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VOLUME XXVI.]
MILLEDGE VILLE. GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JULY 10, 1855.
[NUMBER G.
i
Notice t
debtors and creditors
00
S.ih - nf persponal property, ten days, 1 sqr. 1 50
gal* of land or negroes by Executors, Ac. 5 00
Estravs, two weeks 1 50
] or a'man advertising his wife (in advance) 6 00
betters on business must be Post Paid to entitle
ti:e,7i to attention.
business (Altos
W. A. LANE,
A T T 0 11 NE Y A T L A W,
Clinton, Georgia.
June 12th. 1856, 2 lv
WILLIAM .1. WIL4 IIEK.
ATTOR NEY AT LAW,
AVAititENTou, Geo.,
Will practice in the Northern Circuit of Georgia,
and in the Counties of Burke, Columbia, Jeffer
son and Washington, of tlie Middle Circuit
June 25,1863. 4 1v
Practice of Medicine and Surgery.
DR. CHARLES H. HALL,
Proffers his services to the citizens of Miilndge-
ville and vicinity.
Office on Hancock Street, first door East of the
Masonic Hall, where lie can be found at all times,
unless professionally employed.
April 3ttth, 1865. 48—tf.
THUS. s. WAYNE.
It. ALEX. WAYNE.
TIIOS. S. WAYNE & SON,
General Commission & Forwarding
MERCHANTS,
SAVANNAH, GA.
’.TF All business intrusted to their care will
ni 1 .1 with prompt attention. 38 ly
A. S. HARTRISGE,
Factor and General Commission Merchant.
No. US, liny Street, Snvanunh, Geo.
REFERENCES.
Geo. W. Anderson*, Ex-President Planters
Bank, Savannalu C. F. Mills, Esq , President
Marine Bank, I. O. Plant, Agent of Marine Bank
at Macon; C. H. WRIGHT, Esq., Milledgovillc; W.
Hookes, Agent of Planters Bank at Sandersvillc;
K. H. D. Sorrell, Agent of Planters Bank at
Amcricns.
February 2*), 1855 3^—fim.
JOalA F. SHINE,
ATTORNEY AT LA W,
idABION, GA,
Will attend promptly to all business intrusted to
is care. 32 I y
TliOS T. LONG
AT TO R N E Y A T L A W,
IHCI \SWICK, GA.
W'iLL] iraetice in the. Courts of G iynn, Wayne,
’ ’ Camden, McIntosh, Liberty and Chatham,
./bo Eastern Circuit; Charlton,Lowndes, Clinch,
''arc and Appling, of tlie Southern; also, Duval
’iiity, Florida. 51 ly
FISAS. E 1IISBET,
A T T O R NE Y A TLA TV,
Cnthbcrt. tin.
April 3d, 1854. 44
HE.Mtl IIIADRICK,
A T T O II N E Y A T L A ir,
JACKSON, BUTTS Co., GA.
HUS. G CAMPBELL,
A T T O R NEY A T L A W,
MILLEDGEVILLE, GA.
V/ attend pronqitly to all business entrust-
‘ ed to his care. Particular attention paid
to collecting.
Millcdgeville, Fell. 22, 1X53. 3- tf
J. «. CA.TIP,
ATTORNEY AT LA W,
CAMPBELLTON, GA.
LAND WARRANTS!
[ A' ILL pay the highest market value for Land
Warrants.
Apply to A. W. CALLAWAY.
Milledpreville, June lltli, 1^55. 2 tf
LAND WARRANTS WANTED!
[ 'A ILL give the highest market price for Land
(Warrants, L. A. CHOICE.
Jone 25, 1855. 4 tf
RAGS! RAGS! !
I will pay TWO CENTS a Pound for Rags in
ni AIiF.. D. B. STETSON.
June 26,1855. 4—fit.
*3-I T IIAS C0ME!«£fl
BACON AND LARD!
25,000 lbs., Tennessee Bacon, consist-
lr ~"f Hams, Sides and Siioi lders.
2500 lbs., of Leaf Lard.
May go, 1-55
FLOUR! FLOUR!!
®®^-VCK8 of Tennessee Superfine Flour.
4o do Family Flour, in Store
•^forSaielow.by
C. II
WRIGHT.
51 tf
C. H. WRIGHT.
il tf
M0NEY M 1ST COME!
Imv '•, l , C ^ ore persons owing us and failing to
Wil V"' sued in the Justice's and Inferior
rth without further delay.
, , CHOICE A MEGRATH
February 10th, 1655. 37—tf.
p URE OILS OF
t’OGNIAC, WINE and RUM,
^ hi: directions. For Sale by
CABBTSS Ac HASSSL.
. 18 & 23 1 ’LATT STREET,
J^23. 1X55. 52—3m. New York.
RHODES’
( ertain cure for Chills and Fever,
' ' r Deceived, and for Sale by E J. WHITE.
From tlie Soil of tlie South .
Aericulinra! tduralion.
C«b. Chambers:
Dear Sir:—Having reflected upon the
suggestion of your note to allow iny letter
to you of March 17th, to go into the Soil
of the South, I have concluded to submit
it to yon for publication, hoping that by so
doing, it may contribute, at least so far as
its suggestions are concerned, to the awa
kening of thought and deeper interest
among the people of the State, upon the
subject of which it treats, Agricultural Ed
ucation.
CARLISLE P. B. MARTIN.
Col. James M. Chambers:.
jDear Sir:—The interest you have
manifested in efforts to promote Agricultu
ral improvement and the opportunity
your position as editor of the Soil of the
South, has given you to judge correctly
concerning the practicability of the plans
which may he entered upon for that pur
pose, induce me to address you and ask
your opinion respecting the probable suc
cess of an enterprise, which I have long
desired to carry into operation, but con
cerning the success of which, though all
agree as to its desirableness and useful
ness, there has nevertheless obtained
among my friends, to whom 1 have submit
ted my plan, a difference of opinion. The
enterprise, to which I refer, is a scientific
and pif ctical school connected with Agri
culture. That you may be able to form a
correct judgment concerning the enterprise,
I will lay my plan before you a little more
fully.
AND, FIRST, THE COURSE OF STUDY.
I. r I lie English Language.—In its Or
thography, its Grammar, its Rhetoric, its
Logic.
II. The Earth.—Its Geograpin*, Miner
alogy, Geology, and Chemistry.
III. Number and Quantity.—Embra
cing Arithmetic, Algebra, Geometry. Tri
gonometry, Surveying, Civil Engineering.
IV. Natural and Moral Science.—Em
bracing Natural Philosophv; Meteorology,
Botany, Chemistry, Agricultural Chemis
try, Ethics.
V. Intellectual Philosophy, Political
Economy.
Second Ttem.—In connection with the
school, 1 propose to have a Farm, say, of
two hundred acres of land, to be cultivated
in the most careful and scientific manner,
and every operation of the farm to he made
the subject of daily observation and note
by the students of the school. A regular
note hook is to be used by each student,
for the daily record of cY’cry operation, and
an hour each day is to be appropriated for
farm inspection, as much as for recitation
in the school room. Observations will al
so be made and notes taken concerning the
weather, the amount of rain and other phe
nomena in inctoorologv.
I do not deem it necessary to enter into
a minute explanation of the application or
flic carrying out of this plan in detail to
you, for you will at once perceive that it
embraces tlie character of the soil, the
kind of manures used, and the manner of
preparing them, as also the mode and time
of applying them, the manner of plowing;
the kind of plow; the time of plowing; the
time and manner of planting; the culture;
the result.
The carrying out of the plan just
sketched will he a scientific school, for all
the knowledge acquired would be classi
fied, science being classified knowledge; it
would also be a practical school, for all the
knowledge acquired would he at once ap
plied. Agricultural Chemistry in some
form or other would be a subject of daily
study. With the smaller students, such a
text-book as Johnston’s “Agricultural
Catechism,” would be used, and with the
larger or more advanced scholars Gray’s
Agricultural Chemistry, or some other of
equal value, as Johnston’s, Liebig,s, War-
ing’s, Ac.
I do not propose to make it a Manual
Labor School; the labor on the farm is to
he performed by farm hands, as on any
other plantation. The farm and all opera
tions are, so far as the school is concerned,
merely for observation, illustration, and
experiment. It is to be tlie great labora
tory of the school—it is to be its cabinet
and herbarium. This being the case, you
at once perceive that Botany, Mineralogy,
Geology, and Agricultural Chemistry will
be taught practically.
I do not propose in this communication,
any argument to show the advantages, dis
tinctive. and chatacteristic, which must re
sult from an education conducted on this
plan. They lie so apparent.it seems to
me, upon the very surface of the system,
that 1 only wonder that all the schools in
the land have not been modeled upon this
practical idea. I w ill, however, simply
add the remark, that the distinctive char
acteristics of the plan of education I pro
pose, are observation, experiment, and
practical application. I wish to see a sys
tem of education established which shall
devclope more fully the powers of obser
vation, of correct reasoning, ofjust analy
sis, and of drawing correct conclusions
from the facts observed and the analyses
made. And would not the system I am
laying before you accomplish these ends ?
Is it not based upon the true Baconian
Philosophy, of induction of principles and
practice from observed facts? Who can
estimate tlie amount of useful knowledge
a youth would acquire in three or four
years, say from fourteen to eighteen years
of age, under such a system of observation
aud experiment as 1 have mentioned ?—
Would he not know arithmetic ! Could
lie not survey a field ! Would lie not be
familiar with Botany, Mineralogy, Geolo-
gy, Chemistry ? Would lie. not be famil
iar with the composition of soils—and
manures ?—of plants and grtiins ?
We have had exhibited in Georgia with
in the past year, a noble illustration of
the high estimation in which agricultural
knowledge is held by one of our most dis
tinguished citizens. I allude, of course,
to the liberal endowment of the Terrell
Professorship in the State University, for
Agricultural Chemistry, by Dr. Terrell, of
Sparta. 1 can speak of this donation, so
far as the animus of the endowment is con
cerned, in none other than in terms of the
highest commendation, but I cannot think,
however, that the mode of applying it is
altogether the most effective and best cal
culated to accomplish the end desired.—
Had the same amount of money been ex
pended in founding a school, such as I
have sketched, it does strike me, that it
would have accomplished a vast deal more
good. It is true that a learned and com
petent Professor has been found in Dr.
Lee, to fill the Chair, yet we know, that
what we learn practically in all tlie scien
ces—botany, mineralogy, geology, chem
istry,—which sciences are the frame work
and soul of agriculture, is nf infinitely more
value to us than the demonstrations of the
lecture room, however learned and beauti
ful. These, we know, are soon forgotten.
What we want most to advance the noble
science of agriculture, is the blending to
gether of the demonstrations of the lecture-
room and the demonstrations of practice.
Let the student see the operation as well
as learn the fact.
Much good sense is found in a short ar
ticle in the January number of the Soil,
taken from the Working Farmer, called
“Agricultural Education.”' Its recommen
dations tally with my plan. Please let
me hear from you at your earliest conven
ience. If I have failed to make myself
fully understood, I shall be happy to write
you again. I atn just out of bed from an
attack of Neuralgia, and am scarcely able
to write at all.
Very truly, vour obedient servant,
CARLISLE P. B. MARTIN.
Synodical College, Griffin, March, 1855.
From tlie Hartford Times, June 21.
Ail Exposition
Of the Principles and Power of the Know-
Nothing Order of Connecticut, founded
on the Actual Experience of Lodge No.
147, locaicd in Lyme.
UNANIMOUS ACTION IN COUNCIL.
Whereas, The State Council of Know-
Nothings, at its recent session in Norwich,
in the grossest violation of its constitution
and laws, by which it professes to be gov
erned, and contrary to every decision foun
ded upon evidence of justice, did revoke
the charter of this Council on the represen
tation of the Presidents of two Councils in
this town—Nos. 105 and 10S—that a ma
jority of its members voted at the Spring
election in accordance with the dictates of
their own consciences, without fear or favor
of any man; therefore,
Resolved, That we can regard the ac
tion of the State Council, in thus revoking
our charter without even notifying us of
such intention, in no other light than that
of a base and tvranical usurpation of pow
er, oppressive alike to us and every subor
dinate Council in the State.
Resolved, That this action has fully
opened our eyes to the manifest determin
ation of the Order to crush out both free
dom of speech and action on the part ofits
members; to utterly disregard its assuran
ces and obligations, professedly made in
good faith, whenever it shall best suit its
secret, dark and unhallowed purposes, and
henceforth to regard no other law than that
of passionate impulse and arbitrary pros
cription, which lias ever been the. last re
sort of those powers only, that have at
tempted to shield the most gigantic wrongs
under the dangerous plea of necessity and
absolute authority.
Resolved, That in our opinion, the time
has arrived for the alarm to be sounded in
the ears of the people of Connecticut, and
to inform them of the existence of a secret
order in their midst which is striking a
blow in the dark against our institutions of
civil and religious liberty, and which, if
suffered to go on, will destroy all we prize
most dear in religion, politics and morals.
Resolved, That we feel that we should
prove false to our obligations to God and
our country, if we were to keep silent at
such a time as this, and that we hereby set
forth to the people the following exposition
of the Order and the objections which arise
in onr minds to the principles of its organ
ization and action:
On our admission to this Order, we had
given us the solemn pledge and assurance
that no obligations would be imposed upon
us which would conflict with those wc had
aheady taken, and owed to God, and our
families. For the sole reason that we ac
ted as we were bound to do under the Con
stitution of the State, and that we honestly
complied with our sacred obligations as
electors, we were rejected from the Order,
anathematized as unworthy of respect, un
deserving of any confidence or trust in any
business transaction, and as deserving only
the scorn and reproach of all good men.
We were subjected to the most fearful de
nunciations because we. would not surren
der up to this most accursed of all despot
isms, our freedom of citizenship, and de
grade ourselves down to the ignomiuous
servitude of wearing a mastiff’s collar.
In Y’iew of such things, what honest man
would contend that any obligations which
might be. imposed by the Order, are in the
least binding or entitled to one, moment’s
respect? Who would not go one step far
ther and say, that man is guilty of perjury
in the highest degree who would act with
the Order against his own honest convic
tions?
We believe if the parent for such a cause
disowns the offspring, the obligation to
keep the secrets of such a parent is forever
absolved, and the light of day should be
permitted to penetrate into the dark reces
ses of this institution, so worthless and at
the same time so dangerous and destructive
to the genius of American institutions. It
is arrayed in warfare against the whole
machinery of a republican government.
It has enticed the people from their
houses in the still hours of darkness, and
at its numerous places of meeting, bound
them to its foul and fearful purposes, by
administering the most horrid oaths, with
one hand resting on the Bible, and the
other raised to Heaven, to yield themselves
unreservedly to the control of this secret
power, and even to deny to their families
and the world that they hold connection
with the. Order. No person is permitted
to hold an opinion which has not the sanc
tion of the self constituted mouth pieces of
the party. Within this temple of supersti
tion, Sir Oracle reigns supreme. The de
votee Yvho worships at its shrine is com
pletely unmanned. He no longer feels nor
acts his former self. In secret he steals
away like a conspirator to the place where
the most inveterate hatred is ingendered
against the descendants and countrymen
of those brave men whose valor assisted in
achieving the liberties which we now enjoy.
In the same manner, and often at the hour
of midnight, he gropes his way back to his
family again to repeat the hundred times
told lie of no connection with this Order.
So much falsehood iu tlie family circle,
where the utmost confidence, truthfulness
and harmony should exist, has a direct ten
dency to produce suspicion and mistrust on
the part of wives and mothers towards
their husbands and sons; hence wc find in
every town where a council exists, the fe
male portion of the community are speak
ing out boldly their moral indignation
against an Order who. e influence is so man
ifestly baneful upon all who are connected
with it, whether nearly or remotely.
lie who does not here behold the sure
workings of demoralization and ruin, must
indeed be a poor moralist.
But all these are evils of small magni
tude and consideration when compared
with some other gigantic wrongs with
which it labors to curse our land. The
scattering of a few pieces of red paper of a
peculiar shape, obliges every “brother” to
arm himself with a bowie-knife and revol
ver, or other deadly weapons, and follow
the beck of their leader, even to the shed
ding of blood. The Cincinnati, Louisville,
St. Louis, and other fearful and bloody
Know-Noting riots, arc but the legitimate
workings of the Order, and but the begin
ning of such scenes as were enacted on the
soil of France under Red Republican rule.
Those who control and manage the af
fairs of this corrupt concern, are in it for
the spoils of office; and no means, however
desperate, arc left untried to compass this
end.
The Order is engaged in a crusade
against religion, it revives the old spirit of
persecution for opinion’s sake, and of course
rallies around its standard thousands who
arc always more willing to fight against
Catholicism than to practice their own pro
fessions. Odious religious tests which have
been successfully reasoned down and re
moved from the statute of our State, are
speedily dragged from their loathsome tomb
and quickened into life. No Catholic is to
be tolerated, no matter how sincerely he
may revere his Maker; lie is to hold no
office in the gift of the people, have no part
in the government nor interests in any ofits
concerns, while the atheist, deist, debau
chee, infidel, mormon or budnist is recog
nized as a good and worthy bruiher.
They have fearful apprehensions that the
Catholic Church will soon overrule and pos
sess the country, to the ruin alike of repub
licanism and religion—and all this, too,
when that Church is in the most rapid de
cline in the old country, and while it is only
continuing in its fold a moiety of those who
reach our shores strong in their attachment
to its cause, these apprehensions, then, are
entirely unfounded in fact, and opposod to
common sense. It is only a trick of crafty
political managers to bring to their aid the
religious element of their country, while it
is generating dissensions, sectarian animos
ities, and the rankest intolerance'.
History and experience alike teach that
no people were ever persecuted for opin
ion’s sake without coming out in the end
vastly increased in numerical strength and
favor. It is a saving both old and true, in
all ages, “The blood of the martyr is the
seed of the Church.” No form of religion
lias been put down by persecution ofits
professors.
The Order swears its members never to
vote for a foreign born citizen to fill any
office in the gift of the people. Thus birth
place, rather than virtue and intelligence,
is made a qualification for places of trust
and responsibility ! Wliat an absurdity is
here ! The Know-Nothing principles and
practice would elevate a Benedict Arnold
to the Presidency, and at the same time
proscribe such men as Lafayette, Hamil
ton, Montgomery, Gates, Steuben, DeKalb,
Moultrie, St. Clair, Morris, and a host of
noble and gallant men, who freely spent
their treasure and shed their blood in our
glorious struggle for liberty. And are the
people of Connecticut prepared to adopt
such principles as these l principles which
are at war with the machinery of tlie
American Government! We have too
much confidence in their intelligence and
honor to believe that they will long submit
to this great wrong We feel confident that
there arc at this time, thousands in the Or
der who arc similarly situated to ourselves,
and who already see that its influence is
for evil, and only evil, upon every interest
of our country. We know of many in oth
er parts of the State who feel with us in
this matter, and who arc resolved to come
out and wash their hands of this foul and
disgraceful business.
The foregoing is a brief statement of
facts; no argument is needed to add to its
force or develop more clearly the character
of an organization which, while it ostraci-
ces all those born in a foreign land, draws
into its toils thousands of honesst and unsus
pecting Americans, and . then attempts to
reduce them to a condition of servitude,
strip them of their individuality, degrade
them to the position of mere machines,
and compel them, at the bidding of their
masters, to disobey the dictates of their
consciences, surrender their own thoughts
into the keeping of others, and violate their
own oaths of allegiance to the State of
which they are citizens.
Others may choose to submit to such
atrocious despotism; but as for ourselves,
we denounce it as contrary to the genius of
our institutions, at war with freedom of
thought, and deserving the open denuncia
tion of every true American.
Resolved, That the officers and members
of this Council affix their names to the
abo\*e.
Resolved, That the papers in this State,
opposed to this organization, are hereby
requested to publish the foregoing.
B. P. HILL, President.
Daniel S. Swan, Marshal.
Charles A. Tiffany, Instructor.
John Sterling, Lodowiek Bill, Charles
Stark, Hewlett K. Anderson, Stephen
Sterling, David Quinly, Henry C. Pierson,
C. A. Howard, Alfred Lester, Samuel Dan
iels, C. M. Beckwith, Charles E. Tiffany,
James A. Bill,E. N. Lester, Frederic Fos-
dick, C. D. Sluman, John A. Peck, Reuben
Lord, B. B. Iluntly, L. Spencer, S. B. Ely,
Daniel Daniels, E. B. Warner, Charles E.
II. B. L. Reynolds, Oliver Chapel, S. B.
Wood, D. A. Martin, F. C. Smith, T. J.
Warner, Geo. Daniels, Noah Harding, E.
E. Bump, Geo. A. Tiffany, John W. Bill,
Gideon Rogers, II. B. Daniels, A. S. Lee,
Joel Clark, Joseph W. Rogers, Wm. W.
J. Warren, P. B. Sampson, John G*.
Hughs, E. M. Caulkins, C. O. Cone, J. J.
Champlin, L. H. Maynard, Abner S. Ely,
E. J. Warner, E. S. Lay, John Chapel,
Ira Chapel, H. L. Huntly, R. N. Deanison,
E. Strong, Wm. B. Fosdick, David War
ner, F. F. Huntly, Elisha Miller, Ira Z.
Congdon, E. J. Beckwith, Chas. E. Peck,
Elisha Smith Peck, David B. Date, J.
Congdon, H. B. Sisson, Clement Fosdick.
From the Presbyterian Critic.
The American Parly.
There is no demand whatever for a
great national movement against the
Catholic Church. The recent excitement
in the country has been in the main, the
result of a corrupt movement of unprinci
pled politicians, to excite tlie Protestant
feeling of the people and to ride into pow
er upon the tide. They have run foul of
the great maxim, which they have so con
spicuously set forward among their princi
ples, as if for the purpose of exposing the
profligacy of the whole movement, by vio
lating in practice what they praise in theo
ry. It is absurd to deny, that makin
the mere religious sentiments of a man
the reason for refusing to vote for him, is a
violation of the great principle of religious
liberty. It is allowing a principle of’
discriminating the political aspect of
a vote to be sound and just; which would
be wicked and unprincipled, if embodied
in a law. If our neighbors make their dis
like to onr Presbyterian sentments the
ground of their refusing to vote for us, it
is perfectly useless to disguise that we are
under political responsibility for religious
opinions—that, quoad hoc, we are suffer
ing for them. The objectionable features
in this view of the case is, making religi
ous opinion unattended by any vicious
ness of action growing out of it, a ground
for on universal discrimination in political
affairs affecting permanently large masses
of citizens. This is our first and great ob
jection to the American or Know Nothing
party; it is violating the very principle of
religious liberty, which it professes to con
serve; and has adopted a construction of
that principle which strips it of all prac
tical force, leaving it a dead letter in the
statute book, and abandoning its controll
over the political action of the people.
We object again to .a political movement
against the Catholic Church, because
there is no necessity for it, provided the
the people of this country will properly
employ the legitimate agencies of opposi
tion which arc in their power. The sim
pie and sufficient condition of the preser
vation of the Republic from the arts of
Romanism, is the full and efficient support
of the Protestant Church—the complete
nnd animated maintainance of the domes
tic missionary enterprises of the various
Protestant denominations. This is the
great conservative element of our political
system—to sustain and vivify it with the
vigorous energy which it ought to possess
—and it need not be feared that any of
the great social or political interests that
are conditional upon it will ever come to
home. It is the only—not less than the
only legitimate power; which can be ef
fectively employed to restrain Popery and
maintain the institutions of our Govern
ment. All persecution, no matter how
disguised in form or limited on extent, will
inure to the benefit of the body enduring
it. The policy, then, of restraining Pope
ry by political disabilities inflicted upon
the individual Catholic, is suicidal in the
extreme. It will erfneentrate and intensi
fy the attachment of its members, and
render them more and more unapproacha
ble by Protestant instruction. It will cre
ate sympathy, and thus open wide the
door to proselutisni, aud it will put the
Churchin an attitude far more attractive
as the victim of an unjustifiable crusade
that it is at all entitled to assume from its
intrinsic charms. How long is the world
to be learning the lesson and never com
ing to the knowledge of the truth, that all
means but reason and love to affect tne
opinions of men, only result in strengthen
ing attachment to their original convic
tions? The principle of this opposition to
Popery is vicious, and the more complete
ly it is carried into effect, the more dis
astrous will l>e theresult. The more com
plete the political vietory over Popery,
the more it will be benefitted. The only
effective—as it is the only lawful, general
and permanent agency of opposition to
tlie Popish Church—is the true Protestant
Church of Christ under its various forms.
Wc have no right to complain of the inef
ficiency a means until we have employed
it fully and tested all its capacities. Let
the people of the United States double
their support of the great domestic mis
sionary work, and they have safely aban
don all political organization against the
Catholic Church.
Wc object again to the American party,
that it is condensing the Catholic and For
eign element, in our population into a
political body, distinct from the mass of
our citizens, armed with all their power to
do mischief, and animated by all that hos
tility which is natural to men suffering un
der an ostracism of their religion and birth,
provoked by an attempt to diminish their
full equality with other citizens. Now
what does Know Nothingism propose to
do for the remedy of this evil which it has
created? It only proposes to render the
Catholic and Foreign citizen intelligible
to office. It leaves them the power to
vote, and the right of unlimited emigration
in the future—the two great means of mis
chief, if they are pleased to use them.
There can be no remedy for the People’s
control over the Catholic vote, except in
taking away the elective franchise alto
gether. Now it is, to say the least of it,
the most manly and honest policy, to pro
hibit the entry of a Catholic and a For
eigner altogether, into the country, and to
the rights of citizenship, rather than invite
them to come and then begin to annoy
them by a whole series of political disabili
ties, which are assumed to be essential to
a defence against them. Indeed, the in
ference of the Know Nothing creed, on
both the issues it has raised, is a logical
and a practical blunder from its premises.
It assumes in the strongest sense of an ex
isting fact, not as a logical inference from
the Catholic creed, the absolute incom
patibility of the Catholic Church and the
free institutions of this country. This is
its premise; its inference is, to render the
individual Catholic ineligible to office; the
true inference from the premise as they
construe it is, that the Catholic Church
ought not to be tolerated at all. On the
other issue, the premise is, that the foreign
element in onr population is dangerous to
the government; the inference is, the re
duction of a part of the rights of citizen
ship—the inelegibility to office, in the
foreigners already here, and an extension
of the term of naturalization. The true in
ference is, the prohibition of all emigra
tion tor the future, and the avoidance of
every thing that would exasperate the
foreign element already in the midst of us;
the careful observance of everything
which would tend to strengthen their at
tachment to the institutions of the country.
These are the results which logically issue
from the premises of the Know Nothing
creed, and which they are logically requir
ed to assume.
But they dare not do it: the measure
they propose to adopt—the exclusion from
office—is rediculously incomplete as a
practical expedient: it is a most impotent
and lame conclusion, as a logical inference.
It is necessary, cither to cause this politi
cal crusade against large masses of our
people, or to make it effectual to accomp
lish, not only the ends it holds in view,
but to prevent tlie incident evils the effort
of reform has created in its progress.—
Nothing short of a more effective diminu
tion of the common rights of citizenship
than has yet dared to assume the shape of
a public proposition, will meet the ends
which the American party are seeking to
accomplish. It is absurd to admit large
classes of men to all the common rights of
citizenship, except one, and that by no
means the most important one. If there is
a reason why they should be deprived of
one, they should be deprived of all. If it
is right to allow them to vote, it is right to
allow them to be voted for; the one right
is almost, if not altogether, the corrella-
tive of the other. Any argument which
would prove a man disqualified for office,
would prove him disqualified to vote.—
There may be special reasons why par
ticular officis, involving the representa
tion of the national character, as well as
the national policy, should be exclusively
occupied by native-born citizens; but this
is very different in nature, and proceeds
upon a wholly different principle of politi
cal wisdom, from the universal declara
tion of inelegibility to all office, among
large masses of citizens. That eligibility
attaches as an incident, or inheres among
the mass of the common rights of citizen
ship; and it is absurd to admit the citizen
ship in general, and deny this single ca
pacity which it involves. This principle
of action involves the explanation of the
difficulty raised by the writer in the Crit
ic for May, in relation to the eligibility
of the Chinese or a Mohomedan. This
question will be settled by the settlement
of a pre vious question, and that is, wheth
er large masses of such persons, Pagans
and Polygamists, are to be admitted at all
to the permanent and general participation
in the rights of citizenship iu a Christian
country.
It is on this question, the great mormon
issue, now ripening for trial, will be deter
mined in a few years. Conceding this issue
as determined in the affirmative, all minor
questions, such as eligibility to office, and
propriety of voting such persons into office
are settled; it is absurd to question the
ordinary propriety of allowing by vote
what is allowable by law. The whole
question, as a general proposition, is
determined by the permanent admission
of large masses of persons in view to the
common rights of citizenship. It is one
thing to allow specific privileges to indi
vidual foreigners residing on our soil, for
specific purposes; but it is altogether
another, to disfranchise in part, and by a
principle designed to be permanent, im
mense masses of men already permanently
a part of the population, and so recog-
.nised. We insist, therefore, that the
whole movement must retract its progress,
or go forward; it is unwise in the extreme
to leave all their power for mischief in
their hands, resulting in part from their
simple existence in the country as a part
ofits population, and in part from the
privileges which arc still to be left them—
and then exasperate them to use it, by at
tempting to reduce their full political
equality with citizens of other birth and
religions opinions.
We object in the last place, and with
deep severity of con\*iction, to the princi
ples of organization adopted by the
American or Know Nothing party, and to
some of the particular features which they
have embodied in then - order. If ever
any principle was at war with the very
foundation of the American Republic, it
is the principle of a secret, oath-bound
organization of political parties. It is un
necessary, dangerous, hostile to the fun
damental maxims of republican liberty,
and, in its existing aspect, demoralizing
in - a high degree. It strikes a blow at
that great fundamental maxim of the gov
ernment—the intelligence of the people—
an essential element of republican liberty.
What matters it, how much intelligence
the people may have if political men will
conceal from them the elements upon
which to employ that intelligence, in the
foundation of an opinion and the adoption
of a policy. The duties of a man are cor
relative. Ifitisthe duty of the people to
require knowledge of any party claiming
their suffrages, before they endorse them,
it is the duty of that party to give it.—
No party has the right to retire into the
dark, bind itself to secrecy under oath, un
fold what they please and conceal what
they please from the people; nor have the
people the shadow of a moral right to give
their sanction to that, of the propriety of
which they are not informed.
Moreover, this principle of organization
will prove utterly subversive of the Con
stitution of the United States, by placing
the legislation of Congress in the hands of
an irresponsible association of its members;
in a body totally unknown to the Consti
tution distinct from Congress itself ,
existing within but independent of,
and independent of all responsibility
to, any public or recognized law.
The Congressional Council, itself at war
with the Constitution, will be under the
control of the National Council; and the
result will be, ihat the Congress of tlie
United States will become, under the full
success of Know Nothing principles, a
mere registry of decrees to a body in the
country, unknown to the Constitution—
existing, no one can tell where—aiming
at, no one can tell what. It is a principle
of party organization, wliicli, by demand
ing the unlimited submission of the mi
nority to the majority, annihilates the
balance-power of a Parliamentary opposi
tion, and all the advantages that belong to
it. ’ It extinguishes the personal indepen
dence ofthe voter, destroys the jurisdic
tion of conscience over the political con
duct, aud make it a condition to preserva
tion of his integrity, if a voter should hap
pen to scrapie a measure or a man propos
ed by the Order, that he absolutely aban
don the party altogether.
Lastly: if this principle of secresy and
obligation under oath is legitimate for one
party, it is legitimate for all; every party
may adopt it; the “Sag NichY’ clubs of
the foreigners ofthe West are wholly
justified; and the whole political destinies
of the country may be controlled by secret,
oath bound organizations—a hybrid mix
ture of Masonry and a political cancus,
with all good in either spoiled by the con
junction. Can any man in this nation
contemplate such a prospect—the legiti
mate result of the principle of organiza
tion adopted by the Know Nothing party
without emotions of alarm amounting to
terror? It is a principle, legitimate iu a
condition of society where the lives of men
are dependent npon the fidelity of their
political associates; it is utterly abomina
ble in any other. Yet the accomplished
writer in the Critic, ‘for May, would place
such principle, in point of political morali
ty, on the same footing with the vote by
ballot!
We have only to add, that if the Nation
ality, the Federal Union and the Pro
testant Civilization of this country, are de
pendent upon the conservatism of this new
political combination, its past acts indi
cate most fearfully that gloomy times are
ahead. ,
Lfiler of Senator Donjlw.
The district committee of the Democrat
ic party invited the Hon. S. A. Donj^ne to
be present at the celebration ofthe victo
ry of the Old Dominion. His reply is too
good to remain unpublished, andhere it is;
Chicago, June 7, 1855.
Gentlemen; I deeply regret that it
will be impossible forme to be present and
participate with you in celebrating the glo
rious victory recently achieved by the de
mocracy of Virginia over the most intoler
ant, proscriptive, insidious, and dangerous „
politic.il organization ever formed against
the liberties of a free country. In all the
elections which have taken place in the
northern States, during the last twelve
months Know-Nothingism has not only
been the firm ally of abolitionism, higher
lawism, and mob-Iawism, and all the oth
er baneful isms of the day, hut has been the
controlling power which combined, direc
ted, and led all those allied factions in their
savage and brutal warfare against the
Democratic party, its principles and organ
ization.
Let us not be deceived by their repeated
changes of name. It matters not whether
they call themselves ‘know-nothings,’ or
‘know-somethings,’ or the ‘sons of the sires
of ’76,’ or the ‘order of the Star Spangled
Banner,’ or the ‘children of Sam,’ or the
‘sons of Jonathan,' or by any other name
they may assume when they have disgrac
ed the previous one, their secret organiza
tion and clandestine proceedings, their in
tolerant and proscriptive spirit, their un
lawful and horrid oaths, their unconstitu
tional and unholy purposes remain un
changed. It is the duty, and, I firmly be
lieve, the destiny, of the. democratic party,
under the guidance of Divine Providence,
to confound, overwhelm, and entirely
annihilate this secret, insidious, and dan
gerous organization.
To accomplish this great work, it is
only necessary that we should be true to
ourselves, onr principles and our party,
whose triumphs have ever been identified
with the interests, honor, and glory of the
republic. Let there be no concessions to
to the enemy—none to faction—none to
the allied fanatical isms of the day, under
whatever name or form they may appear.
The Old Dominion has shown herself true
to her principles, her history, and her re
nown. Her* democracy have fought the
battle faithfully, gallantly, gloriously.—
With you I rejoice in her triumph. May
Kentucky imitate the example and rival
the achievements of her illustrious mofher.
All eyes are now fixed upon your noble
State. A similar victory in old Kentucky
would overwhelm the enemy with dismay*
and despair, while it would carry joy, hope,
and confidence to the heart of every friend
of religious freedom and constitutional
right throughout the length and breadth of
the land.
Pardon the length of this letter, and
accept for yourselves and those you repre
sent, my grateful acknowledgments for
your kind invitation.
I have the honor to be, very truly, your
friend and obedient servant,
S. A. DOUGLAS.
Messers. F. S. J. Ronald, W. Tomp
kins, G. L. Harrison, J. P. Fulwiler, Dem
ocratic District Committe, &c.
Democracy at the North.—The fol
lowing is from the Detroit Free Press, one
of the ablest Democratic papers of the
North-West:
The Georgia Democracy.—The Demo
cratic State Convention of Georgia, held
on the 5th inst., passed a series of
resolutions, embodying the sentiment of
the Democracy of the State on na
tional questions. We make a synopsis ot
them:
1 The Union secondary only to the
State rights it secures.
2 The non-aggression by Congress npon
the institution of slavery anywhera—m
Territories, States, or the District of Col
umbia.
3 The maintenance of the Fugitive
Slave Law as it is.
4 The principle enunciated in the Kan-
sas-Nebraska bill, of the right of all Ter
ritories to frame their owu domestic in
stitutions their way, without the dictation
of Congress.
5 The right of new States to admission
into the Federal Union at the proper
time and in the proper maner,
without reference to whether their Constitu
tions are or are not slaveholding..
6 Opposition to proscriptive principles,
and the secret organization of the Know
Nothing Order.
7 The annexation of Cuba, as a matter,
of national well being.
This platform Democrats everywhere
can stand upon. It is mainly the platform
upon which Democrate everywhere stand
now.
Rice Culture on Upland.—The cul
tivation of rice on upland is so simple,
that it is a matter to be regretted that
more is not raised by planters. Those
who clear rich land every year, can feed
horses and mules cheaper with it than with
corn, as a per acre feed. Mules have been
worked, when fed solely on rice, say two>
sheaves twice a day. The mode of cul
ture is very simple, as follows: Take fresh
land, new ground, break it ujr throughly,
lay off rows two to three, feet distant, ow
ing to quality of land with a hill-tongue
plow, scattering the seed as regularly as
possible the width of drill, cover, with an
iron tooth harrow. IV hen the rice is up
some two inches, shave all off, grass and
all; in a few days the rice will be up high
enough to mold with a hill-tongue plow,
then cloan middles with plow, and ran it
occasionally, so as to keep clean.—Ameri
can Cotton Planter.
The health of the Hon. Abbott Lawrence is im
proving, and hopes are entertained at his recovery.