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BOUGHT ON, iMSBET& BARNES, Publishers and Proprietors. ». N. BOt'RHTONJp.;,.- JO*. 11. *V«RET. * Fs,,,or "- sent without a specification of the r.ninber . r,nn>n n « r»-no imnnuv hoirabiUhcJ till forbid, and j ^VAFOR i GAINES ACADEMY TB R .’I W. •THU FEDERAL UNION, Is published K'etkly, in the Darien Dank Building, At $3 00 pci Annum, payable in advance, JjJ * 50 if n il paid within three months, and ( SJ3 00 if not p.-ud before the end of the year. KATES or AnVEBTIHISO, Per nprart oflrrlce lints. One insertion if, and Fifty Cents for each sute"- sequent continuance. Those ser ofin-teriii-ns, will r harped accordiugF. Business nr Prof fsional Cards, per year, where they do not exceed one square - - - $10 00 A liberal ccviroel *rii! he made irifh those *rho rcish to AdttrUst by tU year, occupying a specified space. legal advertisements. Sales of Land and Negroes, by Administrators, Executory or Guardians, are required by law to be held on the First Tuesday i.i the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and :i in the aftcr- n.Mii.at the Court House in the County in which t! property is situated. Noth • of these sale* must be giver, in a public gazette 4 > days previous to the day of sale. Vet ices for the sale of personal property must be gi' ) in ill. manner 1 days previous to sale day. Notices to the debtors and cn n:>;-t also be published 1 < days. of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes be publish -d for two months. Citation* tar letters of Administration. Guardian- shi’i. tec., must be published It' days—for .lisinis- sion f-oni Administration, Monthly sir Months—tor dismission from Guardianship. 4’i days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for four months—for establishing lost paper*, for the fall spore of three months—for com pelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where bo i l lia* been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always bo continued according to these, the legal renuirements, unless otherwise ordered, at the following R V T E Si Citations on letters of Administration, A c. $2 75 “ “ dismissory from Adntr’ n. 4 50 “ “ *• Guardianship 3 00 Leave to sell Land or Negroes 4 00 Notice to debtors and creditors 3 00 Sales of persponnl property, ten days. 1 sqr. 1 50 Sale of land or negroes by Executors, A c. 5 00 Estravs, two weeks 1 50 For a man advertising hi-' w ife (in advance) 5 00 j Letters on business must he Post Paul to entitle them to attention. VOLUME XXVI!.] GEORGIA LOTTERY! MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JULY 22, 1856. (.NUMBER «. LOTTERY 4EMUK~' CBy Authority of the State of Georgia.) CLASS 17, To be drawn in the City of Atlanta, in public, on Monday, July 28th 1856, on the HAVANA PLAN! SAM'L. SWAN & CO., Managers. PRIZES AMOUNTING TO $102,000!!: Will be distributed according to the following MAGNIFICENT SCHEME!! Erery other 7 ifket s-ur-e to draw a prize. political. til,non NUMBER 8— 15,l9u PRIZES. 1 Prize of.. $20,0110 is. ‘.0C0 I Pi ize of.. JO,(Kid is. 0,000 ] i'rize of.. J.000 is. 1,001. 1 Prize of.. 1,000 is. 1,000 a Prizes of.. 400 art e«.<: 2 Prizes of.. 220 are ■I). 10 Prizes of... 80 are 8J0 1 (HI Prizes of... 50 art 5,000 4 Pr ize* of 8200 Apr’x to $20,000 Prize are $800 4 <3o 1(1(1 do 10,000 do 40o 8 do 5!) do 1,000 do 4 Cm. 6 do 40 do 4'10 do 321 * j 8 do 3.) do 220 do 24" j 40 do 540 do 80 do 801- 15,000 do 4 amounting to 60,001 1 REASON TOGEiliER. HOLLOWAY’S PILLS! WHY ARE AYE SICK! t has been ihe lol ot the hmuau race ,o be weighed down by disease and sutTefing Hoi.i.ow av's Fills ora s,in ,ally auspint to the r lief of ihe Weak, the Nekvocs tin- Delicate.end ihe Infirm.ofall dimes, ag-fi k is, nnd eoiiMiuilinRS. PmlesMir Holloway |>er- *o ally aiLi-rinienUa ihe nr.niilarture of In. medicines I in tl:e I mlisj 8in.e>, and offers them iu a fr, e and en- | iigliteiicl |as,pie, asihr- ihe best remedy ihe world ever j saw lor the i, iiiovni ot disease. THESE PILLS PURIFY THE. BLOOD. 1 heee famous Pills are expressly combined to oper- ste on ihe Momaeti, the liver, th" kidney-, the lungs the sk.fi. sr-d the bowels, correcting any derai-gemeni in tli ir loneiioiia, purifying iIipUIismI ihe veiy fountain ot 1 fb, anil thus < nriiig disease in all its forms. 15,190 Prizes, amounting to $li 2,ode The 15‘000 Prizes of $4 are determined by the number which draws the $20,000 Prize—if that number should ho an odd number, then every odd number ticket in the Scheme will be entitled to $4 : if an even number, then every even number ticket in the Scheme will be entitled to $4, in ad dition to any other Prize which the ticket may dra-.v. Purchasers in buying an equal quantify of odd and even number tickets w ill he certain of draw ing nearly half the cost of the same, with chances 1 of obtaining other Prizes. {*f And remember every Prize is draw n at each Drawing, and paid when due without deduction! UV' All Prizes of 5*1,000 and tinder, paid inime- ! diab'ty af'*-r ihe drawing—other prizes at the usual j lime of thirty days. Bills on all solvent Banks at par. All conunu j ideations strictly confidential. The draw n num- j bars will be forwarded to purchasers immediately | after the drawing- r*T Tickets $5, Halves $2 50, Quarters 81 25 \ Prize Tickets cashed or renewed in other tickets J at either Office Orders for Tickets can he addressed either to | S. SWAN & Co., Atlanta. Ga. j or S. SWAN, Montgomery, Ala. Atlanta, Ga.. 1856. Jas. Hertv, Ag’t., Milledgeville, Ga. D1 'htrslA AXD LITER TO MPLA I.XTS. N> »rl\ half ih • humnn rnce hay Ink n Vi 1.L8. Ii tm * b«*W1 d in tui tmtlMof >h Wli rid.I»i»t untiling ha- 1 U»W:«I • to th* lit ill r.t? et* ofl diMinh'rw nf the bier d . m 1 1 il sinniHi h rc:. amis v* r***rnl1y I'lipy S'(ill* rs*DM* liottovpf milch derm wi Vl n nil t ill, r • nf r s h t * fa !• ii. 6 KSERAL DEBILITY, ILL health. Msnv of the run-i despotic Goverimir nit. haveopened their t.'iiMom Hnuec* t«> ihe infnilueiion of iliife Pills, tiia* tie . may l»« com* ll-e tin divine ef ihe masse* I. nrn- cil l'i.J ley ill adiiut Hun lies inibcini’ is the him rem ,ly eve r l.ls wn for p, rseiis i f delii nle iiuallh. or w to re the *)•»!'in ha- lireu iinpmi-d, *» .Is invigorating properue, never fid to 'iff.in! ref: f. FEMALE COMPLAINTS. No Fenialo, young ii- uld. should He w nhoiif this ecle- hrnied medicine. Ii eurreeis and ngidnt. s tlir mnitblv O' urss* ni all periods nriii.g in man\ eases like a i harm It is ills >lh-best and safest me.limit Inal ran be given to eteWr, ri t:i all ng-s. and for anv e.’inptainl; coliac* qiienllv no taiPiU .b old be wilboni it Holloway's Pi/fx arc the best remedy known in the worldfor the following diseases: .4-1 Hum, Bentons Thirty Years 1 View! composes i:y a VO&S. mHE WORK, or either volume of it, will he J. sent to any part of the State by mail, postage paid, and securely done up, on receipt of the price of subscription. 8*2 5ti vol. JXO. M. COOPER A- CO., Gen'l. Ag : t. for Georgia. Savannah, Ga. FP“ The above work can be found at the Book Store of E. J. WHITE & BRO. June 13, 1856. 3 Dr. McLANE’S CELEBRATED TEE MIFUGE LIVER PILLS. Two oft lie beat Prr j nratiom oftlie Age. They are not recom mended as Universal Cure-alls, but simply for what their name pur- B w-l 0.11*118, Cold*. (hflTft* < «» tivcneaa. ph iMtiliiy, I .iver roniplamic, [Jib, Fever unH Acne. h-wuf-B of apirili., Femal*’ rtHuj Injills. I*. H*wLieli**, tSume nr*d (travel , InrIi*r»Uoci ( ^rrotiilRry Fymp- I flwozn, lomt. I ll trnnj itiou, V* r.ereal affertion D'iiirhocs* Dmpa> , Inward w»-aknp-* Wortna of all kii»cl £7 s !d at H.e .M»io«ifar»<.rjes »»f pnif^H.ir Holm wav M»f<l n L.iri?. v\ N t.rk ant!244 Strand. L .nd..n, Hi,d bv all resfiertable I»riig i ;i.tN and D alrrsof .Medi- cino* liirooehout ihe Cnii-tl States, „rifl the civilized tHftW, in Ikixcii si 25rts 624 ctK. ami SI ea<h, {&“ Htcr^ i? ronn<ieraii3* »»a\in* hy lakn.g the larger *'■* B.— Diner km* (or the enidnncp t.f tatientN in evorv dieoriW re a/)Ix»»l lo e n r h Hmx. 13couiv M : , CONFECTIONARY & xf rttriT stouv. ff THE Subscriber would respectfully inform the citizens of Milledgeville and vicinity, that he lias on hand, and is constantly receiving fresh sup plies of CONFECTIONARY. I RITIS. Ac.. Oranges, Lemons, Pine Apples Bananas, &c. Raisins, Figs, Dates, Prunes, & e. Preserves, Jellies. Pickles, Catsup and Sardines, Soda Biscuit and Butter Crackers. Nl 18, of all kinds, for sale in any quantity. Fine Havana Cigars, Tobacco and Snuff. Dried Beet ami Beef Tongues, Bolongita Sausages. All ot which will be sold very low for Cash. 'JOHN CONN. Milledgeville, April 28, 1856. 43 tim ports. The >11 Veri expelling the o1< CONFECTIONARY EST.4 BI.ISII YI ENT ! rpHE undersigned respectfiill v announces to the L citizens of Milledgeville and its vicinity, that he has opened a (onfretionary Establhbment in this city, second door from Trennor’s corner, in ^hicL he will keep coi^*^ntIy on hand ©AwiDiiasst of the best quality, Nli'TS. ITtl'ITS, and every thing that is usually kejit iu that line. Also, Pickled Oysters, Lobsters, DRIED BEEF, CRACKERS, PRESERVES TEAS, Ac. Ac. WICKER 1MIFUGE, for Worms from human system, has •also been administered with the most satisfactory results to various animals subject to Worms. The Liver Pills, for the cure of Liver Com plaint, all Bilious De rangements, Sick Head ache, &c. Purchasers will please be particular to ask for Dr. C. McLane’s Cele brated Vermifuge and Liver Pills, prepared by lluvox. The Position of Ihe lu:r iiurin-. It has been undeistood for some time past that Martin and John Van Buret* were numbered among the supporters of Mr. Buchanan, and ive have waited to as certain distinctly the grounds on which they proposed to stand in the contest be fore making any allusion to the fact. We should be uneandid if we did not say that if we had f and them supporting Mr. Bu chanan, hut opposing and repudiating the democratic platform on which he stands, we should have felt it our duty to the par ty to regard them as in the same category with Colonel Benton. Such, however, is not the. case; they come forward and take their position on the democratic platform, and propose to give an earnest support to the candidate, who lias adopted and endors ed its princ iples. In a late letter of the elder Van Bnren he defines his position at length, and from it we make one or two extracts, that the grounds on which he supports 51r. Buchanan may be distinctly understood. It is hardly nece-sary to add, j that whilst we diftei from Mr. Van Buion in regard to the justice and propriety of the repeal ot the Missouri Compromise, we are gratified to find that he regards the Kansas act with more favor than he did when it n as passed, as will appear in the following paragraph from his letter: “I am free to confess that I have for some time past regarded this act with more favor than I did when it was first presented to my consideration as the in strument by which the Missouri Compro mise was overthrown, 'i bis may have arisen from the fact that 1 have felt my self compelled to regard it as the only at- tainable mode by which the country can hope to be relieved from the injurious and demoralizing effects or slavery agitation; or it may have been produced by tlie great unanimity with which its principles have been adopted, in all parts oftlie country,by a political party in which 1 have been rear ed, and upon the maintenance of which, in its wonted purity, I conscientiously be lieve the future welfare of the country will depend. I believe, also, that the people ot the free Btates, when the resentment justly excited by the repeal oftlie Mis souri Compromise has subsided, and more especially when they shall have witnessed a fair and peaceable execution of the pro visions of that act, will generally regard it as a mode for the settlement of slavery <]ttcst!ons, by which they will stand a bet ter chance to have their feelings and opinions upon the subject respected, and one less exposed to extraneous and im proper influences than has been the case with specific congressional legislation.” 1 he following concluding paragraphs of Mr. \ an Buren’s letter will find a hearty and eordial response in every national bosom: “Mr. Buchanan, in his letter of accept ance, pledges lumsell to the people, ‘should the nomination oftlie convention be rati fied by tbe people, that all the power aim influence constitutionally possessed by the Executive shall be exerted in a firm but conciliatory spirit, during the single teiiii be shall remayi in office, to restate the same harmony among tbe sister States which prevailed before the apple of din- cord, in the form of slavery agitation, had been cast into their midrt.’ He knows that this pledge can c redeemed in but one way, and that is by securing to tbe bona fide settlers of tbe Territory, if mat ters should be allowed to remain as they now stand, the full, free, and practical en joyment oftlie rights intended to be grant ed to them by tbe organic act, including that ot tree suffrage, and no one will un derstand better than he that nothing short ot the substance of those rights would an swer the purpose or satisfy the excited and vigilant scrutiny of those who will watch every step that is taken in the mat ter. Doubts were at one time thrown out —I know not from what quartei—in re gard to the power of the Executive to give this security; but affairs now in progress show that these doubts,if they ever existed, have been dispelled.The constitution makes reared and expects to spend the evening of his life, can fail to peifonn Ids entne duty when the path that leads to it is so plain that ‘the wayfaring man, though a fool, could not err therein,’ is a consum mation that I am very certain can never be realized.” AYe find the position of John Van Buren clearly laid down in a Fpeech of great force and eloquence delivered at a mass meet ing oftlie Empire Club, in New York, on Tuesday evening, tbe 8th instant. If our available space would'allow, we should publish the whole speech; but at. present we can only find room for so much of it as relates to the democratic platf nn, the Kansas question, and the pacification bill passed by the Senate: “1 am told that, in looking at tlie- resolu tions of that convention, they have been able to discover that they pledge the deni- ociatic organization to the extension of slavery to free territory. I have read these iesolutions carefully, and with what l.ttlc intelligence i have been able to ap ply to them I can find no such thing in them. I offer a reward, now, to any ot these highly-intelligent republican gentle men to point me—not to an outrage in Kan sas. not to a scuffle in Washington, not to an improper speech or improper newspa per article—but to a line or sentenance in tbe Cincinnati resolutions which advocates or encourages the extension of slavery to free territory. [Applause.] The resolu tions oftlie Cincinnati Convention may well be divided into two classy: Eiist, those which expre-s an opinion upon what is past; and second, those which lay down rules for the government of the adminis tration that is to come in, and the party which is to support that administration for the future. You will all readily see that where the convention speak of the first, they speak f r themselves and express their own opinions. To illustrate what I mean, and not intending to express any opinion upon it, the convention unanimous ly endorsed the administration of President Pierce. 1 hey had a light so to endorse it, and he will receive- that endorsement as the judgment of intelligent, able, patri otic men, expressed, very likely, after ma ture reflection. But it is a notorious fact that in the State of New Yoik there ate a very large number of democrats—and no doubt a very considerable number of them present here to-night—who difier from that opinion. [Laughter.] That is a mat ter of opinion as to the past. It is the] opinion of the convention. It is entitled | to the respect to which I have adverted, j hut it is by no means necessarily the opin ion of myself, who choose to support the ticket, notwithstanding this expression of opinion. But when the convention come to speak of the future, they then lay down rules for the government ot the administra tion, and they lay down rules for the gov ernment of the party. While I am a- ware that it is entirely possible for a man to support the ticket and oppose the reso lution of the convention; while 1 know that it is practicable to suppo-t the ticket and spit on the platform, fLaughter,] 1 am one of 'hose who believe that if a man in good faith disagrees to a piuciple of impor tance laid down by the convention, he ought not in good faith to support the can didate presented by the convention. [ t lies of “Good, good,” and applause ] 1 believe that principles are of more impor tance than the candidates. 1 believe that the party should be homogeneous. I be lieve that the man who enters an associa tion secretly or openly intending to v io late the bond that holds them together is a traitor to the organization of which he is a member. I would never support a par ty unless I approved all tbe impoitant principles that were presented in the par ty conventions. What then, are the res olutions of this Cincinnati Convention? I would not undertake, of course, to detain you by a minute recital of all these reso lutions, and explaining each of them, but 1 must call your attention to one or two, winch I think are of paramount import ance—I allude, in the first place, to those resolutions which advert to the subject of slavery. I understand it to propose that it the express duty of the federal Execu- j lierealter, in the organization of the terri- tive to see that ‘the laws are faithfully ex-! torics as well as in the legislation of (Jon- eeuted,’ and he is clothed with powers ad- j g'ess, the whole subject of slavery should equate to its performance. be withdrawn from congressional action. ill Air. Buchanan, if elected, redeem j I understand them to hold that it is not his pledge? I believe he will, and there-1 proper to make slavery the subject of na- forc 1 will cheerfully support him. All | iional political discussion; and I under- that can be asked of him is to do equal ! stand them to say, as they said honestlv in right of self-government. The people who are there are the people who are to den i- mine the destinies of that State. They have a right to do it under the Kansas act, and they have a right to do it independ ent of the Kansas act, perhaps. Again: a law has been introduced by Senator Douglas w hich provides for the election of members to a convention te determine whether Kansas shall come into this con federacy, form a State constitution, or not; and it they then determine that she shall, it then provides that they shall form a State constitution. This election is to be bekl in November. The bill is drawn up with extraordinary care. It abolishes all those laws which have been the subject of so much declamation in this State. It abolishes all the oaths that are required to support the fugitive-slave law of Kansas, and it abolishes all the special qualifies tions in regard to voters. It abolishes not only all these things, but it abolishes all the laws that interfere with the freedom oftlie press, and prohibits the Kansas leg islature from re-enacting them. It pro vides also that the people who have been driven out of the Territory, if any sue! there shall be, shall, on their return and proof of the fact, be allowed to vote. The bill provides for tbe appointment of com missioners, whose duty it shall be to as certain the vote. 1 say that the bill is a just and reasonable one. No man who is in favor of the pacification of Kansas would be opposed to it, and the great ob- ieetiun urged against it is, that it would make Kansas a slaveholding Btate. For one moment J will consider that question. You are well aware that, as a national publicity is given to my remarks, when I speak in this confidential way, [laughter,] it is quite as well that I should say what would not injure Air. Buchanan at the (South, and what would not injure him at the North, and, therefore, in the present state of the subject, I do not deem it nec essary to consider the question whether it would make a slave or a free State. But I say this—that if it would make a slave State, the opponents of Buchanan at the South cannot object to it. 51 r. Seward proposes to admit Kansas now into the Lnion with a State constitution, under or in defiance of which the people of Kansas, if it was adopted, might next November do exactly what Douglas’s bill now au thorizes them to cfo by law. The State of New loik, or any other Slate in the confederacy has an unquestionable right, by an alteration of the constitution, to es- tabli.-h slavery if it chooses, if Kansas were admitted under the Topeka constitu tion, it might establish slavery in Novem in my extension of slavery. The influence of the small but compact and powerful class of men interested in slavery, who command one section of the country, and- wield a vast political control, as a consequence, in the other, is now directed to turn this im pulse of the revolution and reverse its prin ciples. The extension of slavery across the continent is the object of the power which no w rules the government; and from this spirit have sprung those kindred wrongs in Kansas so truly portrayed in one of your resolutions, which prove that the elements of the most arbitrary govern ments have not been vanquished by tbe just theory of our own. It would l>e out of place here to pledgeim'- self to any particular policy that maybe suggested to terminate the sectional enn- tioversy engendered by political animos ities, operating on a powerful class band ed together by a common interest. A practical remedy is the admission of Kan sas iuto the Union as a free State. The Soth should in my judgment, earnestly desire such consumation. It would vindi cate the good faith—it would correct the mistake of the repeal; and the North, hav ing practically the benefit of the agree ment between the two sections, would be satisfied, and good feeling be restored.— The measure is perfectly consistent with the honor of the South, and vital to its in terests. That fatal act which gave birth to this purely sectional strife, originating in the scheme to take from free labor tlie country secured to it by a solemn covenant, cannot be too soon disarmed of its prenicious force. Tbe only geneial region oftlie middle lat itudes left to tbe emigrants of the northern btates for homes cannot be conquered from the free laborers, who have long consider ed it as set apart for them in our inberi- tence, without provoking a desperate strug gle. 55 hat ever may be the preeistence of tbe particular class which seems ready to hazard everything for the success oftlie unjust scheme it has partially effected, I firmly believe the great heart of the nation, which throbs with the patriotism of the freemen of both sections, will have power to overcome it. They will look to the right secured to them by the constitu tion oftlie Union as their lest safeguard from the oppression of the class, which, hv a monoploy of the soil and of slave labor to till it, might in time reduce them to the ex tremity of laboring upon tbe same terms with the slaves. The great body of non- slavelicldiiig freemen, including those of the South, upon whose welfare slavery is an oppression, will discover that the power of the general government over the public her next. Nothing, in my judgment, j lands may be "beneficially exerted to ad- could be more fatal to the cause ot free- i vance their interests and secure their in- dmn than the admission of a State with a depence. Knowing this, their suffrages free constitution, to be changed to slai r-' v } ,viii not be wanting to maintain that in tour mouths after such admission. 55 ill j authority in the Union which is ahsolnte- any honest or just man deny that the peo- ] | v essential to the mainteneeof their own pie w ho a re in Kansas now have just as j liberties, ami w hich has more than once much right to take part in the formation indicated the purpose of disposing oftlie GjVYWYD of varioi; BASKET: liic Js. am] CKIIDRFN'S CARRIAGES, L' ri'lcs id; :.v q(iter thing* too numerous to men tion. He has a a so set i.j JL i l the Lit-50 ami i '.fut improved eonstniction. and ii I.v furnislr - It:.- e-iisiomers with confessedly the . ■•■si .-(“Ua ‘A ater il.sr li;,s ever 1 cen |u pari d in JHi.lcI-jev.lic. in, lo'di-x will fun! lliis mal'hful •leverage 'cry i-«j| ami telre-iii.ig during thus hot weather, and the uv | determin'd to keep lus es'aiH.-v. no'iit hi call a. manner as to de serve t.n-ir paiwitfcge. My Ice Cream Saloon w i'J 1,. , vmorrnw. ,,... , WM - B FERRELL. Miiledgcvihe. July 1st., I-..4, <• ,f GEORGIA FEMALE COLLEGE. { 10MMLXCEMEXT at this College is nut held V until late in October Fupi « may yet avail themselves of the ndvan- teg - in rlimate, location and facilities for iustriie- t'jin which are here presented. 1 union is charge] from the time the pupil en- t 'rs to the close of the term GEO. Y. BROWNE, Preis’t. Madison, j„ij. j st 1,055. 6 .It ’V 5' \v m-‘<u\i\ V'Tiwrr ’ ■' ■' lut.im article for the Toilet, is now Ibr sale, at Uni very low price of 5!l cents per Bottle, E J. WHITE A BRO Bv sole proprietors, Pitts burgh, Pa., and take no other, as there are various other preparations now before the public, pur porting to be Vermifuge and Lwcr Pills. All others, in comparison with Dr. McLane’s, are worthless. Tne genuine McLane’s Vermifuge and Lwcr O Pills can now be had at all respectable Drug Stores. FLEMING BRO’S, CO 55'ood St., Pittsburgh, Pa. Sole Proprietors. Sroril Sc Mead, No. Ill Charles >t N, w Owe-us General Wholesale Agents for the Southern States, to whom all Orders must he addressed. ! Sold by E J. White; Jas. Hertv; Wm. L White A. Co, Milledgeville: Geo. Payne. E. L. Strohekt r, Macon; I Newell, Gordon: Beall & Chambers. Lvnton; W. H. Burnett, Sparta; Z. (tray, Sandersvillc; Long A’ Durham. Jeff-rson- ville; N. S Prnden, Eatonton; llnrd A Hun- gerfnrd, Monticello; and by one agent in every town in the State. [march 25, ’56. ]y Just received ficm the PUiin 'i'caCo. An assortment of excellent Tea, put up in f. A & lib Packages, and for Sale by E. J WHITE. aurl exact justice to every section ot the country, to exercise the high powers with which he will be invested to secuie tbe ob ject in view, as well because it will he right so to do, as because there may be reason to fear that the existence of the government itself may depend upon his se curing it. So much has been said in re gard to the clangers with which the Union is threatened as to require no inconsidera ble effort on tbe part of an earnest man to touch upon the solemn theme for Tear he might be suspected of a desire to prosti tute it to comparatively petty purposes. But all must admit it to be certain that there never was a period in the history of tins republic when sectional animosities were so rife, or had, to so great an extent, inflamed the masses of the people. “If the confederacy shall piove strong enough to withstand these torrents of hit ter waters, it will afford the best evidence that the love of the Union is as deeply im pressed upon the American heart as its most sanguine friends Lave imagined it to be. I see good grounds for hope that such may be the happy issue out of our present alarming condition, in the prospect of 3Ir Buchanan’s election. He is neither an untried man or one of ordinary stamp. He has for a long time been favorably known to the public service, and comes before the country with a character already formed, and a mind thoroughly trained in the school of experience. In regard to the fu ture action of such a man, his constituents are not left to conjecture and hope, but may form positive opinions, lie has es tablished a foreign reputation, in regard to which he cannot fail to be solicitous. He has, with charactheristic good sense, re lieved himself from the imputation of be ing influenced by a desire to conciliate any special or partial interests, with a view to a ^-election, and his acts from miscon structions, which the suspicion of being so influenced might engender. That a man with such antccedcnts.and occupying such a position, acting in a matter of sufficient interest to attract the attention of the world, and in the presence of a fiee and intelligent people, among whom he w as 1^52, and reiterate now, that “we will re sist the agitation of the slavery question, iu or out of Congress, under whatever color or pretext that agitation may be bad?” [Applause] To these resolutions I cordially subscribe. 1 regard them as a covenant made by the members of the pai- ty, North, bouth, East, and 55’ost, to w hich they should adhere as one of the in cidents to membership in the democratic party. I regard them as the platform laid dow'ti in 1852 by both the great polit ical parties of the country. 1 understand that as the platform upon which 1 took my position at Tammany Hall, at the time at w hich if was laid down at the first meet ing of the Democracy to ratify the nomi nation of President Pierce. I announced then that 1 believed tbe State of New fork would stand upon it. She did stand upon it, and the people of the whole coun- tiy, w ith insignificant exceptions, stood upon it. It was a platform of peace—it w as a platform of affection and love—it w as a platform of mutual respect and hon or, and it was a plat from of the constitu tion, essential to tlio preservation of this Union. I should be glad to know what excuse any democrat of the State of New 3’oik. who stood upon this platform in !."’02, lias for not standing upon it now. [Applause.] The only practical applica tion of tliis platform to tbe present day is in legat'd to the Territory of Kansas 1 do not propose to detain you by discuss ing Kansas. 1 attach some importance to the United Sates. I attach some impor tance to the countries of the world. 1 at tach some importance to tbe white people of our own country. [ Applause.J In re gard to Kansas, I think proper to say, that w liile I greatly disapprove the repeal of the prohibition of slavery in that Territory, yet, as a constitutional act. Congress bad a right to repeal it, if they choose so to do. They had the power to do it. '1 here were not one hundred people in the Territory when it was done. The}' threw open the settlement of the great Territories of Kan sas and Nebraska, and there are now some 40,000 or 50,00(1 people there, invited un der a constitutional act, to exercise the of a State constitution as the people who w ent there six moots agi>? Shall those who took a snap judgment in Topeka have a special privilege to make a constitution for the people that were tardy in getting to Kansas from Massachusetts, Connecti cut, South Carolina. New York, or anv other State? No! It is but an act of com mon justice and fairness to allow the ac tual settlors of the Territory to frame the State consti.sution; and the bill ot'3Ir. Douglas, in my bumble opinion, guards tin* privileges of the actual settlers with great care, and satisfies everybody, except the persons who want to make a trade of the slavery agitation. [Applause.] I have thus adverted, gentlemen, to some, of the resolutions and the platform of the democratic party.” I’o!. rrrmoui’s Lciter nf Arrrplanrr. New York July 8, 1S56. Gentlemen: 3'ou call ine to a high re sponsibility by placing me in tbe van of a great movement of the people of the United States, who w ithout regard to past differences, are uniting in a common effort to bring back the action of the fed eral government to the principles of Wash ington and Jefferson. Comprehending the magnitude oftlie trust which they have declared themselves willing to place iu my hands, and deeply sensible to the honor which their unreseved confidence in this threataning position of the public affai s implies, I feel that I cannot better re spond than by a sincere declaration, that, in the event of my election to the presiden cy, I should enter upon the execution of its duties with a singla hearted determin ation to promote the good of the whole country, and to direct solely to this end all the power cf the government, irrespective of party issues and regardless of sectional strifes. The declaration of principles ini- bodied in the resolves of your convention expressess the sentiments in which 1 have been educated and which have been ripened into convictions by personal observation and experience. 55’ith this declaration and avowal, I think it necessary to revert to only two of the subjects embraced in the resolutions, and those only, because events have surrounded them with grave and crit- cal circumstances, and given to them es pecial importance: I concur in the views of the convention de precating the foreign policy to w hich it adverts. The assumption that we have the right to take from another nation its domains because we want them is anabnn- donient of the honest character which our country has acquired. To provoke hos tilities by unjust assumptions would be to sacrifice the peace and character of the country, when all its inteiests might be more certainly secured and its objects at tained by just and healing counsels, involv ing no loss of reputation. International embarrassments are main ly tbe result ofa secret diplomacy, which aims to keep from the knowledge of the peojile the operations of the government. 'I his system is inconsistent with the char acter of our institutions,and is itself yield ing gradually to a more enlightened public opinion, a t nd to the power of a tree press, which by its broad dissemination of politi cal intelligence, secures in advance, to the side of justice, the judgment oftlie civiljz- ed world. An honest, firm, and open policy in our foreign relatisns would coni n' and the united support of the nation, whose deliberate opinions it would necessa rily retied. Nothing is clearer in the history of our institutions than the design of the nation, in asserting its own independence and free dom, to avoid giving countenance to the public lands in sueli a way as would make every settler upon them a freeholder. It the people intrust to me the adminis tration of the government, the laws of Congress in relation to the Territories will be faithfully executed. All its authority w ill be exerted in aid of the. national will to re-establish the peace of the country on the just principles which have heretofore received the sanction of the federal govern ment, of the States, and of the people of b’ltli sections. Such a policy would leave no aliment to that sectional party which seeks its aggrandizement by appropriating the new Territories to capital in the form of slavery, but would inevitably result in the triumph of free labor—the natural capital which constitutes the real wealth of ibis great country, and creates that in telligent power in the masses alone to be relied on as the bulwark of free institu tions. Trusting that I have a heart capable of comprehending our whole country, with its varied interests, and confident that patriot ism exists in all parts of the Union, I ac cept the nomination of your convention, in the hope that 1 may be enabled to serve usefully its cause, which I consider the cause of constitutional freedom. 5’ery respectively, your obedient servant, J.C. EUE3IONT. To 3Iessrs. H. S. Lane, president of the convention; Janies 31. Ashley, Anthony J. Bleecker, Joseph C. Hornblower, E. E. Hoar, ThaddeusStephens, Kingsley S. Bingham. John A. Willis, 0. F. (Jle- laud. Cyrus Aldrich, committee, &c. Col. Fremont's Letter ot Arrcptanre—Ihe Issue of Onion or Disunion Aluiie up. Colonel Fremont is now up for the presi dential race, and sets out on the novel ex periment of riding two horses at the same time. lie has some celebrity as an eques- tram, and he will have still more if he suc ceeds in his present feat. His acceptance of the North American nomination spear ed some days ago. That required but lit tle time to arrange, but tbe response to the abolition Union soldiers who met at J’liila- delpliia required more care and circum spection. It will be found in another column, and a more ingenious specimen of demagogism was never concoccted by those master spirits of sectional agitation, 3Iessrs. Seward, Greelv, and Blair. Of course Colonel Fremont is made to endorse the principles of the abolition convention which nominated him. I11 regard to our foreign policy. Colon el Fiemont assumes that there is a party in tins country which maiutaines the doc trine that it is right to take whatever new territory we may want by a resort to force, and lie very emphatically repudiates such doctrine as inconsistent with national hon or. If there is any point in this portion of the letter, it w as intended to insinuate that 3Ir. Buchanan put foith this doctrine in the Ostend document. Such is the ap plication of the letter made by the New York Evening Host. The answer to it is, that Colonel Fremont has grossly pervert ed and misrepresented the doctrine of that document. It contains no such sentiment, but the doctrine w hich it does announce is one which no one who values the preservation of our government as the highest duty cf every citizen can either deny or controvert. That doctrine is, that when our government is satisfied that our own self-preservation makes it necessary to acquire Cuba to avoid our own destruction as a nation, we have the right, and it will he our duty, to save our own existence by buying the island if we can, and if this cannot done, then by re sorting to force. It would not be expected that a candi date for the presidency, whose principle* lead unavoidably to the destruction of the Union, would approve a doctrine which rests upon the deepest devotion to its per petuity. It was, therefore, meet and proper for the candidate ofa party which ignores one half of the confederacy to pledge himself that, if the Union could net be saved from dissolution except by tak ing territory identified by its location and institutions with the ignored section, he would sooner let the Union go than resort to the first law of nature—the law of self- preservation. Fortunately, the democrats have a candidadate who stands upon the doctrine that “the federal Union must be preserved,” and who has a heart that em braces in its throbs the South as well as the North. '1 lie other subject on which Colonel Fremont avows his cordial concurrence w ith the abolition convention is iu regard to the slavery question. That convention lays down the doctrine that neither Con gress, nor the territorial legislatures, nor individuals, nor associations of individuals, can give legal ex'stence to slavery within our I erritories so long as the constitution lasts. It follows from this doctrine that slavery cannot exist constitutional any where within the United States except where it existed when the constitution was formed. 35’e have the same constitution now that w e had w hen Florida, Louisiana, and Texas were acquireed; and hence upon Col. Fremont’s principle, slavery has no valid existence in these States formed from those Territories. The same doctrine leads to the conclusion that slavery cannot have a legal existence in Kansas, w hether the people there will it or not; and hence the only suggestion he has to make for the settlement of thcKans as question is tho admission of the Territory as a free State. Col Fremont therefore, stands upon the ground that there cannot and shall not be any additional States admitted into the Union which tolerate slavery. He stands pledged by his letter to carry out this principle in the event of his election as President; and hence it matters nothing with him if every man, woman, and child in Kansas should desire that the State should come in as a slave State—the con stitution, as Colonel Fremont construes it, must exclude them. His doctrine goes even further: if Kansas were admitted to morrow as a free State the people could not afterwards change their constitution and laws so as to give legal existence to slave ry. Still further, upon the same doctrine, Col. Fremnt would pronounce every slave in Florida, Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, and 3Iissonri, now to be illegally held to service. The language of the platform which he endorses, and which he pledges himself to carry out, bears no other fair construction. This isopen and undisguised disunion; and yet Col. Fremont allows himself to be de luded with the idea that he can find sym pathy, even in the South with the great mass of the population who are not owners of slaves. He ad ops and reiterates the insuiectionary suggestion and appeal, made by 31r. Seward and reiterated by his followers, to the supposed jealousies and interests of the southern non-slave-owners. He, too. is more than a demagogue when he talks about the southern slaveholders as a class banded together, w ith interests antagonistic to those of their neighbors who own no slaves, and by the power of their capital ruling the masses. 55’e do not object to the issues which Col. Fre mont’s councellors have induced him to make tip b}’ his letter. It is a point to which abolitionism, combined with know- nothingism at the North, has been rapiuly drifting for the hast tw r o years. No better time can be found to make a final trial of the strength of the Union than the present. 55’liilst we deeply regret that tho mad spirit of fanat icism should render such a trial necessary, yet, since the issue is un avoidable, we say let it come, and let. it come now. The only thing we desire, in order to make victory sure, is, that every national Union-loving man shall see and feel what is the real issue, and what is at stake. Col. Fremont’s letter, iu connex ion w ith the principles of the party which he endorses, and the known disunion sentiments aud purposes of the leaders w ho control him, leaves no man room further to mi^indi stand the true issue. Col. Fremont's Financial Credit.—Col. Fremont’s rumored possessions of fabulous wealth are not credited in 55 r all street, if the annexed statement of the Journal of Com merce may be believed: “The failure of the State of California to provide for thb payment of the interest due on her bonds, July 1st, has excited much attention. We refrained from mak ing any remarks upon it yesterday, be cause there was a plan on foot to raise the money here, and for obvious reasons, we do not wish to interfere, although doubtful of its success. The plan was for Col. Fre mont, who has business connections more or less intimate with Palmer, Cook A. Co. to raise the money upon his personal securi ty. His uotes, or memoranda of them, were accordingly offered all through the market hy note brokers, but without find ing any buyers. However attractive the name might he in capitals at the head of a campaign paper, it had no market value at the foot of I. (). U., and the plan has been reluctantly abanoned. The state of Cali fornia is t herefore a defaulter.” Amusing.—The following incident we had from a friend who knew the party: Deacon C , of Hartford, (Conn.) is well known as being provided with an en ormous handle to his countenance, in the shape of a huge nose. On a late occasion, when taking up a collection in the church to which he belonged, as be passed through the congregation every person to whom he presented the box seemed to be possessed bv a sodden and uncontrollable desire to laugh. The deacon did not know what to make of it. He had often passed it round before, hut no such effects had he witness ed. The deacon was fairly puzzled. The secret, however, came out. lie had been afflicted a day or two with a sore on his nasal appendage, and had placed a piece ot sticking plaster over it. During the morning of the day in question the plaster had dropped off, anil the deacon seeing it, as he suposed, on the floor picked it up and stuck it on again. But, alas! he pick ed up instead one of the pieces of paper which the manufacturers of spool cotton paste on the end of every spool, and which read, “5Varranted to hold ou t200 yards.” Such a sign on such a nose was enough to upset the gravity of any congregation. History informs us tt'it Mr. Buchanan was bit terly opposed to the war of 1812.—Pittsburg Jour- nai. He was so bitterly opposed to it that he threw down bis law books, took the sti.mp, and made his first speech to rouse the people of Lancaster to arms, raised a company, shouldered his musket, and marched to the defence of Baltimore. That is the way. a patriot opposes a war in which his country is engaged; and such was the beginning ot James Buchanan's public and illustrious career [New Horen Register