comment on the result
of the election in New Hampshire:
Three hundred and six representatives are cho
sen, of whom eighty are administration Demo
crats, and the remainder opposition.” Now, we
ask the Recorder, how was it possible for eighty
administration Democrats to have elected a Dem
ocratic U. S. Senator, with two hundred and twenty
six members in opposition? The Lditor of the
Recorder knew all this, if he had read his own pa
per. No: Hale is no Democrat. He belongs to
the political order which is upheld by the Southern
Recorder; an order which has sent Wilson, Harlan
and Durkee to the United States Senate—an order
that has filled the Halls of Congress with fanati
cal priests and abolition disunionists. Hale is a
Know-Nothing, and the Southern K. N’s are wel
come to all the honor and profit his election to the
Senate can secure to them.
——
The New Y*rk HrraU’a opinion of Ihe
Know Nothing Platform.
We give below the N. Y. Herald’s opinion of
the Philadelphia Council's “National” platform.
The Herald is the Northern organ of tlie Southern
K. N’s. Read, Read.
Tbe Know Slothing Platform.
The Council has printed a long document, call
ed a platform and signed E. B. Bartlett of
Kentucky. It is much longer than such docu
ments usually are, and about fifty times as long
as a political platform need be. At least one half
of it is balderdash and mere words. It is high
time that such stuff as article I, about the Su
preme Being Art. II. about patriotism, Art. V.
about immigration, Art. \ III. about the Catho
lics, Art. IX. about elevating the character of
Congress, and a large portion of the others, should
be omitted from serious political papers. If it is
necessary to use such twaddle to work on the
feelings of the people of the country, a double set
of documents should be adopted, one for intelli
gent readers, the other for those who are not, and
care should be taken to keep the latter out of the
city papers. Neither are the other points of the
platform worth much. Abstractions do not tell
with the masses, and are seldom worth contend
ing for.
31
Tbe Navsazab Bepablleaa— ShameAil
Tactics.
The Savannah Republican, true to its character
istic nnfairness, takes an extract from Governor
Johnson’s letter, to Maj. Howard, in which Gov.
J. uses the language below. Gov. Johnson refers
in this extract, to the defeat of Northern Demo
crats by Northern Know-Nothings.
“It is even true that these, our friends, have fal
len. But how and at whose hands? Fallen in
their strife for us—for repealing the Missouri re
striction—for standing dv the principle that the
people of new States shall determine for them
selves the question of slavery, and be admitted in
to the Union accordingly—for abiding the fugitive
Slave law—fallen at the hands of the enemies of
the South, banded together in infernal alliance un
der the sable flag of Know-Nothingism, whieh. at
the North, is but another name for Freesoil and
Abolitionism.”
The Republican charges Gov. Johnson with ap
plying the epithet, “infernal alliance” to the
Know-Nothings South as well as North, Now,
Gov. Johnson applied the expression “infernal al
liance” to the Northern Know-Nothings—he speaks
of the Southern Know-Nothings in his letter, in
this wise:
“I mean no disparagement, by any of my re
marks, to the patriotism and soundness of South
ern “Know-Nothings.”
Is the editor of the Republican so blind that he
did not see this part of Gov. Johnson’s letter?
Why did he not publish the letter, as any fair man
would have done? If the Republican does not
think the Know-Nothings of the North are “banded
together in an infernal alliance,” why did he cut
loose from them at Philadelphia? What excuse
has the Republican to offer, why he should not be
charged with wilful misrepresentation, when he
had Gov. Johnson’s letter before him, which, in
words as plain as the nose on the editors face, says,
‘‘Imean no disparagement, by any of my remarks, to
the patriotism and soundness of Southern “ Know-
Nothings” Will the Republican now have the
candor and fairness to correct the impression he
has made on his readers, in regard to the language
applied by Gov. Johnson to the “Northern Know-
Nothings?” We shall see.
Tbe laat Link iz Broke*.
The Columbus movement decided to be Sectional.
Mr. Jenkins and some of his friends have pro
fessed to believe that the late movement at Colum
bus was a National Conservative movement. Sev
eral Know-Notliing newspapers have called it a
Union movement, and havo insinuated that it
could and would give its strength and influence to
the Know-Nothings in the coming election. This
was no dunbt the object and intention of many
who figured largely in the meetings at Temperance
Hall. But the master builders, those who gave
character and importance to the movement, intend
that it shall be a sectional movement, or they will
have nothing to do with it. Gen. Bethune, who was
one of the prime movers in the affair, and we have
no doubt he speaks the sentiments of Col. How
ard, and every Democrat engaged in it, says di
rectly, that it is and was intended to be a sectional
movement and nothing else; but we will let him
speak for himself. In speaking of the movement'
in the Comer Stone of the 21st inst., he says:
The Times and Sentinel publishes an extract
from the Chronicle and Sentinel of Augusta, in
which that print recommends the repudiation of
all sectionalism, and asks how we like it.
The issue must be made and made by the friends
of this movement, the sooner it is done the better.
It is charged by our opponents that it is sectional,
shall we deny oradmit the charge? If we deny it,
we stultify ourselves by advocating a movement
without an object. In this conntry no organiza
tion can have any permanent success without
some great leading object upon which all can a-
gree—for which all may be willing to make some
sacrifices. They may differ in minor matters, but
as to the one great object there must be but one
mind.
We have asked the Southern Democratic party
to abandon its national organization to cut itself
off from ‘that gallant band within those States who
are friends to the South and faithful to the consti
tution and whom we remember with gratitude
[and] who have been routed, disbanded and al
most annihilated” and for what? To form an or
ganization with their enemies? God forbid!
This movement bears sectionalism upon the face
of it. The country wants sectionalism and de
mands it; The sectionalism of the movement is
its life and its soul, and gives it all its strength—
without its sectionalism it is worse than the worth
less, and shall we demoralize and destroy it by
calling it national?
Why shall we call it national? To catch na
tional men? They are the very men we are op
posing. To decoy men into it by falsehood and
deception? Such a course is unworthy of the
cause. To get numbers? the more men the worse,
if they are to pervert the movement to any other
than its real object.
We repeat it is sectionalism and sectionalism a-
louc, which can give this movement power or val
ue. If any man wants a national organization let
him go to the Democratic party. It is not only
the best national organization that exists, but it is
the best that can be formed. It can and will
grind to powdeqany other national organization at
the South, as it ought to do—sectionalism is the
only thing that is or ought to be stronger than it.
It appears then, in the estimation of the build
ers of the Columbus Platform, that sectionalism is
the life and soul of the whole movement, and Mr.
Jenkins and the Know-Nothings will have to go
elsewhere for allies to form a Constitutional. Na
tional, Union, Conservative, Know-Nothing party
The Republican’s “31 National Men from the
North." It will be remembered that our Know-
Nothing neighbor, a few days since, landed to the
skies, “the 31 national men from the North,” who
remained in the Know-Nothing Convention after
the flare-up “the representatives of the conserva
tive and loyal sentiment" among the Know-Noth
ings of the Free States. It appears now that 21
out of the 31 “National Men” entered their sol
emn protest against the platform, rickety and de
signed to entrap them as it was. Our neighbors
3f “National Men,” are now reduced to 10 then,
all told. That would have been sufficient to save
Sodom, but whether it will save the National
Know Nothing Organization remains to be seen—
Sar Georgian.
The Northern Deawracr.
We copy the extract below from the New York
Day Book a paper that has always defended the
constitutional rights of the South with equal
zeal and ability. The article below was written
in answer to an article in the Charleston Mercury,
advocating Southern sectional action against the
encroachments of the North. The Day Book con
tends with equal truth and justice that the whole
North is not combined against the South, that the
great body of the Northern Democracy has gener
ally been ready to do us justice, and that it is our
duty as well as our interest to stand by the North
ern Democracy. The facts and the logic of the
Day Book are both correct, and we commend
them to the serious consideration of those extra
Southern men, who are anxious just at this time
to form a new Sectional party at the South. The
people will watch this movement with suspicion,
because it was started at a time when there was
no particular necessity for it, and when from vari
ous indications it appears to have originated more
from the necessities of certain politicians, than
from the peculiar exigences of the times, or the
demands of the people.
Don’t be too fast, gentlemen. The North is not
altogether against you, nor is it against the Ne
braska bill. There is no necessity of your being
frightened into casting cannon, sharpening swords
nor manufacturing gunpowder yet. We of the
North will take care of our own people. We are
not all fanatics, aud shall not be controlled by
fanatics; so do not “go off half cocked” nor kick
out of the traces yet awhile. We have lived un
der the constitution made by our fathers some
seventy odd years, and you have had equal pro
tection with the rest of us. Stick to that and we
will. Never fear that there is not good constitu
tional loving citizens enough in the North to keep
down the plotters against you and your institu
tions.
When, gentlemen, did the democracy of the
North desert you or refuse to stand by you! Never!
It gave you President Folk and Texas—it gave
you the fugitive slave law, and it gave you Presi
dent Pierce and the Nebraska bill. \V hat more
can you ask? We readily admit that these were
your rights, but we point to them only to show
that northern democracy always has and always
will give vou yonr rights. IV hv, then, desert it
or talk about fighting the whole North? Stand
by those who have stood by you, and you will
never have reason to complain. You should make
some allowance for northern habits, and northern
prejudice, and not expect all our people to think
just ns you do on the subject of slavery; that is not
possible. But you have always found the demo
cratic party to deal justly with you, and you may
rely upon it to do justly hereafter, no matter what
the people think about slavery. Don’t leave the
democratic party, men of the South, until it leaves
you, and you will have nothing to fear from
“northern fanaticism.”
1W-——
To CsrtopsnlesO.
The long correspondence between Maj. Howard
and Gov. Johnson, the K. N. Platform, and other
necessary political matter, precludes the publica
tion this week at much interesting miscellaneous
matter.
We publish to-day an interesting correspondence
.between Maj. John H. Howard and Gov.j 0 h n .
son, in regard to the meeting at Temperance Hall
Columbus, on the 26th of M ay last. We hope ev
ery reader of this paper will carefully peruse the
letter of Maj. Howard and the reply of Gov. Jol m .
son. We have never rend anything from Gov
Johnson's pen which has delighted us half so
much as the letter in question. It is a calm, dig
nified and statesman-like review of the Columbus
movement, and an unanswerable argument in fa
vor of the national position assumed by the late
Democratic Convention. It is an able reply to
the “ Coin mbus movement, ” and a most satis
factory vindication of the sound national men at
tho North. We point the Southern Recorder
to it, as a perfect vindication of the posi
tions assumed by Judge Johnson in 1850 and 1855
The people of Georgia are now a unit as to the
remedy to be used whenever the North violates
either of the specifications set forth in the 4th
resolution of the Georgia Platform. As to the
remedy then we are already one people. No politj.
cian in Georgia dares go before the people of this
State as an opponent of the 4tli resolution of the
Georgia Platform. How then can the people of
Georgia be more united as to the means of redress!
The great object should now be, to avoid the stem
necessity to which the 4th resolution has committed
our State. We cannot do so by isolating our
State—by repudiating the national men at the
North! There are now in Congress enough North
ern men who will stand by the South in the strug
gle ahead. For heaven’s sake let ns do nothing to
drive them from us.
Pina Rains.
From every section of our State we learn rains
have fallen in the greatest abundance. Never be
fore have we heard farmers admit that their crops
were so promising. One or two more rains at the
proper time will make the com crop. Com wo
see is declining in price. This is only the “begin-
ing of the end.” Corn will be plentiful at 50 cts.
per bushel, if the seasons hold on good.
Prafessor Wsslrsw.
We learn that Professor James Woodrow, the
able teacher of Natural Science in Oglethorpe Uni
versity, is about to sail for Europe. His object is,
by attcndence for some months on the Lectures
of the principal Professors of Natural Science in
Germany and France, to make himself acquainted
with the latest discoveries and improvements in
Chemistry. Geology and Botany. He will also
procure Apparatus for the College. This accom
plished and enthusiastic scholar, if spared, promi
ses to become one of the first Naturalists of the
age.
J uiige Warier accept*.
We have received Judge Warner’a letter of ac
ceptance. We will publish next week.
Jz4|C I.aagitrert’i Letter.
We ask every reader of this paper to read the
bold and earnest letter of Judge Longstreet, on
the first page of our paper. We all know the man
Methodists heed the voice of your old patriarch.
Only n tempomry Split.
The New York Herald, the organ of the Know
Nothings at the North, says that, “the recent split
in the Know Nothing Convention will really be
turned to profit for the party in the end. Each
Section will now be left to itself to go home and
carry the elections by incorporating tbe local pre
judices, and in 1856 they can come together for
the eighty million spoils per annum, and make t
President.”
Thus it appears that the Know Nothings of the
South were suited with a platform to carry the
elections at the South, and Know Nothings at the
North left to fix one to suit their latitude; and that
in 1856, the two wings will fraternize on a com
promise milk-and-water platform to secure the
“Eighty million spoils per annum,” and the Presi
dency. The trick will not succeed.
—
Well dace.
The Sectional party has postponed its Conven
tion from the 4th of July to the 8th of August.
A very wise act. The glorions 4th is no day to
hold a political Convention, to organize a Sectional
party.
Thev need and look it.
When Senator Wilson was admitted to the K. N.
Convention at Philadelphia, why did not the
Southern delegates do as the Richmond Whig said
they would, that is, kick him out, or go out them
selves? On the contrary they sat meekly under
his anathemas against the South, and used all
kinds of coaxing to keep him, Wilson, and his fol
lowers from a stampede. Where was the courage
of the South,then?
Speech of a Georgia Delegate in Ike It. *•
Convention .
“Woodman, spare that tree!
Touch not a single bough,
In youth it sheltered me,
And I’ll protect it now."
For the same speech, see published proceeding!
of Georgia Convention in 1850, page 19. Have
we a Poe-1 among ns ?
—
Extraordinary feat of Harieataaikip.
The Southern Recorder is just now performing
in the political cirque, a most astonishing feat of
equestrianism. With one leg over the “National
Know-Nothing horse, the other over the section
al horse “Columbus movement,” the Recorder
stands before tho gaze of an admiring public.—
We have witnessed before “stretch of conscien
ces,” and “stretch of blankets” but never before
have we seen such a stretch of legs.
A Glorloa* Triaaapk.
The unceasing and destructive fire which hi*
poured upon Know-Nothingism from the pres*
and t he stump, has had the effect of frightening
“Sam” and his disciples in their dens, and
tearing the padlocks from their lips. The elec
tion in Virginia had a powerful influence in
effecting this revolution. All honor to the Old
Dominion for this great triumph. But the battle
is only half fought—the victory is not yet com
plete. “Sam” has been forced to drop the mask
from his face, and can now like other men, speak
the truth if he wants to; this is a great moral tri
umph; but there is a work yet to be accomplished-
Let then, the Democracy see to it that “Sam’ 1*
driven from his dens and the foul nest broken up-
The sun-light of truth has driven the thing to in
hole, now let smoke be applied, and fire follow.—
That is the only way to crush out every vestige of
this dark conspiracy. To the people of Georgia i»
assigned this pleasing duty. Let every true
Democrat, and every patriotic Whig join :n t e
glorious work, and rid our land of the moral mon
ster, Know-Nothingism.
Twice of aiitlwr Patriotic Whig.
A “Whig” writing to the Editor of the Consti
tutionalist and Republic takes this view of the du
ty of whigs to support the Democratic platform
and candidate for Governor.
It is true, there are men in Georgia, both of 1 ^
old whig and democratic parties who wonlJ ^
more acceptable to us than Governor Johnson.
But if eioh of us will examine for ourselves,
political life of Governor Johnson, instead «
ceiving as true, the many slanderous talcs o
many tricksters of both parties, wc think he wu
not appear so objectionable as manyhai e t ioing -
him. We must remember that heretofore u
have been arrayed against Governor Jo “ us ““-. eJ
his friends, as political enemies, and have rete
representations of his character, colored vr
hues of party prejudices. Allowances m - ^
made for influences of this character, for
cessarilly spring from relation * oU lJ
tagonism. I confes that Charles J. J ce
receive my support for Governor, in F ef * ren
to anv mau in our State, but circumstances £
such ^as render it injd<heious and con -
him now to be a candidate Let e'cryw'ug
sider coolly the great moral influence a "
meat of the principles of the recent
Conventicn-by an overwhelmmng nmj V
will have on tlie action of our next Congres
press his preferences and dislikes, Jtn & , itJlte
Jon a hearty support I, for one do “j, j j^vc
publicly to announce this as the P*,.Gjj G
marked out for myself. A "
Lexkgton, Geo: