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HOUGHTON, NISBET& BARNES, Publishers and Proprietors. (S. > Jt* B orouT03i > | Mit ,, II. NSSBK - TK It n H. TS23 FEX>SRAI. UNION, ] vuMisktd lf'rc/ty, in t!ir. Uurirn Dunk Duihiing, , c2 00 per Annum, payable in advance, 50 if not paid within three months, and 0Q *f not paid before the end of tlie year. “ batkm of advertising, Per srputre of ticeicc lines. 0ne insertion $1 rtO, and Fifty Cents for each sub sequent continuance. Those sent without a specification of the number o( insi-tiotis, will be published till forbid, and charged accordingly. Business or Professional Cards, per year, where they do not exceed one square - - - sjlO Ofl \ liberal contract trill ue wade irith those trim Irish to blrertisc by the year, occupying a sprrified space. LEGAL ADV i;FTISEMENTS. Sales of Land and Negroes, by Administrators, Executors or Guardians, are required by law to be jjciJ .ill the First Tuesday in the month, between ♦he hours of l ’ 1 in the forenoon and 3 in the after noon, at the Court House in the County in which the property is situated. Notice of these sales must be given in a public L , i/. rte 4 !| days pievious to fl>e day of sale, f Notices f’>r the >a!c of personal property must be riven in like manner Hi days previous to sale day. Notioi - to the debtors and creditors of an estate VOLUME XXVI.] MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 7, 1855. [NUMBER 10. must a: published 41) da 3 00 4 00 3 on ] 50 5 00 1 50 5 00 Notice flint application wiP be made to the Court of Or i iary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must he published for two months. Cii.einns fer letters of Administration, Guardian- \ must he published •> 1 days—for dismis sion from Administration, Monthly sir months—for dismi-don from Guardianship, 40 days. gal's for foreclosure of Mortgage must be pub- y s hi i monthly for four mouths—for establishing lost J ill. is, fur tit full spare of three, mouths—for COIB- ilino- titles from Executors or Administrators, where bund has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, at the following R A T E Si Citations on letters of Administration, &c. 1*2 75 “ “ dismissory from Admr'on. 4 50 “ “ “ Guardianship Leave to sell Land or Negroes Notice to debtors and creditors Sab - of persponal property, ten days, 1 sqr. >:,!;■ of land or negroes by Executors,&• Estrays, two weeks For a man advertising his wife (in advance) Letters mi business must be Post Paul to entitle them to attention. BUSINESS C A K i) S. DANA & WASHBURN,' SUCCESSORS TO WASHBURN. WILDER & CO., Factors and toiiiiuission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GA. J Wadibnrn, \ Special I Fras. G. Dana, ? Gen'l J. R. Wilder, ) I’ari’ns, | II. K. Washburn, $ Part'ns. "IV* ILL continue the above business at 114 IT Say Street, East of the Exchange. Old I S tor Sagging - , Hope, and other sup plies tilled promptly, at lowest cash prices." Savannah, August 1, 1~5”>. !) fim H. A. LANE, A T T 0 R .YE Y AT LA fV, Clinton, Georgia. 12th. !- 2 Ii WILL1A1I J. VIELC'glUK. A TTO11 NE Y A T LAW, Wakrf.xton, Geo., W tt t. practice in the Northern Circuit of Georgia, and in the Counties of Burke, Columbia, Jeffer- con and Washington, of the Middle Circuit dune 25, 1855 4 Iv Practice of Medicine and Surgery. DE. CIIARLH3 H. HAU, Proffers his services to the citizens of Milledge- Tille and vicinity. Office on Hancock Street, first door East of the Masi'iiic Hall, where he can bo found at all times, link—- professionally employed. April 3 tb. 1S55. 48—tf. Til OS. S. WAYNE & SON, General (omsiissiou & Forwarding M E 3 C S A U T S, SAVANNAH. OA. I”?* All business intrusted to their care will meet with prompt attention. 38 ly A. S. EASTEIDGE^ Factor and General Commission .Merchant, No. 9S. ita,- Street, S-uaniin!i, Geo. REFERENCES. Geo. V,. Anderson, Ex-President Planters Hank, Savannah: C. F. Mn.l.s, Esq.. President Marine Bank. I. C. PLANT, tAgent of Marine Bank : t Macon; ( H. Wright, Esq., Milledgeville; W. iiODfir.s, Agent of Planters Bank at Sandersville; R H. D. Sorrell, Agent of Planters Bank at Americns. February 2<1, 1855 38—Cm. JOHN F SI1INC, A T r O Ii N E Y AT L A W, MARIOS. GA. Will atP-nd promptly to all business intrusted to las rare. * Jg> | v T if OS T. hOAG. A T T O 11 N E Y AT L A W, BKI ASU B Ii. G A. \\ U.L practice in the Courts of Glynn, Wayne, , | undt-n, McIntosh, Liberty and Chatham, e ‘' ;ls,Prn Circuit: Charlton,Lowndes, Clinch, are and Appling, of the Southern; also, Duval vonnty. Florida. 51 lv CiSAN. E ft IS BET, AT TO R NE Y A T L A TF, CntJibert, April :V1, 1854. 44 HliftRV IIliMDKIFK, A r T () 11 N E Y A T L A TF, JACKSON, BUTTS Co., GA. fills. G CAMPBELL, 1 T T () R NR y A T L A TF, MILLEDGEVILLE, GA. <7 ILL attend promptly to all businessentrust- cd to his care. Particular attention pal'd to collecting. Milledgeville, FYb. 22, 18.53. gj tf J- B 'CAMP, A T T O R NE Y A T L A TF, __ OAMPBELLTON, GA. lASTD WARRANTS! | L ILL pay the highest market value for Land A- Warrants. V'PT to A. W. CALLAWAY. -riiiicdgeville, June 11th, 1855. 2 tf LAND WARRANTS WANTED! j A U'L give the highest market price for Land ' 'RRAxts, L. A. CHOICE. 7 n:ip 25, 1855. - - 4 tf HONEY Ail ST (0ME! \ 71-8 and Accounts will not pay Bank Notes, * a *'.‘lore all persons owing us and failing to j,‘ • " lit he sued in the Justice’s and Inferior ' ,Jrts without further delay, , CHOICE & MEG RATH. * r bmory JOtli, 1855. 37—tf. OIIjS OAF* c 0 r. M A C, WINE and RUM, V > «h directious. For 8ale by CARESS tfc HA3SSL. 13 & 2f; PLATT STREET, jk',5. f,2—3m. Nf.w York. rp , Notice to Landholders. Ip"' .'''Ursigned will attend to the selling or l iii»U Uninin (? and giving information of LANDS ,•.... 7 n n ny of the Counties of S. AV. Georgia on mabte terms. A. P. GREER, Ik .. Albanv f Geo. ‘I C\- • ’0> KS H° ra ' Hon. Lott Warren, R. V- ember 22 StCph ™’ No ^« a ’ }\\ istellantows. The Left Eye.—\ Ulmer Tale. [TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN.] A rich old man, who resided at the i extremity of the camp, quite aj art from ■ the rest, had three daughters, the youngest of whom, named Koqju, was as j much distinguished for her beauty as for her j extraordinary wisdom. One morning, as lie was about driving] his cattle for sale to the Khan’s market place, lie begged his daughters to tell him what presents they wished him to bring to them oji his return. The two eldest asked him for trinkets, hut the handsome and wise Kooju said that she wanted no pres ents, but that she had a request to make which it would be difficult and even dan gerous for him to execute ; upon which the father, rvlio loved her more than the other two, swore that he would do her wish, though it were at the price of his life. “H it be so,” replied Kooju, “1 beg you do as follows: Sell all your cattle except tbe short-tailed ok, and ask no other price for it except the Chans left eye.” The old man was startled, how ever, remembering, his oath, and confiding in his daughter’s wisdom, he resolved to do as she bade him. After having sold all his cattle, and be ing asked for the price of the short-tailed ox, he said he would sell it for nothing else but the Chan’s left eye. The report of this singular and daring request soon reached the ears of the Chan’s couriers.— At first they admonished him not to use such an offensive speech against the sovereign? but when they found that he persevered in his strange demand, they bound him and carried him as a madman before the Chan. The old man threw himself at the Prince’s feet, and confessed that his demand had been made at the re quest of his daughter, of whose motives he was totally ignorant; and the Chan, suspect ing that some secret must,be hidden under tills extraordinary request, dismissed the old man, under the condition that he would bring him that daughter who had made it. Kooju appeared, and the Clian asked: “Why didst thou instruct thy father to demand my left eye?” “Because I expected, my Prince, that after so strange a request, curiosi ty’ would urge thee to send for me.” “And wherefore dost thou desire to see me?” “I wish to tell thee a truth important to thyself and thy people.” “Maine it.” “Prince,” replied Kooju, “when two persons appear before thee in a cause, the wealthy and noble generally stand on thy right hand, whilst the. poor and humble stand on thy left. I have heard in my solitude that thou most frequently favorest the noble and rich. This is the reason | that T persuaded iny father to ask for thy hft eye—it being of no use to thee, since thou never seest the poor and unprotect ed.” The Chan, incensed and surprised at the daring of this Maiden, commanded his Court to try her. The Court was opened, and the 1 ’resident, who was the eldst Lama, proposed that they should try whether her strange proceeding was the effect of malice or of wisdom. Their first step was to send to Koqju a log of wood, cut even an all sides, ordering her to find out which Was the root and which the top. Kooju threw it into the water, and soon knew the answer, and seeing the root sinking, whilst the top rose to the surface. After this they sent her two snakes, in order to determine which was a male and which was a female. The Avise maiden laid them on cotton, and on seeing that one coiled herself up in a ring, while the other crept away, she judged that the latter was a male and the former a fe male. From these trials, the court was convin ced that Koqju had not offended the Chan from' motives of malice, but the inspiration of wisdom granted her from above. But not so the Chan; his vanity was hurt, and he resolved to puzzle her with questions, in order to prove that she v as not wise?— He therefore ordered her before him, and asked: “On sending a number of maidens into the wood to gather applies, which of them will bring home most?” “rilie,” replied Koqju, “who, instead of climbing up the trees, remains below, and picks uji those which have fallen off from maturity or the shaking of the branches.” The Chan then left her to a fen, and asked her which would he the readiest way to get over it; and Kooju said, “to cross it would he the farthest, going round the nearest.” The Chan felt vexed at the readiness and propriety of her replies; and, after having reflected some time, lie again inquired: “Which is the safest means of becoming known to many?” “By assisting many that are unknown.” “Which is the surest means of always leading a virtuous life?” “To begin every morning with pray er, and conclude every evening with a good action.” “Who is truly’ wise?” “He who does not believe himself so.” “What are the requisites of a good wife?” “the should be beautiful as a peahen, gentle, as a lamb, prudent as a mouse, just as a faithful mirror, pure as tbe scales of a fish; she must mourn for her deceased hus band like a she charnel, and live in her widowhood like a bird which lias lost its wings.” The Chau was astonished at the wisdom of the fair Kooju; yet, enraged at her barring reproached him with injustice, he still wished to destroy her. After a few days he thought he had found the means for attaining his object.— He sent for her and asked her to determine the true worth of all his treasures, after which he promised to absolve her from Malice in questioning his justice, and admit that she intended as a a wise woman, merely to warn him. The maiden consented, yet under the condition that the Chan would promise her implicit obedience to her commands for 4 days. She requested that he would eat no food during that time. Ou the the last day she placed a dish of meat before him, and said. “Confess, O, Chan, that all thy treas ures are not not worth as much as this joint of meat!” The Clian was struck with the truth of lier remark that he confessed the truth of it; acknowledged her as wise, married her to his son, and permitted her constantly to remind him to use his left eye. Criiwlh of the ITnitnl Stales. The rapid growth of these United States, since they became really a nation; in other words, since tbe adoption of the federal constitution, is not always realized, even bv your own citizens. A\ e say, since they became a nation, for, prior to 1789,•they were but a congeries of States, often on the point of civil war, never acting heartily together, and suffering consequently in commerce; manufactures, agriculture, and prosperity in general. A few statistics will give some notion of this growth. The population in 1790 was 3,929,S72; in 1850 it had swelled to 23, 191, 976; and it is now twenty-nine mil lions, if it has increased in its usual ratio. In 1790 the population of New York was 33,131; in 1n50 it was 515, 547; in 1790 that of Philadelphia was 42,520; in 1850 it was 408,762; in 1790 Cincinnati did not exist; in 1840 it had 115, 436 in habitants when tbe federal constitution was adopted, the whole population of the U nited States exceeded but little that of Pennsylvania at the present time; while the inhabitants of all the principal cities were not over one-third the number of those of Philadelphia now. In 1790 the public debt of tlie nation was about seventy-five millions, and it was considered so great, that, on tbe adoption of the constitution, many persons had seriously proposed repudiating it. At present, tbe debt is less than forty-five millions, which is looked upon as a mere bagatelle. The annual revenue at first averaged only’ two millions; it now eve- rages about fifty’ millions; and of those two millions, a tenth was raised by’ direct taxation while not a cent is thus raised now. In 1791 our tonnage xvas 502,146; in 1853 it was 4,407,010 At the former epoch, avc exported about twenty'-fivc millions; we now export about two hun dred and twenty-five milions; then avc im posed about thirty-five millions, or forty per cent, more than our exports, now, on an average of five years, the exports and imports balance each other. In every j ^ weak ” way, therefore, avc are prospering. Never 1 before, in a period of but two generations, did any nation increase so fast in material wealth. Moreover, the progress of the people in education, general intelligence, and social civilization, has fully kept pace in the material adA'anee. In 1790, the whole extent of post routes in tlie United States was only 1,875 miles; in 1853 it was al ready 217,743. At the adoption of the Constitution, there Avas comparatively no school fund any’where; at the present the school fund of twenty States amounts to 826,509,820. In 1790, there were no steamboats, railroads, or magnetic tele graph, no coal mines worked, feAv news papers, no lyeemns, and not a tithe of the existing number of colleges and other higher-class academies. All writers agree in stating that wealth Avas more unequally distributed, education more exclusive, the prejudice of caste more prevalent. In 1791, there Avere thousands who doubted tlie capacity of eA’cn the American people to govern themselves; but avIio questions it in 1855! Verily, this nation has tlirh’- en, and without a parallel.—Philadelphia Ledger. from fiA’e to eight inches in length, it is of a mouse color, inclining to brown, with a short, thick tail, and its head is rather large and clumsy’, owing to its cheek pouches. Some travelers say that it uses its broad feet for the purpose of bringing up earth, and that its pouches are used for other purposes. We had the pleasure of witnessing the operation the other day’, but cannot decide which Avas employed.— In this instance it blocked up tbe hole; but the curiosity of a Yankee, removed the obstruction, and e\ r en penetrated to its nest, and gathered, from examination, an item,for a newspaper paragraph.—Kansas Herald of Freedom. —41^ The moment a man parts with moral independence—the moment lie judges of duty, not from the inward voice, but from tbe interest and will of a party, the mo ment he enmmitts himself to a leader or a body, and Avinks at evil because divisions Avould hurt the cause, the moment he shakes off bis particular responsibility, because be is but one of a thousand, or a million, by’ whom the evil is done.—that moment lie parts Avitli bis moral power. He is shorn of the energy of single-hearted faith in the right and the true. He hopes from man’s policy A\riiat nothing but loyalty’ to (lod cyan accomplish. He substitutes coarse weapons, forged by man’s wisdom, for celestial power.—[ Chan- ning. A side that port, “Oak,” said the vine, “bend your trunk so that you may be support to me.” “My support,” replied tlie oak, “is natu rally yours, and y’ou may’ depend on my T strength to bear you up, but 1 am too large and solid to bend. Put your arms around me, pretty A’ine, and I Avill manfully support and cherish you, if you have ambition to climb as high as the clouds; while 1 thus hold you up, you Avill ornament my rough trunk Avitli your pretty green leaves and shining scarlet berries. They avi 11 be as frontlets to my head, as I stand in the forest like a glorious Avarrior, with all his plumes. We were made by’ the great Master to grow to gether, and by our union tlie weak may be made srrong, and the strong render aid to Fa/de.—A .vine Avas growing bc- a thrifty oak, and bad reached height at whicli it required sur- “But I Avisli to groAv independently,’ said the vine, “why’ cannot you twine around me, and let me grow up straight, and not be a mere dependent upon you?” “Nature,” answered tbe oak, “did not design it. It is impossible that you should grow to*any height alone; and if you try it, the winds, and rains, if not your own weight, will bring you to the ground.— Neither is it proper for you to run your own arms hither and tliither among the trees. The trees Avill say it is not my vine—it is a stranger—get thee gone; I Avill not cherish theC. By this time thou wilt be so entangled among the different branches, that thou can’t get back to the oak: and nobody will admire or pity’ thee.” “All, me!” said the A’itie, “let me es cape from such a destiny;” and Avitli this she twined herself around the oak, and both greAV and nourished happily’ togeth er. Well Spoken.—A foreign born corres pondent of the Pittsburg Christian Advocate makes the following point: “I have renounced, on my oath, citizen ship in all countries, and am I then to be denied in this? The Arabs or the Tartars might refuse to admit me to their rights, but even their sense of honor would fqrbid them to thus ensnare me. I must be lost to every country, and every country lost to me, save that country Avliere the arm of man cannot saw the scales of justice.— I read my Bible in the language of Luther, and learned to be a Protestant; and from my Bible and Wesley 1 learned to be a Methodist. Nooneasks me to disbelieve the Bible, because 1 came from India; Protestantism, because Wesley Avas an Englishman- No one refuses me a mem bership in the church, because 1 was born a foreigner. I can join them in praising God for His favors, add invoking His blessing on our country; I can commune \A’itb them at the sacrament board; and vet, refusing me a vote, they will cast their ballot, side by side, Avitli tlie vilest indi vidual that ever disgraced the soil on Avliieh he avhs born.” —— What wonderful order there is in all human labor! Whilst the husbandman furrows Ids land, and prepares for every one bis daily bread, the tOAvn artisan, far aAA av, Aveaves the stuff' in whicli he is to be clothed; the miner seeks under tbe ground the iron for Ins plough; the soldier defends him against the invader; the judge takes care that the law protects his ‘fields; the tax-comptroller adjusts his private interests AA'itli those of the public; the merchant occupies himself in exchang ing his products with those of distant countries; the men of science and art add every day a few horses to this ideal team, whicli dr.-.Av along the material Avorld as steam impels the gigantic trains of our railroads! Thus all unite together all help one another; tbe toil of each henfits himself and all the Avorld; tbe Avork lias been aportloned among tbe different mem bers of the whole of society’ by a tacit agreement. If, in this apportionment, errors are committed—41 certain individ uals have not been cmnloved according to their capacities, these defects of detail diminish in the sublime conception of the Avlmle. The poorest man included in this association lias his place, his ivork, his reason for being there; each is something in the whole. The Gopher.—This animal, so often spoken of by newspaper Avriters, and travellers Avho hgve journeyed in Kansas, is peculiar to the Columbia and Missouri rn’ers and their tributaries. It is known in some localities as the camas rat, taking its name from a plant which is its favorite food. It lives beneath the surface of tbe earth, and throws up in an incredible short time an immense amount of dirt from its bole, which it carries in pouches by tbe side of its face. The animal is classed by na turalists with tbe mole species. It ranges Drinking Habits in England.—But wliat ever difference the Englishmen may have as to the amount of his food, lie makes all up in drink. I was not prepar ed to find drinking habits so universally’ prevalent in England. During an eight months’ residence I have not met Airith one tee-total!er—Divines, scholars members of all churches, people in all sta tions, take their glass of Avine for dinner when they can get-it, and their porter when they can get nothing better. In deed tlie Avliole etiquette of social life is formed upon the supposition that every body takes a little. For my oaa ii want of manners in failing to ask the ladies at the table if I might have the pleasure of drinking a glass of wine AA'itli them, each and seA’cral, I have been gently reproved by r mine host sayin, ‘why Mr. Gr., here are some ladies waiting to he asked to take a glass of Avine Avitli you!’ Nor is it only’ in high life that you find an established code of etiquette in drinking. A poor man thinks lie lias jest as much right to be offended if you fail to honor his home- brcAvcd ale and cow-slip wine as if you turned up your nose Avnen lie exhibited his youngest bairn. There are tee-totallers in England, hut they are comparatively feAv, and they are generally regarded as ‘unco guid’ and righteous.’ Of course, in the higher circles, if youa\’OAV your tee-total principles, you are not assailed either by en treaties or arguments, but among common people you must expect to be a little des pised for ymur weakness. And yet, for all this, I have seen more staggering, reeling men in the course of a day in a New England or Canadian village, than I have seen here in town or country.”—Letter from London to the Burlington Free Press. A Beautiful Custom.—Amongst the French settlers in Canada, on the lower St. Lawrence, is a very peculiar custom— something like the golden marriage in Germany; ‘Whenever, a venerable couple have trod the path of life together for fifty years, they’ summon to a banquet un der their roof, from every’ quarter of the land, all their children and grand children, in Avliose presence is per formed the ceremony that made them man and wife half a century before, when the feasting and the dancing, which continue for two or three nights together, bespeak a most heartfelt happiness as well as gratitude, and at the expiration ofe\’ery five years from that time until seperated by death the aged pair continue to repeat the ceremony of publicly’ pledging their vows of fidelity and truth.’ Homicide in Gordon.—Capt. E. P. How ell, of Resaca, was killed in that place on Saturday, the 7th instant, by Mathew Copeland. We have heard no particulars. Swallowed down.—One of the speakers in the Convention remarked that it had been said in some counties that the Know Nothings had swallowed down the tem perance men, but it Acas his opinion that they would keep such a kicking they would be glad to puke them up before. Oc tober.—Atlanta Republican. Another Old Line Whig We transfer to our columns with much pleasure the admirable letter of Linton Stephens, Esq., Whig Senator from Han cock, defining his position. Many thous ands of high-toned and honorable Whigs Avill admire his manly independence and patriotic course. They will sanction his sentiment, subscribe to the position he so clearly lays doAvn and demonstrates, and take position with him in the great contest iiDAv before us for tlie Constitution and the South. From the Chronicle & Sentinel. Mr. Editor: An anoymous article in a recent issue of your paper, and a similar one in the Savannah Georgian, attempting to define my present position in politics, must sen’e as my reason for asking a place in your columns, for the purpose of reliev ing my’self from misaprebiension or mis representation. This step is not of my seeking, but a sense of justice Avill support me in desiring, that Avlien my position is brought before the public, if should he ren dered as it truly’ is. Wliat is of sufficient importance to to he defined at all, is of sufficient importance to he defined cor rectly. My position, then, is, adherence to the. Georgia Platform—affiliation with its friends and repudiation of its foes, whether those foes he organized parties or individu al men. The Georgia Platform, when adopted, consisted of two distinct features. One Avas the question of acquiesence in or resistalrce to the legislation of 1850, known as tlie Compromise measures. The Geor gia Con\’ention of that year decided by a A r er\ r large majority in favor of acquies ence. In that decision I concurred, as did those generally avIio were then known as Union men. To that decision the Southern Rights men Avere opposed, while the question was still to he decided, hut ad hered after it had been decided. The question necessarily was? resistance then or acquiesence forever. That issue of course, belonged to the particular time, rfucl being once settled, ceased to exist. Georgia, hav ing announced her decision to abide by the admission of California, could not recall it. California, being once a State, remains a State, always. That issue, therefore, of acquiesence or resistance, perished with the settlement of it. Upon that issue, Union men and Southern Rights men stood opposed to e:ich other at the time, hut the "ssuc itself having passed aAvay’, the oppo- iition Avhich grew out of it has necessarily lassed away with it. But the Georgia Platform contains another feature which ooks to the future-, Avhich A\’as adopted for ill time to come, and Avhich remains in liv- ng power now. That feature lays doAvn a boundary, beyond which, for the future, Freesoil aggression shall not pass. It as serts that the Union is secondary in impor tance to the rights and principles it was designed to perpetuate. It prescribes in die famous 4th Resolution, (whicli consti tutes the soul of the platform, and is norv ‘.ts only remaining vital part) five distinct causes for aa IucIi Georgia Avill and ought to (as a last resort) disrupt every tie Avhich binds lier to the Union. On tihi., port of the Georgia Platform, all parties in this State stood from the. beginning. Upon a motion which was made to strike out the 4th resolution, the vote stood 50 for the motion, and 200 against it, the resolution being sustained by an overwhelming ma jority, and the Southern Rights men al most as a unit A’oting to sustain it. Let those aa'Iio revere the truth of history- cease to taunt the old Southern Rights men with shoAving a “tardy” approbation of at least the 4th resolution of the Geor gia Platform—that part, which, while the question of acquiesence has passed array with the occasion that gave it birth, still re- miins a living issue, a perpetual prop of Southern independence, demanding eternal vigilance, and requiring unwavering sup port. Standing as I do, upon this broad plank of the Georgia Platform, as the re cent Council at Macon also profess to stand; and being as I am, perfectly in ear nest in that position, and desiring as 1 do, to be considered in earnest by friends and foes at the North, I can never consent to take my stand, as that same Macon Coun cil have done, upon that other structure which a\'us recently erected at Piiiiadel- • ihia by the great National (?) American Uni ty’, and Avhich a\’0ws “The maintenance of the Union of these United States as the oaramovnt political good, or (as they say) co use the language of Washington,‘the primary object of patriotic desire,’ ” and .vliich further announces “Opposition to all ittempts to weaken or subvert it,” and uncompromising antagonism to every prin ciple of policy that endangers it.’ The attempt to back such a sentiment :ia- an appeal to the Father ot his Country’, s a gross perversion of language, and a signal bW at the truth of American bis- torv- His endorsement ot such a senti ment, can he found only where it is found herein, a misquotation. W ashington, in his Farewell Address, speaks of the con tinuance of the Union as “a primary object of patriotic desire,” but not as “the prima ry object;” lie speaks of it as one primary object among others, and not as the prima ry object paramount to all others. In the very same address, he speaks of another '“object of primary importance,” and that was institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge, showing conclusively that he never meant to be understood as holding up the Union as “the primary object of patriotic desire,” but only one among other leading and primary objects. This he meant, and this he said. The man, whose history had been that of Liberty against Government, never could have proclaimed Government paramount to Liberty. Such a doctrine can be supported by the author ity of Washington as readily as by the authority of the Georgia Platform, but not more Readily’. The true doctrine, which Washington illustrated by his great actions, and Avhich Georgia has formerly proclaimed in Con vention solemnly assembled is, that the Union (and all other governments) is sec ondary in importance to the rights and prin ciples* it was designed to perpetuate. The bogus doctrine of the Philadelphia Conven tion, is the Union paramount to everything and secondary to nothing. r I hey do, in deed, advance the sound principle, that it is AA-rong to refuse admission to a State in to the Union on account of slavery there in, hut at the same time and in the same breath, they take pains to assure the North that they will not take any harsh measures on account of such a refusal, by carefully proclaiming that the Union—not the rights and principles it A\ as designed to perpetu ate—hut the Union is the paramount polit ical good, and by pledging themselres to oppose and attempt to subvert it, whether such attempt is made by Georgia, on the principles of the Georgia platform, or by any authority, or for any cause under the sun. This language, spoken by a bodA' of Southern men, (there being only six Northern men outside of California who would go so fiir even as to approve this language,) is an invitation to Northern fa natics to persist in their course of insult and injury. While therefore, I stand up on the Georgia Platform, I cannot stand up on the Philadelphia Know-Nothing struc ture. They are in uncompromising antag onism, the one to the other. If I should profess to stand on both, I should expect the Abolitionist to laugh m my face, and tell me that lie had always said and always believed that the Georgia platform was mere Mexican gasconade, pure humbug, and that lie was now confirmed in belieA'- ing, as he always had belie\’ed, that the. South cannot he kicked out of the Union. If I A\-ere to profess to stand on both, I should feel that X w >ts furnishing to the enemies of the Georgia platform, ma terial for turning it into ridicule and bring ing it into contempt. I should feel that mx professed friendship was its icorst ene my. I could never strike it such a bloAv. I regard it with a real veneration; I cherish it as the exponent of the true policy’ of the South, and as the surest anchor of the Union, averting the danger of dissolution by pointing it clearly out. My purpose is to follow* wherever the principles of the Georgia Platform may carry me. In a platform adopted at Mil ledgeville on the 5th of June, by men call ing themselves the Democratic party’ of Georgia, I find those principles proclaimed AA'itli distinctness and without reservation— not neutralized by’ the affirmance of an an tagonistic platform, not emasculated and satirized by’ the avowal of a doctrine Avhich laughs them to scorn, hut I find them in their purity and entirety. I find them also bringing to their aid and support that other principle which was adopted unan imously by the last Legislature of this State, and Ailiich, constituting as it does a new step in the maintenance of the princi ple of the Georgia Platform, declares for affiliation North and South, Avitli its friends and repudiation of its fo£s, Avhether those foes he organized parties or individual men. To repudiate hostile organizations, was no neiv thing, but to repudiate un sound men as unfit to he considered compo- nent/parts of any’ organization not hostile to the South, is a neAv principle, and is in corporated for the first, time in the history of party organization, into the Milledgeville Platform. In the light of this added prin ciple and steadily pursuing it to its new and important results, this MilledgeA-ille Platform proceeds to select and approve certain acts of President Pierce’s adminis tration which are in conformity with the principles announced, and to condemn every act not in conformity, by stating a principle Avhich covers every’ case, in de- “tL«* tlio Upmocrntic party of Georgia will cut off all party connection with every man and party at the North or elsewhere, that does not come up fully and fairly to this line of action.” Here is a clear condemnation of all acts in opposition to this principle, and what is of infinitely more importance than any mere approval or condemnation of acts passed—here is a distinct, new and bold annunciation of the terms, and the only terms on which party connection and affiliation for the future, can he preserved betiveen the National Democratic party, and those persons Avho may take their stand on tlie Milledgeville Platform. If the National Democratic party shall, at its. next assemblage, accede to these terms and incorporate these prin ciples into its organization, it will, by that very act, produce a complete segregation of its sound from its unsound parts, preser\-- ing and honoring its Douglasses and Dick insons, and “cutting off” and castiug out its Van Burens and Preston Kings. It Avill, by that very act, stand purged before the nation. Then shall I have party affil iation with the National Democratic party, but not till then. I cannot be drawn into any complexity’ Avith or defence of the Reeders or Dixes or Van Burens, for I stand upon a platform which demands that all such shall be “cut off” and cast out as an indispensable condition of my affiliation, or party connection with the organization Avliicli contains them. Whether such a pur gation can be effected, and a union cement ed between the party South and the sound material North, is a problem which can he solved only by making the experiment. What hope may be entertained of its suc cess, may be partially inferred from the endorsement of the Milledgeville Platform by the Albany Argus, from the recent res olutions of tlie New York “Hards” at the Metropolitan Theatre, and from the fact that a majority tf Northern Democrats in the House of Representatives of the last Congress voted for the Nebraska Bill. Will not Douglass, and Cass, and Dickin son, and the constituency’ of those 44 Northern Democrats who voted for Nebras ka in the House, lend their aid to incorpor ate into the National organization this new principle of alligning themselves according to their principles ? Do they’ not desire it? Have they not appealed to tlieir Southern brethren to give them the oppor tunity of doing it, by presenting to the National party just such a platform as that adopted at Milledgeville? Could they fail to espouse and to carry the proposi tion, when the knoivn and declared price of refusal Avould be the loss of the Avliole Southern arm of the party ? The proposition does not ask them (as it should not) to destroy tlioir OAvn strength • at home by abandoning their organization, but it tenders to them the united support of the South, and calls upon them, with our help, to turn the power of that organ ization against our common enemies, and exclude them from its ranks, with tlie al- ternative of choosing between ourselves and those enemies, as their future allies. Of the National Democratic Party, there is a large nucleus of sound material at the North, constituting the party national in numbers and in geographical universality. In this respect it stands alone. The South ern portion of the party, and the sound portion of the Northern wing constitute together a clear and a very large majority of the national organization. By uniting, they have the power to effect this radical change, this thorough purgation, this great lustration. That they have the willing ness, is shown by the strong considerations of interest impelling them to that course, and is becoming apparent from manifesta-. tions at both ends of tlie Union, even if we did not have the assurance derived from known antecedents of the leading men at the North in the sound branch of the par ty. Nothing can defeat such a result but the want of union at the South upon the principles of the Milledgeville Platform. The responsibility rests with the South. If the experiment succeeds, the principles of the Georgia Platform will stand vindica ted and the Union will he saved. If it fails, as fail it cannot if the South is but true to herself, we shall then stand just where the Muscogee movement purposes to start—“cut off” from all existing National organizations and united among ourselves upon the great principles of State Rights AA'hich Georgia has declared must be main tained, in the Union if possible, and out of it if necessary. We should also have tbe added consolation of having discharged our whole, duty to the Union as well as to ourselves, and of having exhausted our efforts to save it in the only practicable way’. Linton Stephens. Sparta, 6th July, 1855. . The War in Ibe Crimea. Extract of a letter from an American in France to his Friend in Washington. Paris, July 5, 1S55.—There is a cessa tion of shipments of material to the Crimen, except cannon, mortars, and ammunition, and some of the transport ships which are loading those heavy articles at Marseilles and Toulon proceed to Africa and fill up Avitli hay, barley, and horses. Soon, how ever, geuoral shipments of material must recommence, as the constant Avasteand con sumption in such a war and by such an im mense army must requiro enormous sup plies. The sickly season will rapidly in crease the present loss of life from dysen tery, cholera, and typhus fevers, all of which already pre\ ail to a great extent in the Allied camp. Even the present ad vices from the Crimea are really’ distres sing as regards the extent of diseases. I had recently’a long conversation with an old veteran of the Empire of high rank avIio served iu the Peninsular. He re marked; “Tavo Generals whom I well re collect in Spain are with the Russians; Ave dreaded them much more than we did the English and Spanish Generals, as their destructive powers Avere greater, and they will he even more so in the Crimea. They are Generals July’and August, having for their staff cholera, dysentery, typhus and scarlet fevers, &c., with a Crimean sun ot more than 10(P to aid and assist.” There is no better proof of the dreadful Avaste of life there than the large reinforcements which are continually going forward, and Avliicli barely serve to keep the army’ up to its original numbers. EA’en the London Times aeknoAvledges that an additional 75,000 must be sent. One hundred and sixty-five thousand men have been em barked from Marseilles and Toulon, and from Africa and from the French troops in Italy’forty or fifty thousand more—mak ing together 210,000 French troops; and the official documents do not pretend that the French effective force there n<»Av ex ceeds one-half of that number. To this add the losses of the British army, and al so of those poor creatures, the Turks, AA’liose losses since the commencement ot the war, in all the provinces, have exceed ed those of the Allies. In the three ar mies there must have boen, since the com mencement of hostilities, from two hundred and fifty to three thousand killed in battle, <BoJ r,v Jieoaop. wounded, or otherwise hors de combat. We have no correct ac counts of the losses of the Allies in the as sault of June 18th on the Malakoff. It was at least seven to eight thousand, hut only about half that number is reported. Many of my’friends are in mourning for gallant young officers, from captains to col onels, whose names do not appear on the official reports; and, if such are omitted how many more in making a return of the rank and file, Avliicli is done en masse and Avithout giving any names! The severity of the service and the ef fect of disease are exhibited in the result upon the Sardinian contingent, which has only two-thirds of its original number now under arms, w ithout having been in battle. Those Avho are Avell informed on the sub ject, admit that there has been no "en tente cordiale” between the Allied com manders. It began with Marshal St Ar- naud and Lord Raglan, of which you see hints in the letter of the former lately’ pub lished, and was continued between the lat ter and Gen. Canrobert, and handed down to Gen. Pelissier. Such you will find it Avill be betAveen the tAvo Govern ments. ******* On this point (the war) I have the most gloomy forebodings. I see no prospects of peace, as the pride and prestige of all the belligerents are involved in the issue, and there seems to he no middle ground for compromise. The duration of tlie Avar, it would appear, must be determined by the powers of endurance and resistance by Russia, and thus far she certainly exhibits no signs of succumbing. Even the cap ture of Sebastopol—an event by no means probable; for Alexander could hardly dare to make a peace on the heels of such a loss under tlie feeling tliat now exists among his people. And, even if the Allies do ob tain possession of that place, what other operation could they undertake to effect Russia materially? In the Baltic she .ap pears to he invulnerable, and tlie allied fleet there seems to. be paralysed in its operations, and can only lay oft at anchor gazing upon the formidable batteries which they dare .pot attack. There is no doubt that all of them, France, England and Russia, at this moment most bitterly re pent that they did not folloAV the advice ot Polonius, “to avoid the entrance to a qiiar- rel;”for all of them would most truly re joice if thev could, with due regard to na tional dignity and honor, bring the contest to a close on* the basis of.R<rf« quo ante bel- Jum. Macon, July 16th, 1855. Dear 8ir:—If any man of good judgment ever entertained for a moment, the idea that Judge Andrews could, under any circumstance, be elec ted Governor, I am sure he would give it up as en tirely hopeless, if he could have the same informa tion that we are noiv .receiving from every part ot the State. If the withdrawals continue as they have been going on for the past two weeks, there will not be a corporal’s guard left to show what ay as once the great Know-Nothing and anti-Religious-F reedom party of Georgia. Andrews will Ue beaten by Qverby. This seems strange—but the hrst Mon day in October will prove the truth of what 1 wnte. Johnson will beat Overby and Andrews both 12 000 votes—seven out of the eight members of Congress will be anti-Know-Nothing. The Democrats in,all the region round about Bibb are leaving the councils in utter disgust.— Some of them do sav that they will not resign formally, but declare their independence, and say they will not be bound by their pledges, as they were obtained by fraud, and attempted to be en forced in the bonds ofiniquity. Yours, truly, BAKER. Albany Patriot.