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1 - joFtiHTOX, NISBET& BARNES, publishers and Proprietors. g. *. BOCGHTOJM KUil# „. J 0 g. I*. SWBET. ( TE K M S. PBS r£9SEA& UNION, , u hlisbed Htfkly, in the. Darien Bank Building, I, riH’il'-'" 1 ■ *" . — ‘ <2 00 P er Annum, payable in advance, it'not paid within three months, and 00 i* Dot P a ''* before the end of the year. KITES OF ADVEItTISIMi, /■ > <r square of twelve lines. insertion $1 Ott, and Fifty Ceuts for each snb- cPiiueiit continuance. ... . 1 St . Ilt without a specification of the number oTiusertions, will be published till forbid, and charpol accordingly. . ess or Professional Cards, per year, where do not exceed one square - - - £10 UU I f^fgl contract will be wade, with those who wish to A Advertise by the year, occupying a specified space. Adrertise by i j EG \L ADVERTISEMENTS. i,and and Negroes, by Administrators, ftecutors or liu-wlians, are required l.j bar to he f".j on the First Tuesday in the month, between V hours of M in the forenoon and 3 in the after- 1 ** at the Court House in tlie County in which ,-rtv is situated. noon, • 4 1 da vs previous to the day of sale. f‘*y ’ '■ s for’thc sale of personal property must be • . a in like manner Id days previous to sale day. the debtors and creditors of an estate Eiast also ,je published 40 days \,.nce that application will be made to the Court {Ordinary for leave to sell Laud or Negroes, must oe published for two months. Citations for letters of Administration, Guardian- ■ ; , fcc , must he published 3 t days—for disinis- - on from Administration, monthly sir months—for ^mission from Guardianship. 4<i days. ‘g,' ,. s for foreclosure of Mortgage must lie pub- : sbi'd monthly for four months—for establishing li): VOLUME XXVI.] MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA. TUESDAY, A U GUST 14, 1855. [NUMBER II. • fir the fall space of three months—for coni- OtKfftit.u* from Executors or Administrators, ^ "/bond has Imen [riven by the deceased, the ,vhtre - full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered,” at th- follow ing K A T E Si C rations on letters of Administration. &c. $'2 75 “ dismissorj’from Admr'on. 4 50 .. “ “ Guardianship 3 00 Leave to sell Land or Negroes 4 00 Notice to debtors and creditors 3 00 jislff ofpersponal property, ten days, 1 sqr. 1 50 Cj[ e of land or negroes by Executors, Ac. 5 00 gjtrav-e. two weeks 1 50 Fora man advertising his wife (in advance) 5 fill Letters on business must be Post Paid to entitle them to attention. BUSINESS CARDS DAM & WASHBURN, SUCCESSORS TO WASHBl'KN, WILDER & CO.. Factor* and Commission Merchants SAVANNAH, GA. Extrac ts from the Speech of Hon. Aaron V. Brown • of Tennessee. Delivered at Gallatin, Tents., July Ath \ 1855. The Charge of Corruption. But there is yet a third article that dial- j lenges our especial wonder—the readiness : with which the members of the Whig par- 1 ty have either actually entered into this scheme, or stood silently and approvingly ; by, without one word of open rebuke or : opposition. “Pleased to the last, they crop the flow’ry food, and lick the hand just raised to shed their blood!” They saw two of the Know Nothing! papers disputing whether a man might not 1 remain a Whig, and yet also become a Know Nothing. No, said he, who finally! became, par excellence, the official organ: J No man can serve two Masters. He must j he cither the one or the other. He cannot be both. That Know Nothingism was making its grand ad\ ent into the world, to strike down and supersede every other j party. That it was emerging from out of the chaos and corruptions of both of the. old pul ideal parties! It was no Democrat, turned to be a Know Nothing, who made the foul, insulting charge. It was a Whig, metamorphosed into a Know Nothing, who, as he retreated, threw back this Parthian arrow into the camp of his for mer comrades: and yet, to this good day, not one Whig is known of, who ever step ped forward to rebuke or repel the charge! The same idea, emboldened by impunity, is to be found in nearly every organ and Know Nothing speech of the day, until it may be safely assumed, as the general sentiment and argument of that party, that the corruptions of the old parties have created a “political necessity,” that they should go down in their rottenness, and that the Know Nothing party should rise pure and resplendent on their ruins! Had this charge keen made by one of my own party, whose position might raise a pre sumption that he might know something to justify his accusation, I would not have permitted a single day to pass over m v ; WaAlrni. ) Special I Fra*. C. Pana, ^ Gen’l Lead, without the sternest rebuke and the J. B< Wilder, jPart’n*. | U. li. Washburn, ) Part’ns. most explicit denial. Coming, however, T| T ILL continue the above business at 114 I as it does, from a former Whig Editor, *» Say Street, East of tiif. Exchange, j who does not know, and never did know, Or.! r- for Sagging, Rope, ami other sup plies filled promptly, at lowest cash prices. Savannah. Angrust 1, 1855. !) 6m W. A. LANE, A T T OIIA E Y A T L A W Clinton, Ocorgia. Jane 12th. Ie55. 2 ly WILLIAM J. WTLC1IEU. ATT OR NE Y AT' L A W, Warrenton, Geo., Will practice in the Northern Circuit of Georp-ia, fed in the Counties of Ilurke, Columbia. Jeffer- and Washington, of the Middle Circuit Jut 1855 4 lv Practice of Medicine and Siirarrv. DR. CHARLES H. HALL, Proffers his services to the citizens of Milledge- ri'.ie and vicinity. Office on Hancock Street, first door East of the M.vnric Hall, where he can be found at all times, xcicss professionally employed. April 3'ith, 1855. 48—tf. THUS. S. WAYNE. R. ALEX. WAYXE. TIIOS. S. WAYNE & SON, General Commission & Forwarding 1I1«BAI¥I, SAVANNAH, GA. FT All business intrusted to their car*- will Met with prompt attention. 38 ly one fact to sustain liis charge against tlie Democratic party, 1 do not choose to let the occasion pass, without entering my distinct and emphatic protest against the charge. For the age in which I have lived—for that vigorous but virtuous Wes tern population with which 1 have asso ciated—for that noble and honorable par ty with which 1 have acted—I protest that there is not one word of truth in the accusation. For thirty years I have been familiar with the caucuses, conventions, resolves, and other proceedings of the Democratic party in its National action, and in the State of Tennessee, and I af firm, as a man of honor, that I never knew a proposition to he submitted to the con sideration, or to he sanctioned by the Democratic party, which, if now fully published to the world, would not stand the test of a sound and healthy morality, j 1 do not pretend to donbt, that many of! the Whigs could make the same solemn j averments about the action of the Whig party—its caucuses, conventions, and j other party consultations. I only expi ess j my astonishment they have not yet done I so. My astonishment that no warm and devoted friend has yet come forward to \ rescue the fame of Hugh Lawson White, | Mr. Webster, and Mr. Clay, from thi bold charge of corruption in the Whi partv. My astonishment, that livin A. S. HARTHIDGE, Factor and General Uommission Merchant, j Statesmen, who are yet wearing the Sena- Ao. 9*i, Bay Mr«*c«, Nni'aunnh, firo. ! torial lion0rS bestowed Upon them by the REFERENCES. Gf.u. \V. Anderson, Ex-President Planters Bank, Savannah: C. F. Mills, Esq.. President Marine Bank, I. C. PLANT, Agent of Marine Ilank • Macon: 0. H. Wright. E«q.. Milledgeville: W. lodges. Agent of Planters Rank at Zandersville: R. D. Sorrell, Agent of Planters Bank at Americas. Febrnarv 20 1855 38—6m. JOHN F SHIVE, AT TO R NE Y AT LA W, MARIO*, GA. " ill attend promptly to all business intrusted to « care. 32 ] v 1'ilOS T. LoAG. A T T O R N E Y A T L A W, BRUNSWICK, GA. \Y ILL practice in the Courts of Glynn. Wayne, ’ * Camden, McIntosh, Liberty and Chatham, Eastern Circuit; Charlton, Lowndes, Clinch, arr and Appling, of the Southern: also. Duval ^Titv. Florida. 51 lv CIIAS. E MSISLT. ATT O It N E Y AT L A Ciilltherl, Ga. April 3d, 1854. TF 44 HEAKV HIADKKli, A T T O R N E Y AT LA JACKSON, BUTTS Co., GA. TF IF CIIAS. G CA.UPBELL, AT TO R NE Y AT LA MILLEDGEVILLE, GA. iy ILL attend promptly to all business entrust ed to his care. Particular attention paid 1 ■ .eoung. M..ledgeville. Feb. *22. 1853. pa 38 ti J II- CAMP, A TTO RNE Y A T J, A CAMPBELLTON, GA. TF. I LAND WARRANTS! •’.ILL pay the highest market value for Land ''arrant*.* Apply to A. W. CALLAWAY, fbhcdgeville. June 11th, 1855. 2 tf I LAND WARRANTS WANTED! give the highest market price for LAND " u:p.AXTs, L. A. CHOICE. 25, 1855. 4 tf MONEY MUST COME! \ *■> and Accounts will not pay Bank Notes, tj. .. : ;‘ r °f°re all ]>ersons owing us and failing to i; - • "i.:.bc sued in the Justice’s and Inferior Jrti " ithout further delay. P , CHOICE & MEGRATII. r-.,ruarr ]r, t h. 1855. 37—tf. prj RE OILS OF COGXIAC. WINEand RUM, Mt h directions. For Sale by CARZUES dl HASHEL. x 18 & *20 PLATT STREET, ' £», 1 ■'55. V2—3m. New York. fty, Watice to Dandholders. 1 “Jersigued will attend to the selling or lying giving information of LANDS Whig party, should have demanded no retraxit of the charge of corruption. My astonishment, that the individuf.l tnem- l>ers of the Whig party, whether in town or country, aspiring to no party honors, but still jealous of their honor and integri ty as men, and Whigs, have not come for ward and denied this charge of corruption —that they have not said to these Know Nothing organs and orators, Go build up vour Know Nothing party, if yen can— go gather your converts in your secret hiding places, in your dark cellars, in your unfrequented garrets, in your caves, or the lonely glens of the mountain—ad minister to them your strange and horrid oaths, which no law will authorize and no Religion, founded on the word of God, will sanction—go, and do all this, if you choose, hut you shall put no brand of cor ruption on me either as a man, or as a Whig, to he brought up from your Know Nothing records, to be read against my children in after times. If such should be the indignant sentiments of the rank and file of the Whig party, what ought to Lave been, and v.hat ought yet to be, the course of the men of note and mark of that partv/ 8uch men have not orisrinated this strange movement. Who ever heard of Senator Bell, wending his way through a dark alley,and in some unfrequented horrid giving instructions in cabalistic mummer ies, and administering the wicked oaths of Know Nothingism? When have the Caruthereses, the Topps, the Milton Browns, the John Marshalls, the Foggs, and a vast number of others, whose names 1 might mention as I do these, with no in tended discourtesy—when have any like these, attempted to extinguish the light of reason and truth, in open, public discus sion, and to substitute in its stead, the dogmas and edicts < fa secret and irrespon sible cabal? And yet I do apprehend that even such M bigs as these, have too often stood silently by and permitted sec ond and third rale men to take possession of the rank and file of their party—lead them off ami indoctrinate them into new creeds, and hind them up by strange oaths; and to crown the work of infatuated irre solution, they have permitted themselves, as component parts of the great Whig par tv of the State, to be published in Know- Nothing journals, and denounced by Know Nothing orators, as corrupt men, to whom public affairs could no longer be safely entrusted. Know Nothingism in its Sorial Operation. But I must pass away from these collat eral and rather introductory topics, in or der to express my opinions on graver and more important objections, to the origin, the purpose, and obvious tendencies, of this new Order. The recent disclosures ought not to ho permitted to draw onr reisoi ^ L'dinties of S. W. Georgia on 0U S*‘ t _ , , wile terms. A. P. GREER, I minds away from the original plan and H ® e , Pe .REncks Albany, Geo. purposes ol’ the midnight cabal. We ^rCAlbatT.G^LC.Ste^N^n^' I ^g ht . perpctuaUy to remember that or,gut- Ao^ember2*2, 1853 ** or, ’ t f [ ally, its very existence, its name, its oaths, its time and places of meeting, its objects, whether to regulate and control the political, the religious and social con ditions of life, were all to he kept pro foundly secret. If a public man was to he struck down, if the professional man was to lose his practice, if the merchant was to he broken up in his business, if the mechanic and tradesman was to he sud denly deprived of employment and pat ronage the arm that struck the fatal blow was to be unseen and even unsuspected. No friendship could spare, no affection could shield, the selected victim. The in exorable oath had been taken, “that you will, in all things, political and social, so far as this Order is concerned, comply with the will of the majority, when ex pressed in a lawful manner, though it may conflict «with your personal preference.” Under that oath, even the son must do all in his power against the father, and the brother must stretch his highest ability to effect the ruin of his brother. A power so vast, , so monstrous, so irresponsible, eith er to the laws of God or man, could not fail to awaken the conscious fears and hor rors of some of its deluded and defrauded followers. Disclosure after disclosure, and withdrawal after withdrawal, was the consequence, until society stood amazed and shuddered at the thought, that here, in the heart of the most enlightened Christian nation in the world, a midnight junto had been formed, more secret than that of the Jesuits, and more dangerous to our liberties than that English • monar ch v against which our Fathers rebelled. More dangerous, because that Monarch could be held in check by the great prin ciples of Magna. Charfa, and by the British Parliament, ever jealous of every stretch of the Royal prerogative. But this Midnight Junto had no controlling check hut their own "sovereign will and pleasure. They boasted, too, that they had enrolled a larger army of followers than ever mustered in the British service, and that each one had been solemnly sworn, faithfully to execute the decrees of a majority in matters social as well as political. Matters social! Why these embrace nearly every concern of human life—the nearest and most precious ties and relations that bind mankind together! Certainly they do, and if there be truth in the publication of that oath, which we have never seen contradicted or denied, then the conspiracy entered into by this Know Nothing Junto, is far more exten sive and dangerous than has generally been thought, and deserves a deeper and more universal condemnation than it has yet received. I repeat, that if this asso ciation does now, or ever did, contemplate, as the words of that oath do clearly imply, the control and regulation of all social as well as political matters, that it is an out rage against all law, human and divine—a conspiraev, w hich ought and must, consign to everlasting infamy, all who have enter ed into the (irder, with that understanding of it. I pray God that it may not he so. 1 fervently hope that some explanation can he given that will save the age and country in which w e live, from the dishon or of having given birth to such a conspira ev. 1 know how readily it may be said, tiiat this error of secrecy has been correct ed by the Philadelphia Convention. Cor rected only in part, and I apprehend, in only a very small part. They have lifted up a mere corner of the veil, and disclosed, here and there, only a few* points w hich had already become known to the public, independent of their Philadelphia mani festations. Besides this, we are looking to the original designs of the new party, not estimating it by the reforms which an in dignant public opinion may have compell ed them recently to adopt. r lhe culprit who flees in disguise, deserves but little credit for throwing it oft* at the moment of arrest and exposure. Catholics and Foreigners—Naturaliza tion Laws—Oftiniems of Henry Clay and Winfield Scott. What are the distinctive demands of Know Nothingism, as distinguishing them from the. other parties of the country? That Foreigners shall not be allowed to vote in any of our elections, until they have been resident in the United States twenty-one years, instead of five!, and that Catholics shall not he allowed to hold of fice. Now. the States alone can determine who may and who may not vote. Con gress cannot do it. Why, then, seek to elect a President, who cannot say, in his message, one word on the subject? Why elect Know Nothing members of Congress, who could not introduce a bill, nor vote for one, regulating the right to vote in our elections, without violating the Constitu tion and committing downright perjury? True, Congress can change the Natural ization Laws, as they please, but that is a very different thing from regulating the right to vote. Suppose tlie fact, that naturalization should be prolonged from five to twenty-one years. During all that time foreigners and Catholics could still he voting in all our elections, if the respec tive States chose to permit them to do so. We therefore repeat, that the idea of form ing a National party, for any purpose that cannot be effected by the National authori ties, is, in the very nature of things, an absurdity. Bnt whether considered as a National or State party, when, let me ask, did this spasmodic alarm and dread T>f foreigners and Catholics first seize on those who now compose the Know Nothing party? Not surely when Mr. Clay delivered the fol lowing speech in defence of the American system, delivered in the Senate of the United States. February 3, 1832: “The honest, patient and industrious German readily unites with our people, establishes himself upon some of our fat lands, fills his capacious barn, and enjoys in tranquility the abundant fruits which his diligence gathers around him, always ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of its laws when called by the duties of patriotism. The easy, versatile, philosophical Frenchman, accommodating liimsclf to all the vicissitudes of life, incor porates himself, without difficulty, in our society. But of all foreigners, none amal gamate themselves so quickly with our people as the notices of the Emerald Isle. In some of the visions which have passed through my imagination, I have supposed that Ireland w*as originally part and par cel of this continent, and that by some extraordinary convulsion of nature, it w as torn from America, and drifting across the ocean, it was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great Britain, The same open-lieartedness, the some generous hos-1 pitality, the same careless and ttp.calculat- ing indifference about human life, char- I acterize the inhabitants of both countries.! Kentucky has sometimes been called the I Ireland of America. And I have no doubt ! that if the current of emigration were re- j versed, and set from America upon the shores of Europe, instead of being from Europe to America, every American emi grant to Ireland would there find, as every Irish emigrant here finds, a hearty wel come and a happy home.” Let every freeman and admirer of this j great man compare the sentiments of this ; speecli with what he now hears from Know | Nothing editors and speakers. If it he j said, that it was delivered a great while! ago, let it be remembered that Mr. Clay also remained in public life, the founder and the leader of the Whig party, almost down to the present day, without Yvitk- drawiug the noble sentiment of his speech. But no statute of limitation shall serve any Know Nothing, w ho in the last Presi dential election voted fo^G'en. Scott. In 1852 - a' letter was addressed to Gen. Scott by a gentleman from Virginia, in which he asked him if he was “in favor of the present naturalization laws or not.” Gen Scott wrote the following letter in reply: Dear Sir:—As I have already said in my letter accepting the nomination for the Presidency, I am in favor of the naturaliza tion laws as they stand, with the single addition, viz: give the full right of citizen ship to every foreigner who shall in time of war serve one year on board the United States ship-of-war, or in any regular mili tia or volunteer regiment. Yours truly, Winfield Scott.” This letter holds every man who nom inated or voted for Gen. Scott, with an iron grasp to the naturalization laws as they stand. Gen. Scott said it when he accepted the nomination. He said it in the above letter in the progress of the can vass, and no Know Nothing who voted for him can hold up his head as a consistent man and stultify himself in waging this relentless war against foreigners and Catholics. It will answer no purpose for a Tennessee Know Nothing to say that he saw not these dangers in 1S52; neither did he see them as late as the beginning of the very last year, for your legislature was then in session, and was decidedly com posed of a majority of those who are most violent in this foreign and religious perse cution. You offered no resolutions declar ing that there was danger “that Americans would not rule America.” You announc ed no fears, that the Pope of Rome w r as about to destroy our 1 iGerties or that his followers were about to subvert all the Protestant churches of America. No, you saw* and feared none of these things, or yon would have passed resolutions instructing your Senators and requesting your Repre sentatives to do something to avert such groat calamities. This record is now full. I have brought it down almost to the present moment. It proves that no man who respects the opin ions and memory of Henry Clay—that no man who was present and as sisted in the nomination of Gen. Scott—no man who vo ted for him—no member of the last legis lature who failed to offer resolutions of in struction such as I have named, ought to be heard with any degree of patience or confidence in this new and sudden outcry against foreigners and Catholics. Still, it may be asked what has given rise to this violent, though recent alarm and hatred against our foreign and Catho lic population. There is no such alarm and hatred against them. If they would agree to cast their votes hereafter against the Democratic party, all this persecution would end in twenty-four hours. Another Know Nothing convention would soon he convened in Philadelphia, and all their councils, with their cabalistic mummeries and unlawful oaths, would he disbanded. No, they have nothing in reality against foreigners and Catholics, except that they have too generally cast their votes for such Democrats as Andrew Jackson, Jas. K. Polk and Franklin Pierce. “This is the head and front of their offending.” THE IIELIGHH S TEST—MR. JEFFERSON’S gious belief, which is a unit, whatever it he , ever have a political part ? The polit ical ' opinions of a Catholic are another unit, like that of all other religions denom inations. Who ever heard of the political part of the religions opinions of the Baptist, the Methodist, or the Presbyterian ? Let Know Nothings speak in language more in telligible ami explicit. Let them say at once that it is the political opinions and the supposed attachment and devotion of the Catholic to the temporal domini m of the Pope, that has stirred up all this wrath and indignation against them. Bnt does the Catholic of this country believe for one moment in such temporal authority ? The notice Catholic you know does not. Chas. Carroll and all the Catholics in that grand Convention which proclaimed American Independence of every King, Prince and Potentate on earth, you know did not— the foreign born citizen of this country, who has taken the oath of allegiance, you know does not believe any such temporal* authority. Here is his precise oath: “I do solemnly swear that I will sup port the Constitution, and that I do abso lutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance, and fidelity to every foreign Prince, Potentiate. State or Sovereignty whatever, anil particularly (by name) do I renounce forever all allegiance to OPINION. American Constitutions declare that no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification for office, but this Order pro claims that there shall he a religious test, that they will make one. That they will swear their candidates and followers not to appoint a Catholic to any office, and if he finds one in office, to turn him out—though he may he a Charles Carroll, a Taney, or a Gaston. The cry of this party is, turn him out, turn him out! What discordant and conflicting notes! The Constitution says they shall not he excluded from office on account of their religious creed; this se cret council, however, declares they shall he. American Constitutions declare fur ther, that all have a natural and indefeasi ble right to worship Almighty God accord ing to the dictates of their own conscience. True, says this secret Order, but if they do, I will punish them for it—the Catholic may worship God as he pleases, but if he does, he shall not enjoy the privilege of holding any office whatever. We will make him work on our highways and pay taxes for the support of government, on all his property. When war comes he shall fight our battles, but he shall not rise much above the manumitted slave iu his rights. Let us test this false and spurious claim to Americanism by another standard. He is to he subject to your laws; his life, his liberty, his character, his property are all to be afl’eeted by whatever laws may he passed, and yet he is to stand by and have no privilege of holding office under them ? Who is he ? He is r,o foreigner. He was horn on the soil. What has he done l He has worshipped God according to the dic tates of his own conscience in the Catholic form. Now, is there one American princi ple that will justify his disfranchisement ? The principles and the very words of the Constitution will not, whilst those of the Revolution that gave hirtlx to that Consti tution will not. And yet this new Order, against the first principle of human right, against the great principles of the Revolu tion, still demand his rejection from any office whatever, Federal, State, or Munici pal. I know well by what sophistry the crushing power of this argument is sought to be warded off. It is said that his dis franchisement is demanded, not on account of his religious belief, but on account of the political part of his religious belief Why, what nonsense ! How can a reli- wliereof I have heretofore been a citizen or subject.” Now the Catholics of the Uni ted States are either native born or foreign. If native born, he is the proud equal of any native born Know Nothing, and if that Know Nothing shall seek to exclude him from the ballot box, it is a high handed usurpation, whether it be done by open violence or by the secret, midnight decrees of a junto. If he be a naturalized foreign er, then he has taken the above solemn eatli in open Court, that he will he true and faithful to the Constitution. But even this will not do. Some Know Nothing na tive might still suspect, that by some men tal reservation, he yet retained some latent obedience to the government he had left. To remove, therefore, every possible ob jection, he is required to go beyond being faithful to the Constitution, and to abjure all allegiance to every Prince, Potentate and government whatever. Now, will not this do? It was enough to satisfy Washing ton, who signed the first naturalization laws. It was enough to satisfy Mr. Jeffer son and Mr. Madison. It was enough to satisfy Mr. Clay through along life of close observation of the workings of our Ameri can svstem. It was enough to satisfy all the great and good men who have gone be fore us, but still it is not enough for this new faction. Fatally bent upon power, they have evoked the element of religious persecution from its long slumbering re pose, under our happy form of government, to aid in the work of their own unhallowed political ambition. Evoking it, too, in the face of the oft repeated and solemn declar- otion of the Catholic Churches of the Uni ted States, that they owed no obedience to the temporal power and jurisdiction of the Pope. In the pastorial letter sent from the council of Cincinnati, in May, 1855, we have found the following: “We appeal to von brethren, whether these have not been the lessons which we have uniformly taught you, both in our public and official communications, and in our most private conversations; and whether we have not always instructed you that tlie power of the sovereign Pontiff, which is spiritual in its objects and its sphere of action, cannot, bv possibility, clash with your civil alle giance, or with the different classes of du ties which you, as good citizens, owe to the government under which you happily live You will all hear us witness, without one dissenting voice, that sucli has been our invariable teaching on this subject, and that this has also been your constant belief.” In a similar letter issued from the coun cil of Baltimore in tlie same month, we find the same charge to the churches under tlieir jurisdiction: “Beloved brethren, res pect and obey the constituted authorities, for all authority is from God. To the Gen eral and State Governments you on e obe dience in all that relates to the civil order. You know that we have uniformly taught you, both publicly and privately, to per form all the duties of good citizens, and that we have never exacted of you, as we ourselves have never made to the highest eclesiastical authority, any engagements inconsistent with the duties we owe to the country and its laws. On every opportune occasion we have avowed these principles, and even in our communications to the late Pontiff’, we rejected as a calumny, that in etcil matters we Yvere subject to his anthor- ity.” In the pastorial letter issued hv the Arch-Bishop and Bishops of New York, in October, it is given in charge to th^ir churches: “Your first duty is supreme loy alty' to God and your own holy faith. Your second, subordinate, but in its own sphere equally supreme, loyalty to your country in all her vicissitudes of prosperity or adversity, if God should permit her to be tried. Next to your country in the sec ondary order, your family, your kindred, your neighbors, your friends and enemies, your countrymen and all mankind. Be obedient to the laws.” These are the most recent official declar ations and charges to the Catholics in America to which we have had access, and we submit them to the religious portion of our Protestant friends for their calm con sideration. I am a Protestant in taitli, in education, association, in everything, but God forbid that I should ever behold the fires of religious peseeution rekindled in this now free and happy land. Persecu tion is not the weapon to be wielded by the Protestant churches for the propagation of a true and vital religion. No, give to tlie earnest and impetuous Methodist his Bible; give it to the steady and persevering Bap tist; give it to the profoundly and accu rately educated Episcopalian and Presby terian, put that mighty weapon only in the hands of our various Protestant denomina tions, and then give to all of them an open field for reason and argument, and I believe a true, vital and saving religion will finally prevail over the world. Then, and not till then, will man’s mission to earth be ac complished. Then, and not till then, will he have attained that lofty elevation in the scale of existence, where he is farthest from sin and nearest to God. “In the fondness of hope, nay, in the confidence ol a firm conviction, I maintain, that Ameri ca is destined to be the grand theatre on which the work of man’s highest destiny is to he accomplished. The Declaration of Independence, proclaiming the only true and eternally just principles of government, points- to it—the War of the Revolution, baptising those principles in blood, points to it—the passage of the act establishing religious freedom in one of the most pow erful States of the Union, and as its con sequence, in all others, all point with pro phetic assurance, that here, in onr own Heaven-favored land, the glorious work is | to he accomplished. Jefferson and Wash ington! Washington and Jefferson! Both now sainted in Heaven, but both selected by Divine Providence as the honored in struments of restoring to mankind their long lost civil and religious liberties! When Mr. Jefferson died, he desired that no eulogy should be engraved on the mar ble which should cover him, but that “Here lies the author of the Declaration of Independence, and of the act for estab lishing religious freedom in Virginia.” Oh, if I could engrave that act, not its letters and its words, but its vital spirit, on the hearts of my countrymen in general— even on those of my religious friends and acquaintances in this State whose confir dence I enjoy, and whose friendship I hon or, I should esteem all the toils and labors of a long life more than repaid. I will read that noble document, I will print it, in order that every Methodist, and Bap tist and Presbyterian, or other denomina tion—that every Whig and Democrat and member of this new Order, that ever heard mv voice, mav read and meditate upon it. SOUTHERN DELEGATION IN THE PHILADEL PHIA CONVENTION. What reception did they receive at Phil adelphia ? When they asked of that com pound and motley mixture of Northern Whigs, Freesoilers and Abolitionists to take them in as partners, they were in stantly rejected. When they presented their platform, full as it was of apology, and barren as it was of any sure guarantee to the South, it was distinctly voted down. I repeat with all the emphasis which this great fact demands, that their alliance was rejected and tlieir platform voted down! Turn, my countrymen, to the National Intelligencer of June the 19tli, 1855, and read with astonishment, as I know you must and will do, the following account of their proceedings: “The New York Times publishes the votes taken last week in the National Con vention of the American party, on the three leading positions touching the slave- rv question. Supposing that they will possess interest for many of our readers we copy them below. It will be observed that the proposition which was finally adopted, received the votes of the dele gates of fifteen (15) States, including the free States of New Y ork and California, whilst the delegates of (15) other States, including the slave-holding State of Dela ware, voted against it. Missouri seems not to have been represented. It further ap pears that the States which voted in the affirmative are a minority of the electoral college—they being ertitled to 14(i votes out of the 206 electoral votes.” There is the record as furnished by the National Intelligencer. I demand to know what authority* did the Southern Delegates ever receive*from their Southern constituency to go into Convention with open, notorious, and avowed Abolitionists of the North? YYhy, it is these very Abolitionists that have, for years, waged this vindictive war upon your peace, safety, and property! What right had you to go into consultation with them, and shake their bloody hands in amity and friendship ? The Know-Noth ing Councils of Ohio, of Massachusetts, of Vermont, of Connecticut, and nearly all the rest, reeking in the fumes of a nause ous abolitionism, had officially notified you that they were still your enemies and would never give over their aggressions upon your rights. Even Barker, who pre sided over your deliberations, had pro claimed to you, in the way of warning, be fore you assembled, that the views of Northern Know Nothings coincided on the slavery questions, with those of William H. Seward. What right had you, then, with this warning sounding iu your ears, to commit the Lite of the South to any such unholy consultation, when fifteen States of the North told you, by their votes against your proffered Platform— when twelve of them told you, by sece ding, that they scorned any association with you—why did you not yourselves in dignantly withdraw, and proclaim, as the Southern Whig- Senators did on the Ne braska Bill, (except one) that all hopes of co-operation with the Know-Nothings of the North on the slavery question were vain and nugatory ? Then you could have returned like patriots, instead of pouring out anathemas on the Democrats, (the only friends you have left in the world, and on Frank Pierce, whose every action has been true as steel to our Southern rights, what ever you may think of his administration in other respects,) then, I repeat, you could have returned like patriots, warning your friends and kindred, and countrymen ot the South, to Avar against each other no longer about the ancient points of party difference; but, like a band of suffering brethren, to be of one heart and one mind in the great crisis which was approaching. But instead of exhibiting a noble and pa triotic spectacle like th*J, what do we be hold ? Y r ou come home flourishing a Plat form which was never passed either by States, or according to the votes ot the Electoral College, and vainly, 1 will not say falsely, pretending that you have ob tained guarantees from the North which you have not obtained, for they were voted down by a tio vote in your presence. Guarantees that our slave population shall be protected in the Territories as well as in the States—that it shall not be abolished in the District of Columbia—that the Fu gitive Slave Law shall never be repealed, and that no attempt shall be made to ex clude Kansas or any other State from ad mission into the Union, because they may tolerate slavery. Under such vain preten ces, by exertions the most indefatigable and means the most questionable, you are seeking to hold your oath-bound legions to°*ether, and to obtain a triumph over the only party now in existence, that is either willing or able to save the South. Y’our oath-bound legions! It is that oath, if Know-Nothingism prevails, that has dug the grave of the South, and buried in it twelve hundred millions of her property ! “I do solemnly swear, that in all things, political or social, so far as this Order is concerned, I will comply with the will of the majority, though it may conflict with my personal preference.” I will comply with the will of a-majori- ty! Though a Seward, a Hale, or a Wil son, shall be nominated for President, there stands the ill-fated and lucklesd oath, and come what may, it must be redeemed! Say net that I color this picture too dark ly. Say not that, in the event ot a nomin ation that is so fatal to all that is near and dear to the South, the Know-Nothing lead- ears would call upon their followers to dis band and renounce the horrid and infernal oath they have taken. Be not deceived. The conscientious and good man may doubt whether he can renounce that oath, after it has been recorded in the High Chancery of Heaven. Herod was thun derstruck when the head of John the Bap tist was demanded. He knew it would be cruel and unprovoked ninrder. Neverthe less, for the oath's sake, he delivered it in a charger. I will comply with the will of a majority! Jeptba, too, when in the act of sacrificing his own daughter, and when he would willingly have surrendered his own life to have saved her, felt impelled bv a false overruling morality, and exclaimed, “I have opened my mouth to the Lord, and I cannot go back." Execrable oath ! Abhorred be the man that devised it! It was a blow struck at the noble faculties of reason and conscience, as the guides of hu man action—a fatal blow to the rights of the South, to the Constitution and the L"nion. “Her wing shall the Eagle flap o’er the false hearted, }Iis*warm blood the AYolf shall lap, ere life be parted: Shame and dishonor sit by his grave ever, Blessings shall hallow it, never! Oh, never!" Perjury.—The first party that has ever dared to fetter conscience, and to bind it bv solemn oaths to submit in adeanceto the secret decrees of a few desperate dema gogues, now* aspires to federal power in this free country. The apparition which it parades before the eyes of those who hesitate to obey the mandates of these deinogogues is,* that all such brethren will “perjure their souls” if they do not blind ly surrender their judgments, and give* tlieir energies to every project which may be consummated by the leaders in darkness and deceit. Iu former contests, and in other combinations, men could change their opinions without being subjected to the imputation of a crime so monstrous.— Motives might be impugned, and anger expressed, when a great party lost a lead ing light, but never before have we heard the sin of “perjury” charged upon a politi cal convert. Men who have entered into these mysterious bonds, and who see, their friends disfranchised, and hear doctrines avowed revolting to their souls, appeal in vain to be released from tne chains that bind them. And when, in desperation, they go out, and proclaim their horror at the cheat that has been practiced upon them, they are howled at with the cry of being “perjured villains!” YYe do not speak now of the alrming effect all this must have upon the sanctity of the oath; we simply allude to it as another proof that the know-nothing order does not deserve the respect of any honest man or any sin cere Christian.— Washington Union. Front the Plains. Movements of t.he Indians—Death rf Gib son confirmed. We find the following letter in the St. Louis Republican, dated Whithehead Kansas, July 19, 1855: Mr. Joseph F. Sloan, of Jefferson coun ty, Virginia, and thirty others, have just arrived from Sacramento City. Califorua, on mules, in seventy days. They conld have made the trip in sixty days, but stopped at Salt Lake and Forts, Laramie and Kearney. They saw no Indians until they crossed the North Platte.— They then lost a mule. Five of the party pursued the Indian who stole the mule, and shot fourteen bullets into him. They left him where he fell, and recovered their mule. Rhujohn, the trader at the North Platte Bridge, informed them that there were 15,000 warriors betwen there and the Black Hills, He had the body of young Gibson, who liad been killed a few days before, at Deer Creek, near the foot of the Black Hills,. The circumstances of his death were these: The Sioux had deter mined in council to suffer no white men to pass, but afterwards concluded to let the emigrants go uumolested, but to kill and scalp all who belonged to the service of the United States. Gibson’s party was tlie first that attempted to pass. They were met by thirty warriors, who inquired for the captain. Gibson said he was cap tain. One of the leaders offered him his hand, which Gibson took in confidence, when another Indiau shot him through the heart. The band then retired and suffered the others to go on. They make no ex planation of this deliberate, cool-blooded and un provoked murder. Thev say they intend to fight the Uni ted States troops; that they are apprised of their coming, and intend to wipe them all out; that they had proposed to make a stand at Ash * Hollow, hut their numbers grew so large that they were induced to take up their position in the Black Hills, a hundred and twenty-five miles beyond Fort Laramie. That they have been gathering their forces there, and now num ber som 15,000 warriors. That they can not only resist, but easily conquer any force that the United States can send a- gaiust them. That we have none hut old men and women left in the country now, save a few soldiers that we keep for a show, and if we send those few out, they will afford them only sport and pastime.— These Black Hills cover a space of 12 or 15 miles, and are rough, abrupt precipitous, full of gulches and ravines, and covered with stunted oak, and pines, and cedar.— It is the best biding place for the Indians that could have been selected betwen here and California, and it will he a difficult matter to dislodge them. Our troops are on the way, and in fine condition. Mr. Sloan met one company of dragoons at Ash Hollow, and a short distance this side, two companies of infan try and one of dragoons, and another corn- pan v of dragoons at Big Sandy. He could not recollect the names of the diffe rent commands, but said they were all in fine health and well. He was struck with the apareinf anxiety there was at Laramie for the arrival of reinforcements. The officers there had heard of tlie power ful concentration of the Indians at the Black Hills, and feel uneasy. The boat leaves, and I must conclude. Yours, &c. ^ [The number of Indian warriors is, we have no doubt, greatly exaggerated.— They have purposely magnified their forces. The position they have chosen, at the foot of the Black Hills, about 100 miles west of Laramie, is a strong one, and thev can massacre all the emigrants with impunity. The position is a strong one, even against United States troSps.]